The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 19, 1931, Page 6

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co Page Six Address and mail 18th Btrest, New York City Inc, dally except Sunday, at 53 Eas N.Y, Telephone A 1 956, Cable: “UAL\ tia.” all checks to the Daily W r, 50 Bast 15th Street, New York, N, I “ADVANCING ALONG THE LINE OF SUILITANT CLASS STRUGGLE By RB. PALME DUTT. completeness of the change in the British political situation Is so great that its full evtent and significance still needs a good deal and discussion throughout i ec? hammering out the working class. olsie in a tight corner has made a n and skillful maneuver, on the one up a “National”? Government to strengthened bourgeois front of ex- in and offensive against the ler cover of the former Labor on the other hand, v taking its cue from the situa- turned round, as if freed from y for its past and comes for- leader” of the workers’ opposition that eatening to destroy it while, This double maneuver has taken the workers se, and raises the greatest danger of g the workers’ front serious ? Yes; the most acute point yet reached s of British capitalism. ational” Government talk, which treats y financial crisis to be met by e Budget, is a deception concealing cter of the crisis and of the con- capitalist offensive. abor Party talk, which treats it as a foreign bankers’ conspiracy, to be met by easy ive capitalist solutions without cuts, {s no les lie and deliberate hypocrisy to deceive and lull the workers. The financial crisis is only the reflection—the explosion point—of the industrial crisis. itflow of gold—only temporarily arrested of foreign credits—is inevitable so the increasing excess of imports over is greater than even the enormous ome from foreign investments (which bor Party Shylocks so gleefully count on ve everything) can any longer cover. gold standard will crash in Britain, and the value of all British capital holdings, h it therefore the value of foreign trib- and therefore the whole basis of the pres- omic structure in Britain—unless in- » can be revived and exports forced up. is inevitable under capitalism. the burdens on industry cannot be re- lessened, but are on the contrary, re- so long as the gold standard is main- fore the only path is the heaviest cut- t f the workers. Balancing the Budget does not solve this; it is only important as giving the lead. It is a secondary issue in itself, brought to the fore- ont, because it gives the lead. The Budget issue is the spearhead of the general offensive. But this supreme effort of British capitalism to save itself on the backs of the workers re- quires political conditions of intensified dic- tatorship, “strong government” on the one hand, and a successful Social Democracy, on the other, to deceive the workers. Both were lacking under the old regime, The Labor Government was weak and hesitating; at the same time the workers had lost confidence in it and were rising in opposition. Hence the new maneuver. What is the meaning of the change from a “Labor” Government to a “National” Govern- ment? It is not a change from a “workers’” government to a capitalist government. It is a change from one form of capitalist government to another. But it is a change from the form of a capi- talist government, which seeks to deceive the workers as being “their” government, while the bourgeoisie perform the role of “opposition” peacemakers, to a capitalist government which openly leads the united bourgeois forces, while the opposition becomes a “Labor” opposition to deceive the workers. This change always takes place at point of intensified class struggle, when the former meth- ods are no longer holding in the workers. We had a previous example of this in 1924-5. The discredited Labor Government gave place to the Baldwin Government to fight the rising working class opposition, while the Labor Party passed over to “lead” the opposition. The out- come was the General Strike and its betrayal. . . . Today we have a more advanced form. This is not a simple handing over to a Conservative- Liberal Government, with the Labor Party simply passing to opposition; but, instead, a new process of a loudly proclaimed “split” in the Labor leadership; in which one tiny group of the most prominent leaders, MacDonald- Snowden-Thomas, pass over, without a follow- ing (and actually instructing junior ministers not to follow them) to open bourgeois coalition; while the remainder, Henderson-Clynes-Lans- bury, lead the united Labor Party in opposition. This is the peculiar feature of the present transformation, and governs our consequent Why was this peculiar process neces- Because only so could there be hope to defeat the rising differentiation in the working class. If MacDonald-Henderson as a whole had gone into “opposition,” the class issue of the ‘king class fight against the Conservative- Liberal Government would have been too open, and the fight within the working class move- ment against the old, discredited MacDonald- Henderson leadership would have inevitably Werkers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P © Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name State Age .. the Labor | Mai! this to the Central Office. Communist bommunist Party U. 8. A. arty, P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. | path of revolutionary struggle. gone forward If MacDonald-Henderson had gone in together into the coalition, the working class opposition would have all the more rapidly advanced, smashing the Labor Party. But the “split” has the effect that all the crimes of the Labor Government, i. e., of the Labor Party, all the anger and discontent of the working class, are thrown on to the shoul- ders of MacDonald-Snowden-Thomas as “in- dividuals”; and the Labor Party is enabled to come up anew, as if “purged” and re-won to the fight, to deceive the workers anew. In this sense MacDonald and Snowden have made the “supreme sacrifice” for the sake of the bourgeoisie, and deserve their bourgeois praise. As the Social-Democratic “Arbeiter- Zeitung,” of Vienna, has cynically declared: “MacDonald, as a statesman, saves the State; while Henderson, as the secretary of the party, saves the party.” The false differentiation between MacDonald and Henderson was the sole remaining man- euver possible to defeat the rising real differ- entiation of the working class against both— and so to save the Labor Party. ee ak. This attempted revival of the Labor Party is now the key problem of the political situation for the working class. On the success in seeing through and defeating this maneuver depends the success in defeating the situation to real advance of the working class. Think what it means. The Labor Party is to come up smiling again —how gleefully they all are at present!—with its same discredited program, its same lying promises of reforms, to draw the workers’ hopes to it again by philanthropic talk of the wicked- ness of cuts and its glowing schemes of capi- talist reconstruction, and so to draw the workers to another Labor Government of capitalist ad- ministration with an inevitably yet more terrible outcome. The answer of the working class to this in- solent atempt at a come-back of the Labor Party, to this cool presenting of a Henderson Labor Government, with exactly the same pro- gram of the MacDonald Labor Government, as the solution of the crisis must be and can only be “Never Again!” The lesson of the second Labor Government, of the increasing crisis, of the deception of all its promises and the worsening of the conditions of the workers and its final inevitable outcome in the “National” Government which it led up to and smoothed the way for, must be learned once and for all. Not this way lies the path of the workers. It is not enough to fight the present Labor Opposition as we fought them six years ago, or ten years ago, before they were exposed in the searching light of the Labor Government and the economic crisis. It is not enough to say that their opposition is a sham opposition, that they will not fight, that they are bluffers, that they will confine the struggle to Parliamentary channels, that these leaders are not to be trusted. ‘We must expose the whole line of the Labor Party; we must show the meaning of their present role; we must show how, after the most complete exposure and shattering of capitalist and Labor policy, they are attempting, not only to sabotage and paralyze the immediate struggle of the workers, but to draw the workers back to new hopes in capitalism in the possibility of capitalist revival and reconstruction as the solu- tion of the crisis; and so to begin the cycle over again. We are fighting cuts. of the immediate fight. We are fighting the heaviest capitalist offen- sive yet, against which the Communist Party has been continuously giving warning when all the Labor leaders were speaking of the prospects of return of prosperity. But the cuts, the pence and the shillings of the workers’ livelihood, are only the expression of a bigger fight, of a political fight. These cuts, and the dictatorship to enforce them, represent the supreme attempt of crum- bling and shaking British capitalism to restore itself on the backs of the workers. Our fight against them is not a fight to find an alternative path of capitalist restoration, as the Labor leaders urge. ® The goal and meaning of our fight is to over- throw capitalism and solve the crisis by the working-class dictatorship to drive out the para- sites and build up Socialism. This revolutionary aim comes now to the forefront more than ever as the direct out- come of the new stage of the crisis. Labor has failed. Capitalism offers only intensified dictatorship and cuts. ‘The only path forward for the workers is the It is at this point that the Labor Party endeavors to re~ establish itself, to draw the workers to new lying hopes in capitalist revival. This is the supreme task of the Labor Party in saving capitalism at the present stage. The “National” Government marks a new stage—the beginning of a new stage of capitalist politics in the crisis, corresponding to the Brue- ning dictatorship in Germany. How complete is the transformation will still only gradually be realized as events develop. ‘The present form of the “National” Government. may or may not prove longer-lasting. There is already plentiful talk of the necessity of its longer conitnuance than the “few weeks” originally proclaimed. The task of “balancing the budget” is only the prelude to a very much larger and longer process, which will govern the conditions of the whole period ahead. It may be that the bourgeoisie will press for- ward to further forms beyond the present “National” Government; may find it necessary, if the class struggle inoreases with great inten- sity, to advance to increasingly open Fascist forms of dictatorship. All this depends on the development of the struggle immediately ahead, Big and rapidly developing class battles are now in front. In these the rising working-class opposition must find itself grow in strength, against both the offensive of the “National” Government and the deception of the attempted Labor re- vival, and find its way to independent advance along the path of militant class struggle to the goal of the workers’ revolution, This is the heart SASS By WILLIAM L, PATTERSON. ‘HE democratic party with its Ku Klux Klan leadership has always proven itself an open enemy of the Negro masses. Its very name must raise before them scenes of lynching and mob violence, of jim-crowism and segregation. ‘The historical past of the republican party has been a cloak hiding from the Negro masses the slave-master character of its leadership. It is also a party of the bosses. But the republican party led northern capital during the Civil War. ‘Then, the demands of capitalist society for cot- ton and other raw materials, for greater mar- kets, could only be answered by the emancipa- tion of the slaves. Unable to recognize these fundamentaly eco- nomic demands as the forces making for the “Emancipation Proclamation,” Negro leaders rallied the Negro masses to the support of the republican party as their liberator. These lead- ers found in this direct material benefits for themselves. Frederick Douglas said “The re- publican party is the ship. All else is the sea,” and the Negro masses believed. Today this ship has become the leader of the new slave traffic. The socialist party has openly established its jim-crow locals in the South. It has openly declared that work in the South could be done only when the customs of the South were duly respected. It has shown itself to be only a third party of the bosses. ‘We are now approaching a new election cam- paign. These parties of the bosses will again come before the Negro masses with the promises they uttered yesterday. These parties do not recognize the class struggle. They claim to rep- resent the interests of all the people. But all the people have no common interest. Eleven millions of starving unemployed workers all upon the streets, millions more are suffering from vicious wage cuts. Between these masses and the bosses, there are no common interests. ‘The living conditions of the Negro workers grow worse daily. As the workers grow poorer, the bosses become richer. What have the parties of the bosses to say about this? What have they to offer to relieve th emisery of the Negro mas- ses? Only lies and the unkept promises of yes- terday, the promises that were not meant to be kept, that could not be kept, that are un- rapped yearly and brought out to fool the Negro workers, The Negro misleaders voice these promises the loudest. But on this occasion, the bosses’ candidates will be faced by the representatives of the Party of the Negro workers and toiling masses, the Communist Party. Its election program sets forth the methods by which immediate relief can be secured by the Negro masses. Its elec- tion program is a program of struggle by the working class against the boss class. In relation to unemployment insurance, it holds that every worker, irrespective of nationality, race, color or sex, shall receive unemployment insurance to the full amount: of his or her wages for the full time of unemployment. The insurance provisions shall also cover part-time workers to make up the amount of their regular wages. The burden of raising these funds are placed squarely on the shoulders of the bosses. For the Negro masses, particularly, it demands equal pay for equal work, full social and pdlitical rights for the Ne- groes, the right to live in any section of the city and state they desire. A fight against and per- secution of all landlords charging Negroes high- er rents than whites for equal accommodations. The right of Negroes to work on any job with- out discrimination. The right of Negroes to at- tend all schools, colleges, etc., and against any form of discrimination. Unity of Negro and white workers in the struggle for equal rights, For self-determination of the Black Belt of the South. Immediate establishment of public parks and playgrounds tn Harlem. Negro workers, Vote Communist! Vote Communist! ‘The “Morning Freiheit” Must Exist to Lead Workers’ Struggles orker he te US. be IGHT!” FREE MILK \ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: : Ss mal. everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting:Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8:-six months. 84.54 By BURCK | Bee atu —mmmasea By JORGE FoR Sceroorcuitpres) TO ALL REVOLUTIONAY WORKERS, INION, EAGUES, INTERNATIONAL WORKERS ORDER, WORKERS’ CLUBS, AND OTHER PROLETARIAN MASS OR- IZATIONS. mmittee of the Communist Party of the . calls for an energetic drive for the $40,000 emergency fund to safeguard the Morning Freiheit, Comrades! The Morning Freiheit, organ of the Communist Party in the Yiddish language is again threatened with suspension! The Morn- ing Freiheit has issued a call for a fund of $40,- 000, a minimum amount which the paper must have to pay off its larger pressing debts and to secure its existence for the winter months. Comrades! The mutiny in the British navy, the struggle of the German workers for power, the general deepening crisis of capitalism, the mass struggles of the employed and unemployed workers in the United States, the successful up- building of Socialism in the Soviet Union and the imperialist preparations for an attack on the workers’ republic, accentuates the tremen- dous importance of our means of approaching and mobilizing wide masses of workers. The Morning Freiheit is a fighting mass organ of the revolutionary workers in the United,States. It has been in the forefront in all campaigns of the working class, It is actively participating in the upbuilding of the Trade Union Unity League. It has given valuable service in the eam- paign of the miners’ strixe and the miners’ re- lief. It is playing a major tole in the struggles of the needle trades workers in the United States for the upbuilding of a militant industrial union. It helped establish the International Workers Order and is continuing to be an important fac- tor in the further broadening out of the revo- lutionary fraternal organizations of the work- ing class. The Morning Freiheit has built workers’ clubs, cultural mass organizations and has been rally- ing to the revolutionary struggles tens of thous- ands of Jewish workers in the United States. The Morning Freiheit has been tried in many a battle and has proven a sharp effective weapon in the hands of the working class. The Morning Freiheit has been waging a con- tinuous struggle Badge the labor burocrats particularly against the social-fascist needle trades company unions. Jewish nationalism in all of its forms, Zionism in particular, and the scourge of white-chauvinism has been valiantly combatted by the Morning Freiheit. It is ised- ing an effective struggle against the vicious »@ - low counter-revolutionary sheet of Hillquit, Ab- romovitch, Kautsky and the entire second in- ternational, The Jewish Daily Forward and against all enemies of the Soviet Union. Because of that the Morning Freiheit is being hounded by all forces of capitalism and social fascism who are doing everything to rob it of its advertisements and in any other way cut down on its income. The severe economic crisis and the impoverishment of the working class has had a telling effect on the income of the Morn- ing Freiheit from affairs and other such sources. A burden of $25,000 in debts is pressing heavily on the Morning Freiheit, which makes it im- possible for it to exist unless simmediate funds are rushed, ‘The day the Morning Freiheit will breathe its last will be a day of Joy for the forces of reac- tion, the labor burocrats, the enemies of the Soviet Union, and a severe blow to the revolu- tionary movement. This must not happen! All energy must be given for the speedy realization of the’ aim the Morning Freiheit has set for itself in the present emergency campaign, the collection of $40,000. The Morning Freiheit must exist to lead the struggles of the working class and to mobilize the workers for the defense of the Soviet Union. Rally the masses of workers for the support of the Morning Freiheit, tens of thousands of them. More workers must be reached now than in any previous campaign for our press. This present campaign to sustain the Morning Frei- heit must be given a real mass character and linked up with the campaign for a wider cir- culation and the political and industrial issues now confronting the employed and unemployed workers in the United States. Bigger battles are ahead of the working class in the United States and other countries. The workers need their press now more than ever. Long live the Morning Freiheit! Contribute and collect for the fund of the MORNING FREIHEIT! CENTRAL COMM., COMMUNIST Lata USA Unemployment “Cures” in Ohio On Sept 10, a desperate mass of unemployed ‘workers, thirteen hundred in number, stormed the county storeyards at Cleveland for jobs dig- ging ditches, Hundreds stood in line all night some young some old—all hungry. Many fainted from hunger and exposure during the night. Others, weakened from standing in line all night, were trampled in the wild rush when the reg- istration booths opened in the morning. This scene is a forecast of the grim aspects of the approaching winter—of mass starvation and death for the Unemployed! Four days later, according t othe Cleveland Press, only 550 men were hired out of the 13,000 applicants for jobs. But what ts of greater im- portance is HOW and WHY they were hired. Quoting the Cleveland Press again: “Each of the workers are selected by the Associated Charities; Soldiers and Sailors’ Relief Commission;® and *Cuyhaga county mayors!” A recommendation and reference from a city mayor is necessary to get a job digging ditches! It is easily seen that the jobs are given out by crooked politicians on condition that the workers promise to vote for designated candidates, In addition to this each applicant is asked: “Are you a citizen?” “A war Veteran” “What church do you go to?” “What political party” etc. Another aspect of Ohio's unemployment cures % the elimination of the ditch digging machines, Resaube LE to “experts” there will be more jobs and a longer period of employment for the unemployment if the work is done by hand. All workers are required to dig three and a third cubic yard of dirt each day. The American Federation of Labor, convened at Columbus for its state convention on Sept. 15, (five days after the Cleveland riots tor jobs) Also offer cures for unemployment. Senator Bulkley (Democrat) greeted the convention and was cheered when he appealed for all to vote for “the opening of breweries and legalize the sale - of beer.” This would give many jobs and cure economic ills, according to Senator Bulkley, Hatry McLaughlin, state secretary of the Fed- eration, could not add any new ideas to solve tack against boFS.ciy‘is Ditechbdn| ni unemployment so he went to a hysterial attack against Bolshevism and Communism, In the face of these fakers and fake cures of unemployment the workers of Ohio are or- ganizing hunger marches and building Councils Make Way for the — It has. come to our attention that while the crocodile was away with liver trouble, the bull+ frog bureaucrats were making no end of a mass of things. For instance: In ou¥’own Sdnctified Party Unit, according to Hoyle the unit’ members were to elect a com- radé froin the Unit to attend the District School; but the Seétion Organizer, being a kindly chap, explainéd..that he was “Saving the unit the trouble”—-and appointed the student. Another comrade, an old-timer and sort of case-hardened, being a functionary, attended & meeting of functionaries at which a Central Committee rep, gave an excellent report of the recent Plenum and how it opened a war on bu- reaucracy, which was properly held up to scorn, ridicule and contumely. But somehow or an- other—thete was no discussion. That, of,course, might have been overlooked. But right from the meeting the comrade went to some other meeting, where she learned that the Section, being .“‘in a bad shape”, was given the “cure” by the Section Committee appointing ev- ery blessed one of the functionaries for every Unit in the Section! That is “encouraging initia- tive of the rank and file’—isn’t it? Yes, it isn’t! At the Plenum we heard that one District Org. Secretary eclipsed all that, probably thinking that the Section Committee “had too much work” and the units too “didn’t know what to do.” So he. told ’em, Unit No, 1, must do this on Monday,.that on Tuesday, the other on Wednesday—and so on for all the units and all the days of the week! The units and their mem~ bership don’t have to use their brains at all with this lad! But sbeaking about lads, reminds me that we are saving-up-something nice for a certain ore ganizer of a Y.©.L. Unit somewhere between the Hudson and. East rivers in Downtown New York, This lad is the..“G” string on a Chinese fiddle, if. you. get. what,we mean, seeing that a Chinese fiddle has only one string. The unit has about thirty members, and only one organizer. But WHAT an organizer! Without him the Chinese fiddle wouldn't play. But with him! All ¥.C.L.ers, watch for this horrible examplet The Crocodile is loose again! A Little Teo Previous “what's the, matter with that ‘Red Sparks pamphlet? I asked for it at the Workers’ Book- shop and they tell me it isn’t out yet.” That’s the kind of bombardment we get every time we encounter anybody that is anybody—~ that is to say, anybody who likes this column and read the “Double-Barreled Review” pub- lished here on Sept. 1. We sort of got to wondering eurselves why all the delay. Before Sept. 1, we turned the whole works over to°the Workers’ Library, all set up in type, mind you, and nothing much to do to it but page it up with Ryan Walker's illustrations and hegin to rake-in the nickels. That’s why we got enthusiastic. and wrote the “Double-Barreled Review.” “ We felt further cheered up when the book- shop told us that such a pamphlet was just what was wanted; “Workers ask for ‘something light, sort of humorous’” they told us, bearing out our opinion that it isn’t against Communist princi- ples to grin or even giggle. . But all of us reckoned with the Workers Li- brary Publishers (some time or other). It ap- pears that the Tovarish who heads that organ- ization is constitutionally not in a hurry and regards haste as not only a maker of waste, but a malignant disease. In fact, although we heard ( when we dropped around on Labor Day, that the “Red Sparks” pamphlet was alréady in the print shop, it turns out that such was a false alarm. One year will do as well as another, maybe. But our steno got.a bit wild about the delay dur= ing our-absence, and shoved the thing along a little. So, cheer up, the “Red Sparks” pamphlet will soon be out. So shoot in your orders to Workers Library, Box 148, Station D, New York City, and specify that it is “orders” you're send- asi Mb eae Convalescent Musings We have been sorely troubled by © ‘sing a lot of things while ill. We haven't dared to look at our mail, and the doctor wouldn't let us so much as yisit the office, but things have hap- pened; Aimee Semple MacPherson, for example, ‘up and did it again. “The third plunge”, one paper headed: it, ad the third officially regise tered: Will Rogers complimented Gandhi on his “sine cerity.”” ° : The sky pilots of Yankee imperialism took the field against British imperialism at the Episco- palien’ convention in Denyer, the New York Times of “Sept. .6, recounting: “Some prominent Episcopalians evineing an interest in the cause of India, as now being. advanced by the Mahatma Gandhi in London, hold that the Church of Enzland, due to the onflict between the Bi government and Ihe forces headed by Mr. Gandhi, is no longer in a_position of sufficient prestige in India to exercise adequate influence. India, they argue on the other hand, has great confidence im America, and. would be better disposed to listen to the teachings of the American branch of the Church.” Gandhi says: his (the bourgeois) India does not want to beheld by force, but by the silkem cord of love.” a ‘The’satlors of the British fleet cheer the King, sing the “Red Flag” and go on strike against a wage cut. The “silken cord of love” was getting too dated thin for them. And it begins to look like nobody loves Ramsay MacDonald but Gandhi, ‘There's. something in the very word “mutiny” that givés a capitalist the heebee-jeebies. The rockbound. N.Y, “Post editorially expressed it on of Unemployed. The demands of the Councils of of Unemployed are for state and county relief of $150 cash for the coming winter; no forged labor; unemployment insurance of $15 per week, and $3 for each dependent. “Don't starve, fight!” “Join the militant Unemployed Councils” must. become the organizing and fighting slogans of the uemployed. haye seen Bolshev'sm emerge. We have seem Germany ruined by deflation and France blose som forth “as. the richést Eureopean nation, These and many other wonders have we seen, but we certainly never even dreamed that we would ever read that the seamen in the Brite ish navy were-in mutiny,” ‘4 orn wees) f } ‘ *