The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 16, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Page Four d mail al Publishing Co,, In N.Y. Lelep ALg the Daily Worker, ‘ On the Carrying Out of the 13th Plenum Decisions ; FLUCT By J. PE R (Dist. 2) BROWDER in his: speech at the im of the ntral Committee raised s in connection with the fluctua- hip: “What happens to these y join the Party, those that do ‘OMRADE 1 get in, f all obstacles that we place be- fore them? know from the study of vital statistics that they do not find theirehome Mm our Pary. There is a tremendous fluctuation of our memb What does this mean? What does it mean that in order to make a gain of 25 members for the Party we must recruit 100?” If we examine this problem in the New York District, we face the following horrible figures. In June, 1930, we had an average dues paying membership of 00. Since then we gav out. 2,000 new rship books, which mea: about memb: that every one of these 2,000 tended at least one meetin rage dues { p i 400 gained. We | 1,600 members during this period. Old and new ones The problem of the method of recruiéing new the .red the application members, tape of how them took car we cards, issued membership books, and never vis- ited the members, will be dealt with in an- other art Let reasons for the terrible fluctuatio! embers who already at- tended unit meetings, got their membership books, paid initiation fees and dues, in other wo 1 to the Party for a shorter period or long: , and the last of the older members, who were in the Party for two-three years. 1, The first reason for method of recruiting. The workers make out the application card at a mass meeting, at a demonstration, after a good speech. No one ex- plains to the workers what the Communist Party stands for. This would not be so bad if at the unit meetings we would pay special atten- tion to the new members and would develop them aed study circ individual attention, i ions, 2. The lack of friendly relations among the Party members. The new and even the old mem- bers if they had no friends inside of the Party before will be entirely isolated and will feel like strangers in the unit. In any other Party of the Cominte-n we find very close, comradely re- lations among the Party members, even if they do not belong to the same unit or section. In our units, especially in New York, the relation is business-like. The new Party member coming to a unit meeting sits in the corner of the meet- ing room without any one paying any attention to him. He does not see any Party member until the next week, especially if he is a mem- ber of a street nucleus. In many cases, a Party member has a close fajendly relationship with a sympathizer. When the sympathizer joins the Party, the Party member breaks off every con- nection with this comrade. He is too busy to talk to him. This bad attitude of the Party members towards each other adds a lot to the problem of the huge turn over. 3. The superior and many times snobbish at- titude of the old members towards the new ones: “What do you know about this—you are only two months in the Party”—is the answer of the old members in the discussions with a new cne in many cases. 4, The low political level of the units, the me- chanical and formal discussions without any preparations, drive away a very large number of members. The outlines prepafed in the District Office without being concretized in the sections amd units cannot bring into the unit life the problems of the shops where the members are working. The District and section sends down very general outlines at the last minute. No preparation, no reading material for the outline is given out in advance and the result is that the outline is read and the discussion is nil, or very dull. 5. The lack of faith in the masses inevitably the turn over is our produce opportunistic decisions in the various | committees. The members coming into the Party through struggle with the correct conception that the Communist Party organizes and leads all of the struggles are disillusioned, facing a hesitant policy which tends to evade the struggle. 6, Loose discipline in the units disillusions many new members who before they join the Party have the conception that the Communist Party is an organization to which the most disciplined, devoted, loyal, class conscious work- ers belong. 7. Inactivity of a certain part of the members in the unit without any attempt on the part of the unit buro to make them active, drives to pass- ivity the active members, old and new ones, and in many cases drives them out of the Party. 8, Bureaucratic attitude of the leadership (units, section, district), is among the most im- Mobilization of the “Masses for Struggle Against War There is still to be noted a definite under- estimation of tho war danger within the ranks of the Party and entirely insufficient efforts in mobilizing the masses against it. This is shown in: a) Influence of pacifist illusions among the | revolutionary workers, b) Weak united front | efforts. c) Failure to draw in trade unions and | mass organizations in organized manner. d) In- Sufficient concrete, popular and convincing ex- posure of the war preparations of American imperialism. e) Insufficient attention to war industries. f) Insufficient connection between everyday issues and struggles, with the war danger. g) Weakness in developing mass senti- ment in struggle against the Young Plan, against imperialist oppression in Latin Amer- ica, Philippines and China. The Central Committee emphasizes that the Party center and districts must take the most energetic measures to overcome all weaknesses and mobilize the widest front of struggle against imperialist The Contra! Committee calls attention to the task acsigned by the 11th Plenum of the ECCI which calls upon every member of the Commu- nist Party to regard as a task of first impor- tance the struggle against the war danger and the fight for the defense of the Soviet. Union.— (From 13th Plenum Resolution, printed in full in October issue of The Communist.) JATIONS OF TH E MEMBERSHIP portant reasons for fluctuation, The circular leadership from the district to the Sections, from the sections to the units, with scores of tasks, instructions, decisions wihout any explanation, belongs to this point. The bureaucratic method Vi nyc at 80 Rie SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 3 aily WO er’ By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; twe months, $1; excepting Boroughs w York, N.Y. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50, Central vas islet US.A plat Panerai ans == eet e By BURCK of leadership comes down from the district to | section committee 1 from section to unit meetings, tHe lower bodies to formulate the decisions and to carry them out, is a factor in the turn over. It would be interesting to bring many examples of bureaucracy, but the lack of space does not allow it. However, the following are a few ex- amples The election campaign managers of the sec- tion were called together for a meeting where conerete instructions were given out to each sec- tion, One section election campaign manager could not come because he w involved in a strike situation in his section. The next day he came into the District Office and asked for the instructions and material for his section. The comrade who is responsible for this work in the tings, District refused to give any information on the | basis that the information will be given out only at the meeting of these functionaries. The comrade had to go back to the section without getting the information, continued the work on his own hook and collected signatures in a ter- ritory where he should not have done it In a section a general mobilization of the membership was not successful. The section committee decided that another meeting should be called and the following letter was sent out: “You must be present on this and this day and go out to collect signatures. If you do not show up, consider yourself expelled from the Com- munist Party.” A Party member is very active in the Unem- ployed Council. An eviction case took place and he was arrested and put in jail for 60 days. The unit was not well informed about the arrest. He came back to his unit when his term was over and got the following reception: “You are not a Party member any longer. You did not attend your unit meetings for two months. We expelled you from the Party. If you want to be a Party member you have to put in a new application.” 10. Lack of mass activity, too much inner Party activity, create pessimism and disappoint- ment. The members do not see any results from their hard work and the result is that they leave the Party. These points are not elaborated on because of lack of space. It is possible that the mem- bers in the units will find more reasons for the fluctuation, which are not mentioned above. The members will have hundreds of good ex- amples of bad methods of work, of leadership, of bureaucratic tendencies, or formal, mechan- ical ‘applications, of decisions, etc. The Party would gain a lot if all of these examples and suggestions were sent into the section and dis- trict committees for publication in the press. It is very necessary to start a discussion on this burning problem. All these shortcomings mentioned above can be eliminated and corrected if we start a cam- paign against the bad tendencies in the Party. The resolutions of the 13th Plenum of the Cen- tral Committee and the resolutions of the Ple- num of the District Committee will remain on paper unless we correct every mistake and short- coming, by discussing them in the units, section and district committees, mercilessly criticising all those who do not understand and do not carry out the resolutions. The Party will not grow if we do not wipe out all these bad ten- dencies in the district, section, and unit. We will not be able to keep the new members that we recruit from the factory. Our shop nuclei will not exist unless we wage a successful strug- gle against every form of bureaucratic tendency and unless we succeed in changing the bad inner life of the units, giving instructions instead of helping | | farmer or the Danish peasant. FINE FEATHERS DON'T ‘MAKE FINE BIRDS AF. senbersu: of b Japanese Imperialism in Manchuria By L. MAGYAR, 1 Fo many years, hundreds of thousands, and during the last few years millions of Chinese peasants have left the war devastated districts of Northern China every year. The lash of im- perialism, the exploitation of the landlords, the oppression of the usurers, the taxation of the militarists ,all drive them to Manchuria. At the beginning of the 20th century there were about 2 million people living in Manchuria. During the last 13 years, the population of the province has ittcréased to 30 millions. Such a rate of growth is . . . American. But the Chinese peasants who hurried in search of free land or at least cheap land, were forestalled—by the imperialists, the land specu- lators, landlords, militarists and usurers. In Manchuria, the peasants became share-croppers, laborers, coolies. Only asmall number of kulaks came out on top. Imperialism, the exploitation of the landlords, the plunder of the usurer, mili- tarist taxes, merchants’ deceit, all reproduced in Manchuria the land system of China proper. ‘The Chinese peasants had no possibility in Man- churia of becoming “Free farmers on free land.” ‘The colonization of Manchuria, as it dveloped, led to semi-feudal land relations. Further, the dependence of the Manchurian peasant on the world market, while he was fenced in by imper- jalist, landlord and moneylender’s oppression, was much greater than in any part of China. Wheat and especially soya beans form the com- | mercial crops, and the Manchurian peasants who grow them take almost as big a proportion | of the crop to the market as the American Manchuria has 26-28 per cent of the foreign trade of all China, though the population of Manchuria is not 10 per Cent of the population of China. The Citizen’s Union Endorses the Socialists By Il. AMTER. | Pes Citizens Union, which is regarded by some workers as a neutral body, has issued its en- dorsements for the céming elections to the as- sembly and board of aldermen. The Union en- dorses only one democrat and five republicans, while it endorses four socialists to the assembly and declares three “qualified and preferred.” Among the lights of the socialist, party whom the Union has endorsed is Abraham Shiplacoff. This is enough to characterize the Citizens -Union! What does it mean to “earn” of the Citizens Union? What is the Citizens Union? It is an organization of capitalist rep- resentatives, who regard themselves as the guardians of “public morals.” They are the promoters of “clean government,” while en- dorsing crooks: Their understanding of “clean government” is a government that is able to hoodwink the workers, to carry on its work for the benefit of the bosses without the workers discovering the cause of their misery. ‘The very endorsement of Shiplacoff is a dem- onstration of the character of this organization. Who is Shiplacoff? In addition to being a socialist laborskate, $240,000 of the funds of the Fancy Leather Goods Union “disappeared” and he had to resign because of the scandal. To be sure he is no better and no worse than the so- cialists, Beckerman or Orlofsky, who have been kicked out of the Cutters Union No. 4 of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union for mak- ing away with some $47,000. He is no worse than the socialist, Sidney Hillman, who, accord- ing to Beckerman and Orlofsky, cannot or dare not account for about $1,000,000 of the union funds, because of his own speculations on the stock exchange, fraud on the part of his or- ganizer in Chicago, and of the go-between of the union and the gangsters, who made away with some nice thousands of dollars of the workers’ money. He is no better and no worse than those other socialist gentlemen, for they are all of the same brand of crookedness—even though they (Hillman and Schlossberg) get the support of the crooked Tammany courts. * The New York workers must not be fooled by this self-styled Citizens Union. It is a pet scheme of the bosses in every city of the country to the endorsement put up such institutions to fool the workers as to candidates, to put forward “progressive” sys- tems of public legislation, to keep the workers from thinking of the real causes of their situa- tion, An institution of this kind is especially dangerous at this time, when the workers are in a miserable condition, with more than 1,100,000 unemployed in the city, millions part time—and with the bosses proposing that more millions shall go on part time, so that their— the bosses’—profits will not be touched in the campaign for relief of the unemployed. It is especially dangerous when from Hoover, Roose- velt, down to the socialists and the A. F. of L. leaders, they are using slick progressive phrases —Green at the A. F. of L. convention in Van- couver, even talking of “revolution”—for the purpose of deceiving the workers. -| But Shiplacoff is a crook, whether the Citi- zens Union endorses him or not. That the. Citizens Union is just as crooked, is evidenced in their very recommendation of Shiplacoff. Now let us look at another endorsed candi- date. of the socialist party, Samuel De Witt. ‘The N. Y. Times states that “Mr. De Witt, with five other socialist assemblymen, was expelled from the assembly onlv to be vindicated at a svecial election held later fn the vear to fill the vacancies.” How was this scoundrel Ne Witt “vindicated?” It was during the world war, when the socialist party was carrying on a shallow anti-war camvaign, when the socialist leaders, led by Hillquit, pretended to be “revolu- tionary” fighters against imperialist war. Ten socialist assemblymen were elected, but were not seated. Some of them. were “vindicated,” and only those were seated who renounced evervthing the revolutionary workers stood for. De Witt was among them. and onrided himself on the number of liberty bonds he sold. This 1s the “socialist.” who is now recommended by the Citizens Tinion, Ts it hecanse annther world war—end this time against the Soviet Wnion— is rushine headlong on the workers. that the Citizens Union thinks it a good bet to endorse this enemy of the working class. De Witt? Cer- tainly it is no “coincidence.” But the endore- ment of the Citizens Union of this enemy of the working class also characterizes the Union. ‘The Communist Party does not want nor will Japanese imperialism, the Korean landlords, moneylenders and merchants plunder the peas- ants of Korea. The ruined Korean peasants flee to the Japanese factorfes in Japan or Korea, and if the capitalist factory cannot swallow up them all in its hellish cauldron, then they in turn flee into Manchuria. During the course of 10-13 years, the number of Korean refugees in Manchuria has grown to a million persons. In the border province of Tsindao, the number of Korean farms is 57,643 and Chinese 9,860. But the Korean pasant flees to Manchuria in vain, Japanese imperialism, the Chinese land- lord, the usurer and the tax collector await him there. Manchuria is the richest province of China, which is so poor in natural wealth, It exports abroad a great amount of soya bans, wheat, ofl- cake, tobacco, rice, gao-lin. But the wealth of Manchuria is not only its soil, Manchuria has coal, iron, gold, forests, soda. * Japanese industry grew up without a cor- responding base of raw material in Japan it- self. Therefore Japanese imperialism is trying to convert all China and especially Manchuria into its base of raw materials, into a market for | its products, into its economic territory for the export of capital, and in connection with the threat of the anti-imperialist and agrarian revo- lution in Korea, into its reserve colonization fund. In China itself, Japanese financial capital meets with strong resistance from American, British and in some places French imperialism. In Manchuria Japanese imperialism won for it- self a commanding position, economically and politically, in the war with Tsarist Russia. It defended this position in the struggle with the imperialism of the U. S. A, enlarged and ex- tended it, in spite of the opposition of the Amer- icans and the British, The depeer the crisis in Japan itself, the sharper became the dispropor- tion between the tremendous productive ap- paratus and the narrow base of raw materials, the stronger became the contradiction between the tremendous productive forces and the ex- tent of the home market, as the result of the semi-slavish standard of life of the workers, and the semi-feudal exploitation of the peasants of Japan. ‘The war of competition has become stronger in the Far East between the leading imperialist powers. Japanese imperialism has dug itself in the more firmly in Manchuria. Manchuria has become a semi-colony of Jap- anese imperialism, and a jumping-off point for winning new positions in China. Based on its commanding positions in Manchuria, Japanese imperialism is stretching out feelers into inner Mongolia, is trying to penetrate into Shan-si, to get Shan-tung fully into its hands and strengthen its positions throughout all China, All the economic commanding positions in Manchuria are in the hands of Japanese imper- jalism. The total sum of Japanese investments in Manchuria at the end of 1929 was 1,468,405,000 yen. (A yen is worth about 50 cents USA). In agriculture and forestry, the investments are 22.4 million yen, in mining they are 11.6 million yen, in electric power stations they are 36.1 mil- lion yen, ig industry—105.6 million, in transport —679.9 millions, in banking—67.2 millions, in trading—117.7 millions, in various other under- takings—51.2 millions. Japanese capital con- trols foreign trade, the chief railroads, the best coal mines, the modern ironworks, the oil press- ing works, the textile and silk factories, the match factories, the tobacco factories, the. big- gest banks. From heavy industry to wholesale trading, from railroads to hotels, from big banks to agricultural experimental stations—Japanese capital |dominates over the economy of the country, Japanese monopolist associations have been exceptionally developed in Manchuria. The big- gest monopoly is the South Manchurian Railway. In addition to the railway line, the South Man- it ever get the endorsement of the enemies of the working class. The Communist Party, with its program of struggle against the bosses, the bosses’ parties and government, the labor fakers and the bosses’ third party, the socialist party, seeks the fighting support only of the workers of New York. The Communist Party, its pro- gram and candidates stand for the working class alone, and the workers on Noy. 3 will give their support to the fighting party—the Com- munist Party. a re ORR genuaeta churian Railway owns enormous storehouses, workshops, one of the biggest locomotive works in Asia at Dairen, a flotilla and harbors at Dairen, Port Arthur, Inow, and Andun, its own docks at Shanghai, coal mines at Fushun, Yan- tai and other places, electric stations, gas works at Dairen, Mukden, Chandun, Andun, hotels in all the chief towns, building and reserve land to the extent of 55-60 thousand acres buildings, hospitals, experimental stations, laboratories, model silk works, chemical works, oil pressing works, breweries, iron mines, blast furnaces, fac- tories for distilling shale oil, soda works, saw mills, etc. The capital of this monopolist giant is 671,000,000 yen. The annual budset of this “state within a state” is about 250,000,000 yen income and about 220,000,000 yen expenses. ‘The interests of this monopolist association predetermine to a great extent the direction of all Japanese policy in Manchuria, The South Manchurian Railway is trying to obtain a number of new railroad concessions for building a line from Girin to Hoiren. At the same time it is bringing about the cessa- tion of the construction of railroads by Chinese capital, ond in particular the cessation of the construc.on of lines which might compete with the South Manchurian |Railroad. It was no chance that the journal of the department of economic investigation of the S-M Railway, “Mammo Dzidzo,” when recounting all the rail- way lines projected by Chinese capital, states that if the Chinese plans are carried out, the S-M Railway will lose the freight of the most important districts of Manchuria. “If the Chinese insist on their plans,” writes the journal, “a black cloud will rise on the relations between Japan and China. This. may cause much harm to both countries. At present there is hope that this cloud will pass by Japan and China.” The South Manchurian Railway agrees to the Chinese building railways which will serve the S-M Railway, providing it with freight. But it resists the construction of lines parallel to itself, which would divert freight from the S-M Rail- way. A struggle is going on for imperialist monopoly, for the strengthening and enlarge- ment of this monopoly. Along with the S-M Railway and in close col- laboration with it, the Korean bank (the so- called Chosen bank) and the Yokohama specie bank dominate the economy of Manchuria. Evidently, Japanese imperialism at the pres- ent time is “solving” the |questions connected with railroad construction, which means giving new concessions to Japanese capital and the refusal to construct competing railway lines by Chinese capital. Secondly, Japanese capital is trying to “solve” the land question in Man- churia. Up to the present, Japanese citizens have not had_the formal right to buy land apart from the land owned by the South Manchurian Railway. Japanese imperialism is seeking to get these rights under the pretext of defending the in- terests of the Korean settlers. Naturally, there is no question of protecting the interests of the ruined Korean peasants, but it is only a ques- tion of whether the Eastern Colonizing Society, the Chosen Bank and the Japanese land specu- lators and not the Chinese landlords will exploit the peasants. Therefore the Japanese imper- falists are prepared to insist on the right of extra-territoriality of the Korean settlers. The recognition of this right would be equivalent to the seizure of Tslandao and other provinces of Manchuria by the Japanese imperialists. Thirdly, Japanese imperialism is seeking to bring about the formal separation of Man- churia from China. The war lord of Manchuria, Chang Hsue Liang hes formalty recognized the Nanking government. Though a faithful servant of Japanese capital, Chang Hsue Liang has nevertheless several times tried to evade direct “negotiations” with Japan, on the pretext that in questions of foreign policy, the competent. power belongs to the Nanking government which is an agent of American imperialism, As a method of utilizing the contradictions between the imperialists, Mukden gave a concession for goldmining to British capital, attracted to Man- churia Dutch and German capital and made at- tempts to attract American capital. All these questions are interwoven with others. ‘The taxation of Japanese firms and citizens, the “right” of the Japanese banks |to issue ‘paper money, the struggle for the monopoly of the collection of beans, etc., form the main features of the @apanese demands, as far as they con- cern Mienchuria itself. ‘Tt problem of Manchuria is inseparately » xen ———J A Lutheran 5-Year Plan In Detroit, the Lutheran Church has a five- year plan, solemnly adopted by the elders. Here are the points the members must follow for five years: 1, Read a chapter each day of the Bible. (Nearly as good as the Decamcron.) 2. Pray at least once a day for the pastor and public officials. (They surely need it.) 3. Seek to bring one new member into the church each year. (In order to reduce the unit cost of overhead; see next item.) 4. Contribute to church finances generously and regularly. (We knew there was a catch in it somewhere!) 5. Attend all services with pleasure, prompt- ness and regularity. (With “pleasure” to give away your money, eh?) Still, even when this “five year plan” is com- pleted, the unemployed member will still be un- employed—if he isn’t starved to death; there will be no seven-hour day; no wage increases; not anything of what the Five Year Plan of socialist construction brings to workers in the Soviet Union, But there will still be capitalism, wage cuts, unemployment, starvation amid plenty, and a tribe of “Full Bellies” approving of a Lutheran church which invents this scheme to keep work- ers from going Bolshevik. See Now Go Get a Job! Abolish the Gifford apple sauce Commission) Call off the local campaigns for “adequate” re- lief! Suspend the unemployed march on Wash- ington! Christian Science has “solved” the prob- lem of unemployment! Honest Injun! For right on the front page of the Christian Science Sentinel, in the issue of Sept. 5, which a comrade just handed us, is the solution, imbedded in an article by Mabel Cone Bushnell, and reading as follows: “How rapidly men would find right employ- ment, joyous employment, if thought |were constantly occupied in contemplation of God and His eternal protection of His own! “How joyous a release from unemployment is the employment of thought in the service of God! Broadly speaking, the general claim of unemployment is brought about by wrong thinking.” mee Stupid Stimson We again are compelled to record the fac that the Secretary of State simply has no sense. In this we find ourselves in unusual accord with the N. Y. Post, which is violently protest- ing at Stimson’s tying America’s hands with the support he is giving the League of Nations. The Post, of course, is using self-criticism as among imperialists, while we merely record the fact that Stimson is a bonehead. We understand the imperialist motive of Stim- son in not gathering the signers of the Kellogg Pact to protest against Japan. Because the So- viet Union is one of the signers. In fact the only one which really desires peace. But Stim- son don’t want to call on the Soviet to help prevent war in Manchuria, when he aims to use the war in Manchuria to provoke war against the Soviet Union. So he thought he would use the League of Nations (run by Japan's friends) to checkmate Japan. So when the League, with its polished diplomatic style of saying nothing in a pro- found way, went througit the motions of pro- test, and expressed itself satisfied that Japan would do the right thing, Stimson missed fire and rushed into print saying that the U. S. would “endeavor to re-inforce what the League does.” And since the League had done nothing ex- cept receive “with satisfaction” the reply of Tokio that Japan considered the League should shut up, because Japan was going to “settle mat- ters directly with China”, Stimson sort of sewed himself up to that procedure. And it needed the bombardment of Chinchow to wake him up. ‘That's why the N. Y. Post infers that he means all right as an imperialist, but he’s shy of brains. bound up with the Chinese problem as a whole. ‘The U. S. A. has defended the “open door” pol- icy in Manchuria for decades. The struggle around the Chinese Eastern Railroad |plainly. showed that dollar imperialism has not given up its desire to penetrate into Manchuria. On the Chinese arena, there is going on a constant struggle between the U. S. A., Japan, Britain and France. In this struggle, Manchuria is of particular importance not only for economic reasons, but also for political and strategic Teasons. It must not be forgotten that Manchuria could be a jumping off place for an attack on the U. S. 8S. R. in the Far East. The workers of the U. S, S. R. realized that in the year 1929 the counter-revolutionary adventurism of Mukden and Nenking, urged on by the imperialist pow- ers, was trying from that side to deal a blow at our peaceful construction. It was only the firm- ness and peaceful policy of the ju. Ss. S. R. which broke up the criminal adventurist plans of the Chinese generals and their imperialist patrons. The military occupation of Manchuria once more exposes to the Chinese toilers the bank- ruptcy of the policy of the murderous Kuomin- tang. While destroying thousands and hundreds of thousands of Chinese workers, the Kuomin- tang cannot defend the interests of the Chinese people against the imperialists. If Nanking tries to call forth a movement of boycott of Japanese goods, it will do so for the benefit of its immediate imperialist bosses. The Chinese Communist Party is heading the outburst of mass indignation against imperialist plunder, is heading a real mass revolutionary struggle against imperialism and the agents of imperialism—the Kuomintang. It is directing its blows against the cliques of Chiang Kai-shek, Chang Hsue-liang and the Cantonese adven- | turists who have brought the country to cata- strophe and humiliation. Eighty million people are starving, the country is being torn to pieces by the generals war, the hangmen of the: Chin- ese people-—-the Kuomintang and its militarists —are carrying on a war of extermination against the toilers, selling the country wholesale and re- tail, and bringing the terrible oppression of im- perialism on the toilers. In Kiang-si, Hupeh, Hunan, Fukien, Anwhei, the flag of the Soviet anti-imperialist, ante feudal revolution is rising higher. ‘The consolidation of the Soviet districts in China shows the only path jalong which the Chinese people can achieve their Uberation from imperialism,