The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 17, 1931, Page 6

mw wupnened by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc, daily except Sunday, at 50 East RARBGHIaONCeN mE ab | Page Six F sth St, New York City, N Tele ¥ 4-79 Cat DALWORK Mh oF nace One year, ¢ 3 Rta beiaee ® Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥ * Perse cant okene Whee * $e Seen Doro = | | On the Carrying Out of the 13th Plenum Decisions FOR CONCRETENESS IN TH E STRUGGLE AGAINST SOCIAL DEMAGOGY (Excerpts from a report by T. J.) E ARE today experiencing in Milwaukee an unprecedented flood of social demagogy which is indicative of the greater use of this weapon a st. the working class throughout the coun- try in the months to come. We can already draw certain lessons from our struggle against the socialist party and against social demagogy in the Milwaukee section, In the struggle against social demagogy it is necessary to remember that the social fascists and the capitalist demagogues can talk as well as we can. They can produce at times as “re- volutionary” sounding programs for relief of un- employment on paper as we can. Therefore it is necessary not only to expose these people in words but in de As long as we lag behind in the development of concre struggles for im- mediate relief for the unemployed, as long as we fail to put into life our slogans of organize e against wage cuts, in the eyes of the workers the paper program of the socialist party may be just as good as our paper program. The first task is therefore to show the workers by means of deeds that we know how not only to formulate correct programs and to advance cor- rect demands but also to organize and lead the struggles for these demands and actually win some of them. To win the workers for our Party it ls not enough to advance the slogan—Organize and fight against wage cuts. We must above all go into the shops and actually organize such strikes against wage cuts on a mass scale. It is Always our aim must be to maneouver these people into a position from which they cannot squirm out by means of phrases, but which demands of them definite action on some issue before the working class. By such manouvers we can contrast their actions against the working class with their demagogic phrases. Only by seeing these people in action will the workers learn their true role The greatest danger in our struggle against social demagogy in the Milwaukee section as I see it, is that our comrades may develop the theory that the activities of the socialist party among the workers is of a two-fold character: that while on one hand its aim is to prevent the development of mass struggles, on the other hand its effect is to a certain extent to political- ize and develop the workers and make them more able to understand our program, and pre- sumably more responsive to it The danger of a lack of clarity in this ques- tion is indicated by the fact that several weeks ago in a very excellent little mimeograph paper | issued by the Unemployed Council, “The Hun- ger Fighter,” there appeared a headline in which the socialists wre referred to as fascists. On the other hand, in the discussion at the member- ship meeting in Milwaukee there was advanced the idea that the years of socialist propaganda in Milwaukee have somewhat educated the work- | ers and made them more political-minded. This opportunist theory is not a new one in our movement. If one starts from this premise, the logical conclusion to be drawn is that the Manhattan and Bronx, New For York City Oe NAA OY aN eae m AG “NG Ni, >" me. NG Ze $; six months, Rp ae “Good News from London” This was the title of an editorial in the Boston “Daily Record” on Sept. 22. And the long-eared editor started off in the first line: “The news that Great Britain has repudiated the gold basis is the best news that has come out of Europe for a long time.” Maybe some of our Boston connections might kid the Record editor on whether or not it was an unmixed blecsing in view ofthe painful howls now coming out of Wall Street and Washington. 0 ae Two Souls With But, Etc. In the Brownsville district 6f N. Y. City, a “socialist” party candidate for alderman in the 23rd Assembly District, a social-fascist named Friedman, was speaking to a cop at the edge of a workers’ mecting: “We'll fix these Communists,” he confided to the Tammany bull, “you fellows and we so- cialists will fix ‘em.” The scene changes. It is Union Square on the day when the “socialists” and other social fascists were holding their “Mooney meeting.” Quite a way from the speakers and across the square, one of the Red Builders was selling Dai- ly Workers. A nattily dressed gent with no jaw but lots of lip, sidled up’ to him and spoke in terms of official authority, glibly, threaten- ingly: “You're not allowed to sell THAT paper around here, SEE! Beat it, or we'll run you in!” And that gent, workers, was Bert Wolfe, who was kicked out of the Communist Party as a renegade, but who still poses’ as a Communist! Fake “socialist” and fake “Communist,” both not enough to demand immediate relief for the unemployed. It is necessary to actually organ- ize the workers and lead them into mass strug- gles which will win them immediate relief, On the other hand, it is necessary to so man- of them with the police against the Commun- ists, against the workers. Now do you savvy why they are called “social fascists”? oe ae activity of the social fascists,-insofar as it “edu- cates” the workers, is a good thing. It must inevitably lead to a relaxation in our struggle | | against the social fascists and against social BS Mat ouver that the socialists and capitalist dema- gogues shall have to expose before the workers their real program, not their paper pro- gram, but their program in deeds. We must above all manouver to force these people into taking action on specific issues before the work- ng class in order to expose their program as demagogy. The section and district leadership must see to it that any such dangerous tenden- cies are smashed as soon as they raise their | heads, War Between America and Japan stop Japan.” “At present,” he continues, “Canton strives to conquer the Nanking group. But it would be more reasonable that the foreign powers rec- ognize the independence of Canton (which will The National Hunger March and It Makes a Lot Of Difference If Washington “withdraws” its warships in the same way Tokio “withdraws” its troops from Manchuria, you can expect that some of these days some “unauthorized” gunplay will take place, and if a U. S. sailor is killed, “national honor” will demand war on Japan. include the provinces of Kwangsi Yunnan and Kweichow. The intervention of the foreign powers through the recognition of the real exist- nothing but empty phrases, in order to prove that in deeds these people always act against We thought of that, when we read an Asso~ ciated Press dispatch from Augusta, Ga., abou’ Has Been Prepared for Decades | | the working class. We must on no account rely | on denunciation alone but must have a positive approach in our struggle against social dema- Bogy. For instance, in Milwaukee where the social- ist party exercises a decisive influence in the administration, a system of unemployment lief” is in effect which practically amounts to forced labor. The workers put in three days a week on public works for which they are paid one dollar in cash and the balance in food- stuffs, ete. It is necessary here to expose this for what if is. To do this we must advance im- mediate demands of cash payment in full for a minimum wage of fifty cents an hour and we must demand actively to organize the workers on these fake relief jobs and to strike these jobs. The organization of the workers on the jobs in preparation for strike action must be ac- companied by the widest exposure of this forced labor program in our agitation and by mass demonstrations of the unemployed before the City Hall deouncing this whole program. The comrades are already working along these lines in a similar situation in Racine, Wis. In Milwaukee the comrades state that the socialist Sheriff, Benson, signs eviction notices in the morning and in the afternoon appears at mass meetings where he advocates unemploy- ment insurance at the expense of the employ- ers and the overthrow of capitalism. We must expose people of this type concretely. Therefore we must make every effort to collect a batch of these eviction notices signed by Sheriff Benson and when he speaks at a mass meeting we must have the unemployed there with these eviction notices in the hands of their leaders ready to | expose him before the workers on this concrete action against them. | | stolen Kiachow and the islands in the Pacific! By N. LENIN. | (From his speech on war to the First Congress | of the Soviets, delivered June 22, 1917). | | You know that war between Japan and Am- erica is imminent, it has been prepared for dec- ades it is not accidental, and it does not matter | | who will be the one to fire the first shot. It is | ridiculous! You know full that both American | | and Japanese capitalists are equally predatory. | fence” on either side; it would be either a crime | or @ terrible weakness, a “defence” of the in- | | terests of our capitalist enemies, This is why | we say that the schism among the Socialists is irreparable. The Socialists have completely | deserted Socialism, they have gone over to the | side of their governments, their bankers, their | capitalists, this they have done in spite of their verbal’ renunciation and condemnation of the latter. It is a matter of condemnation. ous | ‘You call upon other peoples to throw off their | | bankers, yet you support your own bankers! | | Speaking of péace, you have not said what kind of peace! When we pointed out the glaring | contradiction underlying the conception of | peace on the basis of status quo, we received no answer. In your resolution which deals with peace without annexation, you will not be able | to say that it is not a status quo. You will not | be able to say that status quo means the res- | toration of pre-war conditions, What, then? | To deprive England of the German colonies? | Just try to do it by peaceful agreements! The | whole world will laugh at you. Just try to take | jaway from Japan, without a revolution, the PARTITIONING CHINA (Leading Editorial of the Moscow, “Pravda” of October 3, 1931.) ‘The crisis which is shaking the entire capitalist world has already led to an abrupt sharpening of the contradictions between the separate im- perialist countries and groups of countries in all corners of the globe. e danger of new wars for the repartitioning of the world becomes ever more apparent from day to day. The Manchu- rian events are not only reminders of the fact that in the diplomatic offices and general staffs of capitalism preparations for war are going on. ¥rom the fields of Manchuria already sounds of cannonade are reaching us. The toiling masses of China have even here- tofore experienced upon thefftselves all of the horror of the imperialist oppression and exploi- tation, of the partitioning of their country into “spheres "of influence,” concessions, “treaty pos- sessions,” the seizure of economic and political rights of the country by the capital. The Kuomintang could not unify China, The national unification of the country is possible only as a result of the victory of the anti-im- perialists and the anti-feudal revolution. The puny efforts of the executioner of the Chinese workers and peasants, Chiang Kai Shek, to unify the country within the limit® of the domination of imperialism over China, with the retention of the feudal and semi-feudal agrarian system, could not but suffer a shameful defeat. Foreign capital has during the domination of the Kuom- intang conquered new positions in China. The Kuomintang—military groupings are merely pup- pets in the hands of one or other imperialist powers. The ceaseless wars of generals have been at the same time wars between the imperialists for the partitioning of the spheres of influence in China. Now the Japanese military clique is coming out openly for a new repartitioning of China. Now the hypocritical phrases about the “sovereignty and territorial unity” of China are being discarded. The sharpening of the im- perialist contradictions as a result of the crisis, the enormous importance of the Chinese market and the struggle for the hegemony in the basin of the Pacific Ocean have entered into the period when the actual partitioning with all of the resulting consequences becomes the basic form of the further extension and strengthening the imperialist position in China “TEN. ‘ ‘ There is however one more reason predeter- mining the policy of partitioning: This is the struggle’ of the imperialists against the actual unification of the country by the Chinese toiling masses under the leadership of the proletariat. The heroic struggle of the worker peasant | masses against the imperialists and their gen- earl—Kuomintang Jackeys has already assumed enormous proportions. The south of China and the valley of Yangtse are flaming in the fire of civil war. The red banner is already waving over the Soviet regions in the north of China. The soil is burning under the feet of the Nanking cossacks, the Canton hangmen and other general | “rulers.” The Kuomintang, that is the block of bour- geoisie and the landowners, is ready to sell out all of China, as it was selling it out up until this time in parts to the imperialists in exchange for the defense from the Chinese Soviets. The im- perialists have supported and are still supporting the militarists and the Kuomintang through whom they are basically conducting the policy of colonial enslavement of the Chinese people. But the foreign imperialists and the Chinese slave- drivers are not slow to understand the real situation. The broader the front of struggle for the worker-peasant power becomes, the stronger thunders the storm in south and central China which is shaking the blood regime of the Kuo- mintang, the more distinctly approaches the date of the real unification of China. The im- perialists are hastening to forestall the events, to tear into pieces the body of China, to crush the victorious worker-peasant movement and thus to “solve” the Chinese question. This double purpose of the imperialists has been unequivocally formulated by Mr. Broxton- Reed. This American agent of the Japanese colonizers in “the Far Eastern Review” which stands all the time for the co®pertion of Am- erican and Japanese imperialism in China says: “The Chinese problem may in the present con- ditions be solved only through the creation of several separate compact states within the limits of China, Another century will pass before the Chinese people are prepared for the basic ele- ments of self government . . . Manchuria al- ready constitutes a separate unit and this fact will haye to be realized sooner or later . . . Neither the Kellogg Peace Pact, nor the League of Nations nor any other similar institution will! Still, there would be talk about “national de- \| ing situation presents the only way of saving China from the splitting into a number of Soviet Republic.” Japanese imperialism has come out for an open partitioning of China with the support of the League of Nations and in part of the im- perialist powers. It would be the greatest mis- take to think that United States imperialism is opposing the occupation of Manchuria because it struggles against the partitioning of China. “The maximum program” of American imperialism consists in the transformation of all China into a colony of the United States. Therefore the United States has been supporting the Nanking executioners not only in the struggle against the Chinese people but also in the war of the generals against the other militarists and Kuo- mintang groups which are the agéncies of other imperialist powers. The United States has been striving to unify China for a considerable part of China under the power of Nanking in order through its Nan- king agency to transform all China into its colony. “The recognition” of Nanking even a verbal formal one, and not at all a factual one, on the part of the Mukden grouping has there- fore aroused the suspicion of the Japanese im- perialism. Japanese imperialism has chased away its submissive servant Chang Hsue Liang and the other Manchurian warlords because they have attempted to utilize in their mercenary dealings with the Japanese imperialism the Jap- anese-American contradiction, However, the American finance capital is not at all united in its policy in regard to China which is evident among other things by the statement of Bronson Reid. The separate groups in the camp of American finance capital have attempted to compromise, have signified their willingness to cooperate with Japanese capitalism’. American imperialism is extremely interested in the strengthening of its position in China and therefore it would not refuse to join the Geneva conspiracy of imperialists against the Chinese people, were this not prevented by the special sharpening of the Japanese-American contra- diction. It is however, undeniable that the United States will attempt to compensate itself for the military occupation of Manchuria by Japanese imperialism by seizing another part of the country. Substantially the position of the American imperialists differs very little from that of the Japanese, English, French and others. The government of the United States has expressed noticeable restraint during the events in China. The causes of this restraint consist first in that American imperialism, having large interests in Manchuria, found itself nevertheless bound by the crisis and therefore could not come out resolutely against the occupation of Manchuria, although it is not prepared tb with- draw from there, The struggle for Manchuria is, still pending. Secondly, in the very camp of American imperialism a struggle is going on for this or another direction of the Far Eastern policy. ‘Thirdly, U. S. imperialism fears the renewal of the Japanese-English alliance which was broken up only in 1922 under the pressure of the U. S. at the Washington Conference. As concerns the Japanese colonizers, they will attempt to cloak their adventure’ in a Chinese- Mongolian garb. The problem is the more dif- ficult because the entire substance of this whole repulsive masquerade is evident, But the Jap- anese military clique is not very much em- barrased by this circumstance. According to the tasks outlined by the Tokyo conductors there already arose “independent” Kirin, Hailung- kiang and Mukden provinces and inner Mon- golia which since long past, together with Manchuria, had been the attractive center for Japanese imperialism has also declared itself “independent.” All of these “new state forma- tions” are a milestone upon the road of trans- forming Manchuria and Inner Mongolia into a second Korea. ‘The bustle which has been occurring for nine days in Geneva, assumed in the light of these facts, a veritably abominable character of the business men of the League of Nations who are dealing in the blood of the Chinese people and have blessed Japanese imperialism’s occupation of Manchuria. The Council of the League of Nations has attempted to cloak the Manchurian Tobbery organizing simultaneously as far ag pos- ‘the Building of the Party By A. W. MILLS Te National Hunger March to Washington on December 7 will be a mass demonstration against hunger and misery, for the demands of unemployed and employed workers for Social In- surance and immediate winter relief. In the course of the preparations of the hunger march, | as well as the march itself, we will reach hun- dreds of thousands of workers, hitherto un- touched by our agitation. The National Hunger | March will expose the demagogy of the capi- talist politicians, of the social fascists and will be a convincing demonstration to hundreds of thousands of workers, that only through militant struggle will we be able to force the bosses’ government to grant concessions to the workers. The National Hunger March if propérly pre- pared will be a mass struggle for the interests of all the workers in this country. Our Party must be built in struggle. The lat- est events in this country have more clearly brought this truth to the attention of our Party membership. In secions of the country, where our Party does not develop struggles, our Party is weak, few new members are coming in, the units still remain the old dues collecting agen- cies isolated from the masses. In these sections of the country where there have been struggles of the workers against unemployment, wage cuts, for Negro rights, our Party gains strength and is on the road to becoming a real mass Party. The struggles of the workers led by our Party not only activize our Party membership, but make our Party an integral part of the working class. Thus in the course of the struggle we are solving the problems which confront our Party forces, tactics, etc. Let’s take our Party in a few districts where more struggles were organized and led by us— Pittsburgh, Chicago, Philadelphia and Cleveland. In these districts we see gains, more organiza- tional stability, new forces coming to the front, a sharper struggle against burocracy and a swift- er orientation to the shops and factories in line- with the decisions of the 13th Plenum of the Central Committce. The National Hunger March is a mass strug- gle, a struggle which can be brought into every community. There is no working class family in sible a united front of imperialists for the final enslavement of the Chinese people. At the very same time the task of the League of Nations was to extend the possibility of maneuvering of the Kuomintang executioners. ‘The League of Nations and the Kuomintang are atempting to strengthen the positions of the imperialists in order that they may retain their grasp of the heaving waves of the national moye- ment which threatens to wash the Kuomintang as well as its masters from the face of Chinese- soil. And in Nanking and in Tokyo and in Geneva they are working strenuously at present” on the problem as to how most successfully to acomplish the partitioning of China. In the face of the entire toiling world the League of Nations has shown itself once more as an or- ganizer of war and colonial robbery, and the Kellogg Pact is used as justification of this war. The Second International is playing an ag- gressive role in the conspiracy of\the imperialists against the Chinese people. The “socialist” min- isters of the English government are supporting the Japanese imperialists, the “socialist” press is standing up for its masters, the Berlin “Vor-" warts justifies openly the violence committed on the Chinese people, ‘The Second International is as much an enemy of the Chinese people as the imperialists, ‘The Chinese proletariat, the Chinese poor peas- antry, the Chinese toiling masses under the lead- ership of the working class are already conduct- ing a struggle against the imperialist partioning of China, The red banner of independence and class liberation is already waving in the different re- gions of China. Only the toiling masses, under the leadership of the proletariat, will defend the Chinese soil from the new aggression of impe- rialists. Together with them will struggle shoul- der to shoulder the toiling masses of Japan, Korea and Formosa, ‘The toiling masses of the Soviet Union and the entire world are surrounding with a chain of sympathy and solidarity the Chinese toilers in the struggle. ----~ ~~ roan the U. S, which is not affected by unemploy- ment. There is no worker in the U. S. who does not feel the starvation conspiracy of the bosses either through direct unemployment or through wage cuts, speed up, etc It is the National Hun- ger March and primarily the local struggles around the hunger march, which will enable us to organize and lead new strata of workers, who | until now perhaps did not even hear of our | Party, of our demands, of our program. And in | the course of this struggle our Party must espe- cially be brought to the forefront, and our Party must be built, The present struggles of the unemployed work- ers in various parts of the country can not be divorced from the mass campaigns of the Party. This is true everywhere. Especially is this true in the Pittsburgh district. The Pennsylvania Hunger March was actually one of the steps in the direction of the heroic miners’ strike, in- volving 40,000 workers. It was the hunger march, | where we made the first contacts with the un- employed and part time miners, which helped to expose the demagogy of the Pinchot government and laid the basis of the struggle against wage cuts in the mining industry. ‘The hunger march in Ohio had a tremendous effect on the steel workers in Mansfield. It is the work among the unemployed, the developing of the struggles for immediate relief and social insurance in such towns as Homestead, Brad- dock and other company steel towns, which will be a first step to the organization of ‘the workers into the revolutionary unions and developing strikes against wage cuts. It is just at the time of the hunger march and its preparations, when misery and hunger in the United States will be exposed, when wage cuts and the Hoover stagger system will be shown in its nakedness without the smoke screens of fake promises, that we have the best opportunity to compare the conditions of the workers in this country, with the rising standard of living in the Defense of the Soviet Union. ‘The National Hunger March is a mass strug~ gle, and in such mass campaign, we must build our Party. Quite often our Party members who are ac- tive in the movement, absorbed with immediate organizational needs of the struggle, do not see the necessity of building the Party right from the beginning. The growth of the Party does not correspond with the developing mass struggles. This is evident in many cases. Especially is this evident among the furriers in New York. Lately the union, through the application of a correct line, succeeded in taking in over 3,000 members. In the Party, howeyer, we did not get a single furrier. Does this mean that the furriers are not ready for the Party? Of course nobody will dare say no. It is our fault; it is the formal di- vision of work. The Party comrades active in the Furriers Union concerned themselves only with the building of the union, leaving to the Party units to build the Party. This is formalism. In’a personal conversation with a comrade in connection with a strike, the comrade was proud of the development of the strike, speaking of the militancy of the workers, and correctly so, but when asked “what about the Party or the League?” the comrade answered this is the job the Party Unit, or League Unit, which con- ites on this factory. This is formalism, for- malism of which the Plenum warned so sharply. In building of our Party in the course of the March we must get rid of this formal, “division” or work. ‘The experiences in the strike of the miners has clearly shown that there, where we suc- {, ceeded in building the Party our union work was stronger, the strike was organizationally in better condition. Especially in connection with the developing of the activities of the Hunger March, all these mistakes must be understood by our Party membersship. Right from the beginning of the campaign, hand in hand with preparations, along with the developing of local struggles, our Party comrades while leading the unemployed workers in the struggle for relief hate as their task to bring forward the Party as the political leader of the working class, to bring in new elements into the Party, to strengthen our fractions in the Unemployed Councils and thus strengthening ~~ ~a fh unemployed work in general, Out of every, Soviet Union, and.mobilize the workers for the | the Reverend J. M. Williams; pastor of the Methodist Church at Rochelle; Ga. It seems that the Reverend was hard up, hav- ing been gambling in the cotton market. So, having a son, Raford Grady Williams, “bone of his bone and fresh of his flesh,” who is a sailor in the U. S. Navy, this Methodist preacher mur- dered his son and collected the life insurance of $2,500. The boy was home on a fvrlough, and was found dead, shot through the head, on a road, The preacher had planted the murder long in advance. He arranged the furlough on the excuse that there was sickness at home, and bumped off his own son for $2,500. But the U.S, | won’t go to war against the Methodist Church. | Oh, no! oe ae A Mad Marinero “What is a waterfront for?” asks J. J., @ deep-sea fish from Philly. “Daily Workers sold up-town. Literature sold, but not to marineros, Meetings held, but not where the Delaware flows. Union organizers looked upon as the head of the General Defense Corps, general leaflet distribu» tor, and janitor of 137 Pine St. “When I arrived here a month ago, the Ma- vine Workers union hall was used as follows: Monday night, the L.S.N.R. (in spite of the fact that it is the regular meeting night of the union); Tuesday, Unity Bureau; Wednesday, Unit; Thursday, Union Executive Committee; Friday, Czecho-Slovakian LL,D.;/Saturdays and Sundays for tag days. * “All are evicted. I am called an anarchist, but the union is holding iis membership meetings, two seamen’s meetings, union executive meetil and an open forum every week and is growing. Some spitooners say we are ‘off-the line’ be- cause we occasionally ask the seamen themselves what they want. Quite a few can’t understand why the seamen wouldn’t fight for free gas. “Still the old trouble, Nobody wants to de T.U.U.L. work except us ‘politically urdeve’-ped* ones. It’s below their dignity. I'll one thing, "aida we got a darned good T.U.U.L. staré ere, only not enough concentration on the waterfront. But the T.U.U.L. is not to blame bee cause the full timers can’t be in-a hundred places at once. Otherwise, it’s as bad as Hudson wrote, only sometimes worse. But it isn’t the district | leadership so much as the section and units. “Of course I know you won't print this. You didn’t print anything about New Orleans and Galveston. But I suppose we got to put up with some editors until the revolution.” % Yeah! We're a lot of barnacies-on the ship, mebbe. But you didn’t remember that our liver fell down on us some months ago, and we couldn't do our duty by the Marine Workers In~ dustrial Union—long may it wave! However, about what Hudson wrote: It was all O. K. when he kicked about the Party not pays ing any attention to the marineros on South Street. But hanged if we weren't surprised ta learn from a Y.C.L. organizer down there, that some of the bozos think that they have a moe nopoly on asking marineros to join the Party. Yet they've let a lot of ’em go unasked, ang one who is said to have been doing all kinds of work and trying to break into the Party for twa years, is given the cold and unfeeling eye ang put off until the poor chap is utterly dishearte ened. : If you want the Party on South Street, recri! members into it! of the most important workers. This can done only, if we immediately take the steps to build the Party Fractions in the Uns employed Councils, strengthening the ones, to carry through the Plenum decisions assigning capable Party forces to the ployed work. The National Hunger March must be brought in to every Unit of the Party, inte every Section, and involve every Party member in the activities of the Hunger: March. Let's do everthing in our, power right now, so that when we write the resolution on the Hunger March, we shall not. repeat the well known sentence, which we» have repeated so many times in the past, “We underestimated the bullding of the Party, ete.” ~