The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 14, 1932, Page 4

€ Pubdlissed by the Comprogaiiy Publishing (a, inc, daily except Sunday, at 60 Kast Sth St, New-York City, N. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.* By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two modth’. $1; excepling Bursighs”” Address and mati all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. of Menhattan and Bronx. New York City. Foreign: one year. Ry BURCK HONOLULU AND SCOTTSBORO By L. AMTER law, Mrs. Fortescue of New York, 0 se n, were recently on trial in Hono- r the murder of a colored Hawaiian work- is charged with having “assaulted” and ped” Mrs. Massie. Lieutenant Massie con- fessed the shooting to death of the Hawaiian. three other whites were convicted of which bears a sentence of one to yea Nine Scottsboro Negro boys were accused of having “raped” two white prostitutes in the south Alabama, With a crowd howling outside the thouse, with no evidence but that of the itutes, the nine Scottsboro boys were ed, despite their denial, which could not They were sentenced to die on the chair. colored Hawaiian has been shot to death 1¢ two white prostitutes are still alive, plying inflicted on them by the vicious boss ken he jury in Honolulu was out, and it me clear that although of mixed color—seven e Chinese, two Hawaiians—they g in a verdict of guilty, steps were to have the white defendants freed. roduced into the U. S. House of ves by Congressman Crisp, Demo- of Georgia! This bill reads in part: ‘Therefore be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives that Lieutenant Thom- as H> Massie, Mrs. Granville Fortescue, Albert G. Jones and E. K. Lord, be and they are hereby { Granted a full and complete pardon for the of- the unlawful killing of Joseph Kahahawai, for which offense they were recently convicted in the Territorial Court at Honolulu.” Representative Thatcher, Republican, of Ken- tucky © introduced a petition “imploring” Gov- } ernor Judd of Hawaii to pardon the four white murderers. Congressman Delaney appealed to Hoover to pardon them, Senator Logan, Demo- erat, of Kentucky; Senator, Lewis, Democrat, of Illinois; Senator Borah,Republican, of Idaho, fa- vored the bill!’ The Brooklyn Women’s Constitu- tional Hoover-Curtis Committee demanded that Hoover and the U. S. Congress “set aside the verdict and hereby render justice and remove the ‘degradation’ placed on the United States flag “in the territory of Hawaii.” Before the verdict was brought in by the New York American, in a vicious product of the slave-driving mind and of William Randolph Hearst, declared that the murder not only was justified, but that, although “the husband of Mrs. Massie does NOT deny the avenger’s role”, it is NOT murder. “His ac- quittal,” it says, “will have sanction in the deci- sion of the Supreme Court of the United States.” This was because Massie is a white, a lieutenant of the U. S. Navy, and Kahahawai is a colored ‘Hawaiian worker. The shooting of colonials and ‘Negroes is not only a practice, but is “sanctioned ‘in the decisions of the U. S. Supreme Court.” “Hawaii is not a white man’s country,” says the ew York Evening Post, because Massie has been | convicted of manslaughter on his own confession. the jury, editorial, practices WHO IS A LIAR, MR. DOAK? By MB. WORKERS’ delegation saw Secretary of Labor Doak in Washington on Tuesday. The delegation demanded the immediate release of Edith Berkman. ~Edith Berkman is held--for~ deportation by the Department of Labor. ‘be-. cause she participated in last year’s struggle’of the Lawrence textile workers against a wage cut put through by the American ‘Woolen Co. ‘The workers’ delegation told Secretary Doak that his department though allegedly represent- ing the interests of labor in the administration, is in reality the administration department of strikebreaking .and workers’ deportation. The delegation pointed out to Mr. Doak that his posi- tion as Secretary of Labor in the Hoover cabinet is characteristic of Mr. Hoover. It told the Sec- retary, that as a mine manager Mr. Hoover had discovered that men were cheaper than timber, and that as president he had: discovered ‘Doak as Secretry of Labor. This simple statement of facts aroused Mr. Doak to fury. The press reports him as shout- ing: “I don’t care what you say about me, but you are not to tell lies about the president.” Unfortunately for Mr. Doak his outburst is not rooted in facts. The facts speak so loud that the accusation of liar out of the mouth of Sec- retary Doak are thrown back to his ears as an unwelcome echo. According to Mr. Doak it is a He to say that Mr. Hoover discovered that miners’ lives are cheaper than timber. We will let Mr. Hoover himself speak on that subject. Mr. Herbert C. Hoover, in a paper read before the Institute of Mining and Metallurgy ‘ in London on July 19, 1902, declared: “The disregard of human life permits cheap ‘mining by economy in timber, and the aggrieved “gelatives (of the miners killed because of the saving of timber M. P., are amply compensated by the regular ‘payment of $30 (Mexican) oe man lost.” “Mr. Doak, Secretary of Labor, representative of Yiabor in the cabinet of Herbert Hoover, you dealled the workers’ delegation ars when they {told you about Mr. Hoover what they knew out wot the mouth of Mr. Hoover himself. Will you apologizé to the delegation? Of course we know that in approved imperiaiist ELECTION CAMPAIGN must also be based upon @ wide application of the united front. There are huge numbers of workers in ‘this country who, while not yet ready to join the Party as members, can nevertheless be drawn into active support of it in the election work. But to accomplish this the tactics of the united front must be skillfully used. Here again we must bé very muchon our guard to avoid the sec- tarianism and formalism that the Central Com~ mittee’s resolution so sharply warns us against. In the campaign it will be possible for us to set up broad united fronts of workers generally in support of our whole election program. Here the question of the united front in the shops plays a central role. If we are systematic in linking our election campaign with the burning grievances of the workers and making it a part of their daily struggle it will be easy to make them understand the value of supporting our ticket through “Vote Communist” committees in the shops. But if we try to develop such united front committees simply upon # loose and gen- eral propaganda basis we may be sure the re- sults will be virtually nil. Moreover, it will be possible for us to develop @ whole series of united front committees and movements based on various individual ‘cate- gories of workers, farmers, etc. Such united | fronts, taking as their starting points the most | burning grievances of these groups, must be ! developed and extended so as to draw these mas~ , 8es into support of our ticket and activities gen- | erally. . We must, for example, show to the foreign- born workers that if they want to fight against the deportation outrage they must unite behind the ticket of the Communist Party, and the same with other categories. On this basis wide united front movements can be developed among | the unemployed, the Negro masses, A. F. of L. | unions, poor farmers, women, the youth, radical intellectuals, ete,, which draw huge numbers pf these masses and their organizations not only into the support of our ticket but of our ac- tivities in general.” In the same manners we™ can make individual issues of our six plat- form demands, such as unemployment insurance, fashion you will contend that Mr. Hoover only spoke about Chinamen. Yes, Chinamen, Mr. Doak, Chinamen, but men, human beings, work- ers, as useful as you, and more so, as good as -you,-Mr.—Doak .and. better. » Recognizing your imperialist contempt for ali men not white, like yourself, Mr. Doak (We sup- pose that you consider yourself white) we will tell you that Mr. Hoover.did not differentiate be- tween white and yellow workers, When Mr. Hoover is not dealing in nationalist phrases for demagogic political purposes, when he is just a promoter, he only recognizes two kinds of people in the world. Those who are devoted to “the great science of getting the most money out of osher human beings,” and those “idiots who parted with it” (their money M. B.) These are Mr. Hoover’s own words. As a plain capitalist Mr. ‘Hoover divides the humans in two’ classes: ‘Those who make profits for the workers, black, white; yellows,etc., whose duty it is to produce theprofits for:the capitalists. And the workers ‘Mr. Hoover treats rough, irrespective of the color of their skin. The records of the Australian government are full of evidence to the effect that Mr. Hoover's motto as a mine manager there was: men are cheaper than timber. One of Hoover’s sub- ordinates in Australia indignantly wrote to him that all his firm was interested in was dividends and that therefore no timber is being provided to maintain the mines safe for working. In China and in Australia, Mr. Hoover's motto always remained: Men are cheaper than timber. Incidentally, as Secretry of Labor and chief deporter of alien workers from the shores of the United States you should also know that Herbert Hoover in Australia-was the most per- sistent. advocate and practitioner of importation of -gheap foreign Jabor against the native’ Aus- tralian iminers. ‘While-ignorance’is supposedly a privilege free to every ‘good American, yet,’ you Mr. Doak, should “not ‘remain ignorant about the ante- cedents of your present chief. If you persist in nursing your evident ignorance about these things your accusation of liar to people who tell the truth about’ President Hoover will con- tinue to confront you with the embarassing question: WHO IS A LIAR, MR, DOAK? Before the Conventions of Our Enemies The United Front in the Election Campaign By WM. Z. FOSTER. fense of the U.S. S. R., etc., the basis of solid united front election work. Build the Party and Mass Organizations ‘The election campaign must develop as a huge recruiting campaign for our Party, the YCL and the non-Party revolutionary mass organizations. With the tremendous radicalization of the workers and the desperate efforts of reactionary demagogues of every social fascist and fascist hue to get the leadership of them, the question of our drastically strengthening our organization becomes a life and death one. Our present or- ganizational weakness is absolutely intolerable in the face of the readiness of the masses for struggle and their growing sympathy for our program. We must at all costs build our organ- izations and this election campaign provides the best opportunity we have ever had. The Party must launch an intense recruiting drive. This must be kept up all through the election period with the utmost vigor. It must permeate and saturate every phase of the work, It must be based on the shops and the building of shop nuclei. The question’ of drawing new members into the Party must never be lost sight of for a moment in our thousands of election meetings, demonstrations, etc. It must be by far the greatest membership drive we have ever made. ‘The opportunity is now here to triple or quad- ruple the Party membership easily and to make our Party a major factor in the class struggle. And what I have said about the Party goes doubly for the YCL. It is criminal the way we neglect the organization of the youth. We are surrendering the young workers offhand to the fascists and social-facists. The present election campaign must put an end to this fatal ten- dency and build the YCL into a strong and Growing body. By the same token all the revolutionary non- Party. mass organizations must be built. All of them—Trade Union Unity League, International ~ Labor Defense, International Workers Order, etc. —should, during the campaign, carry on the Tost active recruitment of members. They should draw in many thousands of members, ‘and they can do it easily. If they, do this, if UR white imperialists, Lieutenant Massie, his | fense of manslaughter based on the charge of | ganda and planning of And the result of this white chauvinist propa- the United States gov- ernment to put Hawaii under strictest :military control, in view of the mixed population of the island, and the growing danger of war, which makes Hawaii a most important outpost of U. S. imperialism? The result was clear: In a foul trick allegedly to carry out the verdict of the jury, the four whites were sentenced to ten years imprisonment at hard labor. But before sentence was. pronounced, Prosecutor Kelley announced that Governor Judd of Hawaii “agreed to com- mute the sentence to one hour”! ! ! And this too plan! The law was “vindicated’—but the prisoners went scot free! Marder of colored people in Hawaii and in the United States is not only not penalized, but is made the océasion of an orgy of protest and fury against the colored people. Instead of tam- ing the white imperialists, who use guns against the natives of Hawaii, the regime in Hawaii will become harsher and openly fascist—to teach the colored people their place in the system of U. S, imperialism, Now turn to the Scottsboro Negro boys!"Con- victed in the lower court of Scottsboro, appeals were taken to the Court of Appeals and the State Supreme Court of Alabama, and have been re- jected. The U. S. Supreme Court is now delib- erating whether it, will review the case. No Con- gressman or senator has raised his voice or in- troduced a bill. No—only workers’ organizations, white and Negro, through the activity of the Communist Party, International Labor Defense and the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, were roused to protest and demonstrate against their death sentence. And for this the workers were brutally clubbed and jailed by the police and courts! ‘Thus go the law and practice of U. S. impe- rialism—pardon to white murderers—death to framed-up Negro boys! And let us look -into the defense. Stephen Roddy, hired by the National Association for the Advancement of Oolored People, a ku kluxer and drunkard, “defended” the Scottsboro boys and helped to railroad them to death sentences. Clarence Darrow, chief counsellor for the N.A. A.C.P., was asked to go into the case by the In- ternational Labor Defense—but REFUSED. The same Clarence Darrow, the “great humanita- rian”, became the defense lawyer for the white | murderers of a colored boy in Hawaii. After Massie, the murderer, admitted the killing of Kahahawai, Darrow in court, pointing to Massie and his accomplices in his summary, exclaimed: “My God, what are these péople doing here.” They were there because they were murderers— self-confessed; but in your mind, Mr. Darrow, to murder a colored worker is NO CRIME! You are a prostitute to and tool of the imperialist class and have done your dirty work! Even in ‘the capitalist. court, the farce had to be gone through, to save the face of “American capitalist justice.” The four whites were charged with murder, were convicted of manslaughter, sentenced to ten years—and pardoned! The Scottsboro Negro boys were convicted,:the capi- talist press howls against them, the Communists are viciously attacked for mobilizing the Negro and white workers’ to force their release, one court after the other; upholds the: conviction! This is Honolulu. and t) Thus again U. 8. imperialism reveals itself! Republicans and’ Democrats in the. U. S.-Con- gress alike, both reactionary and so-called pro- gressives, have taken the same attitude.on'the Hawailan case. They are mute on the Scottsboro case—determined | to help . white capitalist “jus- tice” go through in murdering the’ Scottsboro ing tiv LRM nde oe ee white workers, The A. F. of 'L, officials are silent’ on,the Ha- watian .case; the socialist party , and, “liberal” Press “criticize” the ‘procedure in’ the Hawaiian court. The A. F. of L. officials attack the Com- munists on Scottsboro; the’ socialists, the “lib- eral” and part of the Negro press, assail the Communists. The lessons of ‘Honolulu and Scottsboro must be understood by the: working class, Party members will easily see the advantage to them of supporting th Communist Party in the election. The will see that it means not only helping the Party but their own organizations. This is a fundamental lesson that they’ must learn. A Bolshevik Election Campaign It is along the foregoing lines as brought out in my three articles that we must develop our election campaign. In this manner we can make it a real Bolshevik election fight. campaigns have been little more than demon- strations, weak parades of our forces. This one must be a great struggle. It must vastly stim- ulate the fight of the workers on every front. It must result in enormously strengthening all organizations. It must root our Party in the big factories, among the decisive sections of the proletariat and in the basic industries. In the campaign it’ musn’t be a case of liquidat- ing the activities of the various mass organiza- tions into a vote-getting campaign for the Party. On the contrary, the Party can prosper in the election only if the activities and struggles of these organizations are united and strengthened to the utmost jn every direction. If this is done the non-Party workers in these organizations and others that we contact will have a practical and effective demonstration of the real leading role of the Party. They will more’clearly under- stand why they should support our Party and vote its ticket. In the election campaign it is by energetically and intelligently applying the principles of mass work laid down in the Central Committee re- solution and so otfen reiterated by the Comin- tern that we will get results. They will enable us best to expose and combat the demagogy of our social-fascists and open capitalist enemies and to give the workers the most possible poli- tical education. They will bring about the maximum strengthening of all our forces, They will split the workers away from the three cap- italist parties and enable us to muster the largest possible vote in the elections. Let them therefore be our guide in all.our election work. If we apply them correctly and determinedly we will-come out of this,election campaign with ‘wplease of Mooney:and the Scottsboro’ hoys, dee | ‘they agp, an real struggle, then their-non~ | the arealest vieigrs: Nhat que Parte, bas ever won, ee Our past ° On the occasion of the 114th an- niversary of Marx's birth the Daily Worker carries today a special sup- plement. We are reprinting an excerpt from the biographical sketch by Lenin on Marx.. It appears in full in the Lenin pamphlet, “The Teachings of Karl Marx,” issued by the Interna- tional Publishers. Price 15 cents. The June issue of The Communist wil carry Lenin’s speech on the 100th anniversary of Marx's birth. oes __ By V. 1 LENIN Karl Marx was born May 5, 1818, -in the, city of ‘Trier, in the Rhine province of Prussia. His father was @*lawyer—a Jew, who in 1824 adopted Protestantism. The family was; well-to-do, cultured, but not revolutionary. After graduating from the Gymnasium in Trier, Marx entered first the University at Bonn, later Berlin Univer: ty, where he studied jurisprudence, . it devoted most of his time to history and philosophy. In the autumn of 1843, Marx went to Paris in order to publish a radical. magazine abroad, together with Arnold Ruge (1802-1880, a Left Hegelian; in prison, 1825-1830; a Political exile after 1843; a Bis- markian, 1866-1870). Only one issue Marxist Study Courses The opportunity to undertake a systematic study of the theory and practice of the revolutionary labor Thovement from the Marxist-Lenin- ist viewpoint is ready at hand in the Marxist Study Courses now be- ing published by International Pub- lishers, 381 4th Avenue, New York. Two courses are now being made available: Political. Economy and History of the Working Class, Each course is to consist of twelve les- sons, each published in pamphlet form ‘at intervals of about two weeks. Each lesson is complete with easily obtainable references and questions and answers and can be used either for individual study or for group study. Political Economy is a study of the economic structure of capital- ism and the conditions and forces which lead to its inevitable break- down. It explains the Marxist the- ory of volue, the causes and results of crises and the impossibility of solving them within the framework of capitalism and exposes the ‘the- ories of the Socialist Party concern- ing imperialism and democracy. ‘The History of the Working Class, four lessons of which have already been published, takes up the most. important events in world history since the Great French Revolution as they affect the working class. The first half of the course con- fines itself to the bourgeois revo- lutions of the first half of the 19th Century and the final lessons take up the course of the working class movement through the World War and the post-war period |to the foundation of the Communist In- ternational. , Both these courses are of the greatest value to a real understand- ing of Marxism-Leninism and give the necessary equipment to work- ers for the carrying on of their Struggles. The lessons sell for 15 cents each and can be obtained from all workers’ bookshops or di- rect from ‘Workers! Library Publish- SL aiatlng” selbst hiro ae hath ks: azine, entitled Deutsch- n= s, mag: osische Jahrbucher (Germ: French Annals) appeared. It discontinued owing to the difficul- ties of distributing the magazine in Germany in a secret way, also due to disagreements with Ruge. In his articles published in that magazine, Marx already appears as a revolu- tionist, advocating “merciless criti- cism of everything in existence,” particularly “criticisms of the wea- pons,” and appealing. to th? r ¢ ses and to the proletariat. In September, 1844, Friedrich Engels, who from then on was Marx's closest friend,.came for a few days to Paris. Both of them | took a very active part in the. seeth- ing life of the revolutionary groups of Paris (where Proudhon’s doctrine was then of particular importance; jJater Marx decisively parted ways with that docttine in his Poverty of Philosophy, 1847). Waging a sharp struggle against the various doc- trines of petty-bourgeois Socialism, they worked out the theory and tactics of revolutionary proletarian Socialism, otherwise known as Com- munism (Marxism). For this phase of Marx’s activities, see’Marx’s work of 1844-1848. In 1845, at the in- sistence of the Prussian government, Marx was banisbe1 from Paris as @ dangerous revolutionist. Paris he moved to Brussels. In the spring of 1847 Marx and Engels joined a secret propaganda society bearing the name Bund de Koém- munisten (Communist League), at whose second congress they took a prominent part (Lontion, Novemh- ber, 1847), and at whose behest they composed the famous Mani- festo of the Communist Party which appeared in February, 1848. With the clarity and brilliance of genius, this work outlines a new conception of the world; it represents consis- tent materialism extended also to the realm of social life; it proclaims dialectics as the. most comprehen- sive and profound doctrine of devel- opment; it advances the theory of the class struggle and of the world- historic revolutionary role of the prietariat as the creator of a new Communist society. When the February, 1848, Revolu- tion broke out, Marx was banished from Belgium. He returned to Paris and from there, after the March Revolution, to Cologne, in Germany. From June 1, 1848, to May 19, 1849, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (New Rhenish Gazette) was published in Cologne with Marx as editor-in-chief. .The new doctrine found excellent corroboration in the course of the revolutionary events of 1848-1849; as it has subsequently been corroborated by all the prole- tarian and democratic movements of all the countries of the world. Victorious counter-revolution in The ultimate aim of the Commu- nist International, to replace world capitalist economy by a, world sys- tem of Communism. Communist society, the basis for which has been prepared by the whole course of historical development, is mankind's only way out, for it alone can abol- ish the contradictions of the capi- talist system which threaten to de- grade and destroy the human race, Communist society will abolish the class division of society, i; e., simul- taneously with the abolition of anarchy in production, it will abol- ish all forces -of and L From | ; Germany first instigated court pro- | ceedings against Marx (he was ac- ; quitted February 9, 1849), then banished him from Germany (May 16, 1849). He first went to Paris, from where he was also banished after the demonstration of June 13, ; 1849. He then went to London, where he lived to the end of his days. The life ci ‘an emigrant, as te- vealed most clearly in the :corre- spondence between Marx and En- gels (published in 1913), was very hard. Poverty weighed heavily on Marx and his family. Were it not } for Engels’ self-sacrifice in render- ing financial aid to Marx, he would not only have been ynable to com- plete Capital, but would inevitably have perished under the pressure of want. Moreover, the prevailing theories and trends of petty-bour- geois and of non-proletarian Social- ism in general forced Marx to wage a continuous and merciless struggle, sometimes to repel the most savage ahd ménsttous personal attacks (Mr. Vogt). Standing aloof from thé emigrant circles, Marx developed his materialist doctrine ‘in a number of | historical works, giving most of his time to the study of political econ- Hillquit “Improves” on Marx... « omy. This-science was revolution- ized by Marx in his Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859) and Capital (Vol 1, 1867). The period of the revival of demo- cratic movements at the end of the fifties and the beginning of the sixties again called Marx to polit- ical activity. On September 28, 1864, the International Workingmen’s Association was founded in London —the famous First International. Marx was the soul of this organi- zation, the author of its, first “ap- peal” and @f a host of its resolu- tions, decfarations, ° manifestoes. Uniting the labor movements of the various countries; striving to direct into the channel of united activities The Ultimate Aim of the Communist International oppression of man by, man. Society will no longer consist of antagonis- tic classes in conflict with each other, but will represent a united commonwealth of labor. For the first time in its history mankind will take its fate. into its own hands. Instead of destroying ‘innumerab| human lives and incalculable wealt! in struggles between classes and nations, ‘aarkind will’ devote: all. its energy to the struggle against the forces of nature, to the development. and strengthening of its own collec- tive might—From the Programme haga d the various: forms of non-proletar- jan, pre-Marxian Socialism (Maz- zini, Proudhon, Bakunin, - liberal unionism “in. “England, Lassallean Right vaciliations in - Germany,’ * etc.); fighting against the theories of all these sects and schools, Mar; hanymered, out. the common tantigs of the proletarian struggie! of the working class—one andthe same in the “Yarious @buntries. After” fall“Of the Paris: ‘Commune , asiy— which Marx, analyzed; as aman &f action, & revolutionist, withso much penetration, pertinence. and. bril- liance in‘his work The Ctyil\War in Franee,. 1871+and after the Inter- national had~* been’. split“! the Bakuninists,.. it became” impossible for that. organization to’ keep \ite headquarters in Europe. ter Hague Congress"of the Internation- al (1872) Marx carried through the tranfer of the General Couneil of the International to New York. The First International had “accom+ plished its historic role, giving way to an epoch of an infinitely’ accel- erated gfowth of the labor move- , ment in’ all’ the countries ‘ofthe I world; precisely the epoch ‘when this movement grew in breadth and scope, when mass. Sociglist labor parties were created on the basis of individual national states. On December 2, 1881, his .wife died} On March 14, 1883, Marx ; peacefiilly passed away in’his arm- chair—~He les, buried beside the graves of his wife and-Helene De- muth, their devoted servant and almost a-niember of thé family, at the Highgate Cemetery in London, CapitalismIs Is | Choking in Its © Own Surplus By FRIEDRICH ENGELS trol. of society | proletarianized, turned into wage-workers, and just on account become incapable of taking possession of that surplus of prod- ucts. The division of society, into & small, over-rich class and,a large, propertyless working . class, . catses this society to suffocate in its own surplus, whiJe the great mass, of ite members-is"scarcely, or, indeed, not at all, protected from tence..(with equal cbilgstion, all to work), the means order for themselves will ke proven “on both sides of the. tomorrow; May day, and next Sun- day, the 3rd of May. 2a PRIA NEE ; Ww x iF i a ace