The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 17, 1931, Page 4

—"pabiiskea by | Page Four ° hy the Comprodail ath Street News ¥ City.,N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7 y Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Suuday, at 50 Bast : . Cable: “DATWORK.* . AAdress"and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. ae and Spread in East Ohio By LEO THOMPSON, HE present’ rapidly ‘spredding strikes in the I bituminous coal fields of Western Pennsyl- vania and E trade unionis experiences, all of which are splendidly the resolutions and decisions of the Strassburg Ci of Labor U: con- © are these strikes rs for the Pittsburgh forced to speak of the tional Miners’ benville Herald-Star, organ of June 9th issue says: for Outbrea: ; Life of Indus- Crowd Closes Three al Miners’ Union nrough District, Huge Crowds Out, s Demand He | Force of Dep ction,” | In less than three days the 1 ya Union in Eastern Ohio, for example, has closed down seven mines in strikes of over 2,000 coal- diggers. How was this done? Not Spontaneous. First of all it must be pointed out that while these stril have developed in only three days, jt would be wrong to say that they are spon- taneous strikes e strikes are all a result | of the constant organizational work of the Na- | tional Miners’ Union for the last two years. In | Piney Fork, for example, we had a member- | ship of 300 at the outbreak of the strike. These | strikes were organized and prepared in advance. | The N. M. U. has been laying the basis for this strike in the past through its consistent activity | or among the miners, thereby winning the confi- dence of whole mining town communities. The rapid growth of these strikes therefore can only be explained by the consistent organizational work of the N. M. U., its correct strike strategy | and its ability to concretely organize the mass | discontent of the miners around simple imme- | diate demands that the miners understand and are ing to fight for. There is no doubt also that the fact that 15,000 Western Pennsylvania | miners were on strike has greatly inspired these strikes in Eastern Ohio. | Miners Discuss Demands. Two weeks before the outbreak of the strikes in Eastern Ohio, the N. M. U, discussed the question of developing strike-struggles with the miners of the Piney Fork Local 22 with 300 members. The miners brought out the local de- mands that they though should be raised. These demands they brought back into the two mines of the Hanna Coal Co. and discussed them with their fellow-miners. Then a big mass meeting was called after arousing the miners behind these demands and over 400 miners last Sunday voted unanimously for strike action which re- sulted in a complete shutdown of both mines. It is interesting to analyze these demands which gained such an extraordinary response/from the miners. We will notice that every one of these demands are concrete, based on the very life necessities of the miners. The demands put forward are ts follows: 1. Right of the miners to put their check- weighmen on both tipples. 2. Recognition of miners’ pit committee. 3. Abolition of the speed-up “average” sys- tem (whereby the mirers are forced to average a minimum of 10 tons a day to hold their jobs) 4, Abolition of the fake “safety” boots, shoes, gloves and goggles (for which miners were forced to pay as high as $5 apiece). 5. Complete enforcement of the eight-hour day. 6. Reinstatement of all those miners who have lost their jobs because of the speed-up system or their union affiliations. ‘1. No more check-off for the company “horse” doctor. 8 Full pay for all dead work. All the miners support these demands. And after the unanimous strike vote the miners elected a broad rank and file strike committee ‘ i Graft and of 25, representing both mines, day and night shifts, as well as the young miners, women and children. The National Miners’ Union is push- ing forward many young organizers who are sent out into the field to spread the strike throughout Eastern Ohio. These young miners in Piney Fork are really the leaders of the strike, the chairman and sec- retary of the strike committee, picket captains, etc. all being young miners. The National Miners’ Union is practicing real trade union democracy, the rank and file controling every move that the union makes in the strike. No more can the old phrase, “lack of forces,” be used as an excuse for inactivity. The miners themselves are the best organizers you can find. This present coal strike will produce scores of young fo: who will lead the National Miners’ Union on forward to new victories. ‘The very first morning the picket lines were almost 100 per cent effective, all but 15 Lewis ak ying out on s e. The their wives and children and brought them to the picket line. At 10 a. m. a huge overflowing strike mass meeting was held at the Miners’ Hall, where reports of the picket captains, nego- tiations committee, etc., were made. Organize Spreading of Strike. The strike is not being spread merely on an artificial ba. but is being organized and .pre- pared in advance through the local unions of the union. For example, when the negotiations committee reported that the superintendent, “Mussolini” Simpson, declared that he will “not talk to the miners until they go back to work’— the miners instinctively saw the necessity of immediately spreading the strike to all other mines of the same Hanna Coal Co. The miners proposed to march to the Fair- point, Dillonvale and Lafferty mines. The first march was organized on Dillonvale No. 1, when the miners with a motor caravan of over 50 cars invaded the company camp. The whole mining community, all the women and children of the miners, came out with open arms to welcome the N. M. U. motor caravan of the Piney Fork strikers. We organized a mass meeting right in front of the mine pit just as the miners were quitting work. We raised our immediate de- mands that the miners were striking for, and called upon them to support the strike by walk- ing out the next morning. We also distributed leaflets, calling them to attend the strike meet- ing after work at the Bohemian Hall, to which at least 100 Dillon No. 1 miners turned out. At this meeting we elected another strike commit- tee of 25 rank and file miners of Dillon No. 1 mine, made arrangements for picketing and as- signed some 50 striking miners and their wives to help picket Dillon @lso. The next morning, on the basis of these preparations, we had a 90 per cent walkout. The morale of the strikers is wonderful We are keeping up the enthusiasm of the strikers by constantly keeping on the offensive, pulling out at least one mine every day, dramatizing the struggle through mass picket lines, mass marches upon different mines, long motorcades with signs and slogans, Singing of strike songs, etc. We keep constantly in touch with the miners through daily strike meetings and by putting up a strikers’ wall bulletin in the hall where meetings are held. Of course it would be wrong to say that mis- takes are not being made. We still have many shortcomings to overcome. The strike commit- tee, for example, is still too loosely organized. ‘The preparations could be much more thorough and systematized. but, in spite of this, the Na- tional Miners’ Union organizers are swamped j daily with miners from outside mining camps who urge us to come to their mines to pull them out on strike. N. M. U. Grows. The strike struggles are the best time to build up the local unions. Already about 300 miners joined the N. M. U., with scores of cards rolling in every day. We constantly remind the miners that without joining the N. M. U., even if all demands are won, that their gains will be short- lived unless backed up by a strong National Miners’ Union. Gangsters How Gangsters and Graft Will Be Wiped Out This is the last or a series of articles from a pamphiet on the origin of graft and gang- sters in the United States, and their connec- tion with the capitalists in New York, Chicago, Detroit and Washington. Ne ota a HE capitalist system throughout the world is being shaken to its foundations. The rich-' est country in the world has the largest unem- ployed army and is in the throes of a drastic pay-cutting drive. In this campaign they use most brutal forms of terror. During the period, the capitalist state increases its suppressive ac- tion—it assumes more and more open fascist forms. The courts, which are so kind and con- siderate to the gangster friends of capitalism, mete out long jail terms wholesale to militant workers. While the cry for deportation of gang- sters is raised in the capitalist press, this propa- ganda is used for deporting revolutionary for- eign-born workers. Lynchings grow in number, as do all other forms of violence against the workers. In this development of the capitalist state machine, so firmly rooted in gangland as well as in capitalist exploitation, the exploiters more and more directly employ gangsters against the workers. Even now we see Al Capone taking an inter- est in the preservation of capitalism. He does itin a crude manner, but the essence is the same as the demagogy of Hitler of Germany, or Mus- solini of Italy, not that Capone or his type will ever become the leaders of the fascist hordes, but we see Capone indulging in demagogy, sup- plying food on his private breadlines. He is an admirer of Mussolini and will gladly lend his machine gun crews to the American fascists in time of need. In the American Federation of Labor gang- sterism and graft had an early start. The offi- cials of the A. F. of L., who already act as the fascist vanguard for the bosses, base their power on the support and bribery of the capitalist class, buttressed by an army of gunmen. We see William F. Green, president of the A. F, of Ly make a fascist agreement with Hoover and the leading capitalists of the United States in No- vember, 1929, wherein Green and other officials of the A. F. of L, agree that during the crisis there will be no strikes against wage-cuts or for higher pay. It is the gunmen in the local city and state federations who did their duty to see that this policy was adhered to. Further still, the American Feredationist in 1930 carried an article entitled “How Capital- ism Can Save Itself.” The answer given by the American Federation of Labor is that capi- talism can save its system of starvation, misery and exploitation of the workers, its system of bribery, graft and corruption by a fascist rule. In this rule the A. F. of L. officialdom offers its services. To the fascist standard will flock every gangster and gunman in the United staies. It is to their comron interest to keep back the advancing revolutionary tide by every means. Socialists and Fascism. In this process the socialist party plays a use- ful role for capitalism. In Germany, the social- ists protect the fascist murderers, they preserve capitalism, laying the ground for fascism as the final bulwark against working-class revolution. In Britain, the British labor party, part of the socialist international, creates within itself the fascist party from its “left” elements, such as Sir Oswald Mosley and J. J. Cook of the Miners’ Federation. It orders the slaughter of Indian, Burmese, African and Chinese workers and peas- ants to preserve capitalism the world over and its imperialist rule. It is clear that the crime crusades of the capi- talists are not intended to end graft, corruption or gangsterism. They have for their end to make the workers believe there is a division or separation between capitalism and its lawful offspring. Under capitalism it can never ‘> wiped out, as it is born and bre din the flesh of the capitalist system. In the Soviet Union, where the-workers and Peasants have established their rule, the cess- ow the Coal Strike Is Organized| Party Life Conducted by the Org. Dept. Central Com- | mittee, Communist Party, U. S. A. Some . Organizational . Experi- | ences in Indianapolis By M. MORTON ise leading comrades in this city during the entire past year paid very little attention to the problems of organization. Their entire time was occupied with holding street meetings, plan- ning demonstrations and fighting evictions. In all these struggles some 1,300 applications were taken in for the Party, unemployed councils and the LS. N. R. Through these struggles our Party gained tre- mendous influence; workers everywhere respond- ed in mass and expressed willingness to be or- ganized. But our Party was “too busy” to build the Party and other organizations out of this mass of applications gotten in as a result of these struggles. Not until a month ago did our party here be- gin to realize the most important question before us—ORGANZATION. Until a month ago we had no Party in this city. There was only a group of workers willing to do work who indi- vidually, on their own initiative, carried on these mass struggles without any sort of organization. As a result we are now confronted with the task of not only “cashing in” on the broad influence gained by our Party, but also with the task (be- cause of this unorganized development) of edu- cating hundreds of workers who are very close to us in the importance of organization as against the conception the workers have of our Party now We first proceeded to establish at least two functioning Party units by gathering together the most active and militant workers. These two party units are still being “nursed,” but today they are most enthusiastic because they have learned to act in an organized manner. | And although these units are far from being | perfect, they are nevertehless on the road to be- | coming the leaders of workers in their respec- tive neighborhoods. We are now building a third | Party unit in a Negro neighborhood and with | the present tempo of the development of our Party we will have a fourth Party unit in Indi- anapolis in the next few weeks. To date in the three units we have thirty-one members (a third of this number are Negro workers). The rest are white American workers with one foreign born worker, Up until recently Unemployed Councils, L. S. NR. branches T. U. U. L. and I. L. D. were all considered just different branches of the Communist Party by the workers in these organ- izations. Even now to some extent this confu- sion still exists, only now the workers for the | first time are beginning to realize and under- stand the role of these various organizations and the role of the Party as the leader of them. | The leading comrades have sat for hours at a time with one or two new recruits patiently dis- cussing and planning Party work—going over time and time again with them the most minute details of organization,—teaching every func- | tionary his tasks and duties, developing leaders out of workers who have just come in to the Party, organizing classes for new members, and | constantly urging these comrades who are most eager for knowledge of the Party and its organ- ization to study their problems and plan their work in advance. The Party work in the shops has been a thing } unknown to the Party in this city. The composi- tion of our membership was 90 per cent unem- ployed. Even now we have great difficulties to convince a certain section of our membership of the importance of shop work. This, like the rest of our problems, is being slowly overcome. More and more employed workers are joining the Party, We have now for the first time two or- ganizing committees in the factories. In the coal fields our task, especially in Clin- ton, is one of building the Party, and the Na- tional Miners Union. There are many large in- dustrial cities in our Section that have not been even touched by our Party. The task of harnessing the major part of our influence is still before us. In the last few weeks we have especially made great inroads into the Negro masses. We have now two large branches of the L. S. N. R., and seven Unemployed Coun- cils. The L. S. N. R. has a membership of 250 and the Unemployed Councils 300 members. Great numbers of world war veterans who have accepteq the program of our Party are yet to be organized. Women workers and young workers who participated in demonstrations and fights against evictions, are yet to be organized. We feel confident that our Party is now well on the road of really becoming the leader of the ex- ploited American working masses in Indianapolis and vicinity. * pool of crime, graft, corruption and pogroms of the Czarist regime have been wiped out. The few stragglers of the corrupt capitalist regime of Czarism, who by this time have not been cleansed out, quickly meet their punishment at the hands of the proletarian dictatorship. Graft- ing is a crime punishable by death, a crime against the entire working class. In the Soviet Union, where the workers are building a new life and a new society, advancing to Socialism under the Five Year Plan, a Capone, a “Legs” Diamond, a Jimmy Walker or a Thompson, J. P. Morgan, Mellon or Rockefeller is as foreign as a Caligula, a Torquemada or Borgia, They are relics of a past age. In the capitalist lands these black hundreds thrive and grow, increase in power and in the decaying body of capitalism. As the decay of American capitalism spreads, the fascist elements will grow, strengthening the underworld. It is no accident at all that the Chicago, New York, Detroit, Pittsburgh, San Francisco and Los Angeles courts, that is, those cities in which the gangster element is most clearly intertwined with the capitalist political machine, the terror against the worker is great- est. The courts in all the capitalist cities are used most effectively against the workers and not against organized criminals. * Organize Workers’ Defense Corps. Against this alliance of the bosses and the gangsters, the workers must organize their forces for struggle in the Trade Union Unity League in th Unemployed Councils. In every strike gangsters will be used more frequently against the workers. Only the Trade Union THE SPANISH This series of three articles, of which this is the second, was written before,the recent anti-clerical outbreaks and fresh upsurge of the revolutionary movement in Spain. The third article will appear tomorrow.—Editor. Eo seule 5 By N. MAJORSKY (Moscow). Ti. The considerable difficulties which hinder a rapid passing of the Spanish revolution to a higher stage must not however call forth the slightest doubt that this process is necessary and inevitable. The fundamentalequestion of the class struggle between the Spanish proletariat and the bour- geoisie at present is, whether the revolution is ended or only just begun. The profound social conflicts which overthrew the monarchy of Alfonso XIII. cannot be solved by the Spanish bourgeoisie, and determine its doom. The agrarian question is the most important political problem of present-day Spain. 56 per cent of the toiling population are engaged in ag- riculture. The working conditions in agriculture are such that Spain can justifiably be described as the most feudal country in Europe. Enor- mously big estates and millions of landless peas- ants—tenants and agricultural workers, those are the two poles of agrarian Spain. “People without lang and land without people’—that is how the bourgeois journalist Cristobal de Castro described the situation. In the province of Salamanca 96 landowners each own more than 1,000 hectares, 100 land- owners each possess more than 2,500 hetares and 407 over 5,000 hectares each. In the province of Seville there are 296 landed estates comprising over 1,000 hectares, 148 estates of over 2,500 hec- tares and 77 estates of over 5,000 hectares. Con- ditions are pretty much the same in most of the provinces of Spain. In 27 provinces (out of a to- tal of 50) 76.5 per cent of the population possess 4.7 per cent of the land, whilst 67 per cent of the land is in the hands of 2 per cent of the popu- lation. Such a maldistribution of the land is hardly to be found anywhere else. The owners of the enormous landed estates are really feudal lords. Large portions of their estates are allowed to lie uncultivated and are used for hunting purposes or the breeding of bulls, destined for slaughter at the bull fights. The landlords possess feudal rights over the ten- ants living on their estates. The majority of the peasants live in a state of extreme poverty. The peasant masses are the greater part illiterate. According to the article of Christobal de Castro quoted above, “the fate of the peasant in Spain is more pitiable and humiliating than that of a serf,” and that. declares the author, “is the great tragedy of Spain. The situation of the day-laborer is of course no better. As the corre- spondent of the “Quotidien” in Barcelona re- ports, in the past winter the landlords have paid wage workers with families half a peseta a day. Families with ten members live on about ninepence a day. For at least ten or twelve days in the month they have no work whatever. In Spain the revolutionary liquidation of the landowning class is on the order of the day. The elementary movements of the peasants and of the landworkers commenced alteady before the April upheavel and are still going on. One of the first acts of the provisional government was to declare land ownership. to be inviolable. ‘The partial reforms that can be carried out will not satisfy the great mass of the peasants. Another painful ang acute question of present- day Spain is the question of nationalities and colonies. Spain has colonial possessions in Af- rica, including a part of Morocco. In the year 1925 Primo de Rivera, with great difficulty and the aid of France, suppresstd the revolt of the Riffs. They have begun to stir again. In Te- tuan, the capital of Spanish Morocco, it came to collisions between demonstrators and police. In Tangier, a neighboring “international” town, the situation is extremely strained. There are no grounds whatever for expecting from the provi- sional government any serious improvement on the former policy in Morocco. This. however, means an inevitable upsurge of the emancipation movement in Morocco. Within Spain itself the national question is pressing for solution in three provinces: Cata- lonia, Vizkaya and Galicia. The bourgeois pro- visional government has concluded a temporary comprise with the Catalonian nationalists. To- wards the Basques and Galicians it is adopting an obdurate attitude. Here conflicts are in- evitable. Now with regard to the labour question. Great poverty is characteristic of Spain, as there exists no social legislation and in particular no unem- ployment insurance. This factor is of particular importance at present, as.there are about one million unemployed in the country. The eight- hour working day is not observed. There are no factory councils. The average wage amounts to 5 to 6 pesetas a day (2 shilling to 2-48). Accord- ing to the calculations of the liberal newspaper “El Sol,” the real wages of a Spanish worker amount to only 45 per cent of the wages of an _— eee nist Party and the Young Communist League, puts up an effective battle against these black htindreds and the fascist leaders of the American Federation of Labor. The only force that will effectively smash this gang in the everyday battles against wage- cuts and for immediate jobless relief is the solid organization of the workers in militant trade unions. Against all forms of terror—attacks on the foreign-born and Negro workers, slugging of Pickets in strikes, killings of militant union men who urge workers in the A. F. of L. to strike against the wishes of the gangster leadership— the workers must organize their own defense corps. This is an effective means of smashing the gangster attacks as well as the attacks of the police, carried on at the order of the bosses, ‘The workers in the Soviet Union have shown the way to rid the working class of the entire strata of capitalist parasites under whatever name they appear. The Communist Party in the United States, in organizing the workers for struggle against wage-cuts, for the building of the mass revolu- tionary trade unions, against speed-up and for unemployment insurance, at every step in fight- ing the capitalist masters, carry on a struggle as well against their minions in the A. F. of L., in the capitalist courts and in the Police. depart- ments, But it will be the overthrow of the capitalist system under the leadership of the Communist Party, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the rooting out of the whole mass of capitalist relations that will finally pu eee or } Ons Fear: $8; " Se i ae RA Foreign: one year, REVOLUTION English worker, There is sufficient reason fox,an intensifica- tion’ of the class struggle and for the develop- ment of ‘a broad revolitionary,movement, The old ‘regime of the dictatorship ‘has not been ac- tually altered. It,has been made to appear out- wardly more acceptable to the masses by the!Re- publican signboard. As a result ofthe retention of the economic power of the big landowners, the preservation of the olq apparatus of power. and the terrible fear of the bourgeoisie of a people’s revolution, a speedy return to the open dictatorship of some general or other or of Al- fonso himself is by no means impossible. It was not without reason that Alfonso declared that, to return to Madrid. The present rulers in Spain are certainly no hindrance in this respect. The totality of the class antagonisms of pres- ent-day Spain constitute an exceedingly com- plicated phenomenon, For the C. P. of Spain there exists in the country sufficient objective prerequisites for the development of a powerful and real people's revolution of the workers and peasants, Iv. ‘The Communist Party of Spain is faced with a task of great historical importance: to raise the revolution to a. higher stage and to prevent the bourgeoisie from consolidating its power. Unfortunately, in the first phase of the Span- ish revolution our Spanish Party did not take up a sufficiently clear standpoint. It did not issue the slogan of Soviets as a slogan of action, nor did it attempt to rally the broad masses of non- party, social democratic and anarchist workers round this slogan. The Communist Party of Spain is called upon to place itself at the head of the commencing workers’ and peasants’ revolution. What character has this commencing workers’ and peasants’ revolution in Spain? A bourgeois- democratic or a socialist character? To this ques- question one cannot reply with “either-or.” Lenin said that the bourgeois-democratic and the socialist revolution are not separated from one another by a Chinese wall. The first de- the work of the first. The fight and only the fight decides how far the first succeeds in de- veloping into the second. Every revolution that develops under a hege~ mony of the proletariat,‘has the tendency to grow into a socialist revolution. Spain does not constitute any exception in this respect. On the contrary. In the program of the Communist In- ternational Spain is included in the group of countries with a “medium development of capi- talism.” The industrial proletariat in Spain constitutes 5.5 per cent, of the population. The agricultural proletariat constitutes 10 per cent of the population. Taken altogether that is a much better proportion in favor of the prole- tariat than was the case in pre-war Russia. ‘The overwhelming majortiy of the Spanish peas- antry consists of poor peasants. Spanish capi- talism has undoubtedly reached the imperialist stage of development. Spain is an imperialist country, even if it is considerably weaker than many other countries. All this creates the necessary prerequisites for Spain, as soon as the movement becomes suffi- ciently mature, to advance to the socialist revo- lution. And the fact that in Spain the bour- geoisie is now in power and that the developing revolution is already turning directly against the bourgeois republic and not merely against the semi-feudal monarchy, is of great import- ance in the present case. . It would, however, be incorrect to designate the Spanish revolution already at the present stage as a socialist revolution. It must be re- membered that when Lenin, in 1917, opposed the tendency of Kemenev, who attempted to drag the movement back to the old slogan of the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and of the peasantry, he, Lenin, emphatically warned the Party against the dan- ger of “leaping over the not completed revolu- tion of a bourgeois democratic character.” Needless to say, the Communist Party of Spain must indefatigably propogate the socialist revo- lution. In this respect the Spanish revolution has the advantage over the Russian in that to- day the Soviet Power has already existed over 13 years on a sixth part of the globe, that it is at present completing the foundation of the socialist economic system and that the general world-crisis of capitalism is increasing in depth and rendering it ever clearer that history has doomed the capitalist system to death. The broadest propaganda of the socialist achieve- ments of the Soviet Union and the exposure of the historical rottenness of capitalism are one of the most important tasks of the Com- munist Party of Spain. In view of all this, however, the socialist revo- lution in Spain cannot be an immediate task of the day. The next task is a workers’ and peasants’ revolution against the landowners and against the bourgeoisie, the fight for a republic of the “Soviets of workers, landworkers, soldiers and peasants’ deputies” (Lenin), in contradis- tinction to the bourgeois republic. An exceed- ingly important and urgent task here is to win the proletarian hegemony in the movement of the people and to raise this people's move- ment to the highest consistent revolutionary stage. (To be continued.) Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. ‘ New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name Address HY’ .sireccecvcecscecsesceees Stl .icsesceees OCCUPAMION Lsssescesevcrsceeeseserss ARE cesece he has not renounced his rights and is hoping } Section is doing? By JORGE An Excellent Alibi Referring to our Spark about “A Good Req Gone Wrong” on June 12th, the Section Organté zer who unhappily chanced to serve as a chope ping block for our hewing out a perfectly cor« rect policy on the Daily Worker Clubs, comeg in with a protest. He is in absolute agreement. with the policy, and only protests the facts, and after giving him a hearing we agree that he has established an alibi. Obviously we were misinformed if we expected him to follow the line of an editorial printeq on June 4th, at a meeting on May 22! But at that meeting he had recetved the in« structions about Daily Worker Clubs—yet they were handed to him only as he was introduced to speak, and naturally he had no time at all to read them, and as he was billed to speak about something else. didn’t say a word about | them, So that lets him out. But, as we said before, he's a good Red, and isn’t content just to be absolved of fault, but wants to be credited with accomplishment. So what do you thing his What but arraning a DINNER, inviting the Daily readers, for the purpose of forming a Daily Worker Club. Go, thou, all Section Organizers, and do like< wise, oe cteee “General Order No. 4” This we were sent by some reader, to show ua what the official orders of the “Headquarters, 71st Infantry, New York National Guard,” looks like. The “General Order” was issued April 14, from the regimental headquarters, Park Avenue and 34th St., New York City, the center of American aristocracy. It deals with regimental assembly for April 30, and since numerous 100 percenters are fre- quently snooty about the “foreign sounding names” of “suspected Reds,” we'll examine some of these patriots on theirs: The “Officer of the Day” is listed as “Captain velops into the second. The second consolidates | 7UStus W. Kranz. Medals for Service were presented to Frederick Schling and Sergeant Salvatore Montano. The order is signed by Colonel DeLamater, and by Adjutant E. Hertzog. But the entire reason for the regimental as- sembly, is listed as Point I, in the General Order No. 4, as follows: “The Regiment will assemble on Thursday, 30 April, 1931, for Review by His Excellency Tytus Filipowicz, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Poland to the United States.” That being “reviewed” by a gent packing the name of Tytus Filipowicz, did not seem to cause a wrinkle in one National Guardsman brow. Why, then, should they get alarmed if a Com- munist is not named Smith or Bilkins? Try that one on your Ku Klux neighbor! Looking over General Order No. 4, to deter- mine what elevating influence might be therein contained for National Guardsmen, we discover that the principal thing which American heroes are required to learn, is how to wear White Duck Trousers, which are specified as necessary prop~ erly to be reviewed by Tytus Filipowicz, Am- bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, They are minutely described to— “Be starched and no cuffs at the bottony and being made purposely with a high waist, must be worn with suspenders, and at proper length.” Lest any Guardsman lack the elementary cul- ture supposed to cling round an American gen- tleman from birth, and thus offend His Ex- cellency Tytus Filipowicz, lest—dread possibility —a soldier of America don’t know how to put on his pants, it is further specified in General Order No. 4: “The officers will instruct and demonstrate to the men the particular way White Duck Trousers should be put on and worn.” hs ee The Printers’ Devil in a Helluva Fix From the N. Y. Post of June 11, we learn that the “Russian War Veterans Association, Incorporated.” namely, the Czarist White Guards and allied bodies, agree with Trotsky that the Five-Year Plan is a “failure” so far as mechani- cal construction goes, and is “enslaving” the Russian workers socially. A gent signing himself Paul Green writés in giving the Daily the devil for defending the Soviet Union “painting the catastrophe over with the Five-Years Plan. What a farce!” And that villain, Stalin, is to blame for it all. He says he reads the Daily, but really, such a Trotskyist should look to the Saturday Evening Post. The Saturday Evening Post needs his sym- pathy. It has failed to pay a dividend for first timé in 30 odd years. But it paid $75,000 for his ‘articles. It has been hit pretty hard lately, what with the Canadian tariff lay down a tax of 15 cents per pound on all Amere ican magazines entering Canada. Canada does that to force American advertizers to use Canadian magazines. What a wallop for the Post with its weekly tons of tripe, to pay such rates which make it beyond the price reach of Canadian readers, or to lose millions of dollars in advertising. We hope it will not turn cold on Matty Woll, who is one of the leading boosters for high tariff. The N. Y. Graphic editorial offices look like @ morgue. Most of the scribes fired for sake of economy and only a few old gloomy fossils sticking around to write “look on the bright side” articles saying that employers are not firing any- body and the “depression” is about over. The Graphic is owned by MacFadden, who swapped a bankrupt paper in the midwest for the publication called “Liberty,” also bankrupt and getting rupter every week. Evidently “Lib- erty” is not what it is cracked up to be. Then there is the N. Y. Post with its Knick- erbocker, trying desperately to keep from going under and making a brave show with its anti- Soviet hysterics to grab enough circulation tem porarily to drive as good a bargain as possible in negotiations to go bankrupt “honorably” by merging with the N. ¥. Sun, Dog eat dog! May they chew each others’ ears and enjoy it! We notice that the N. Y, ‘Times’ business mah- ager “breakfasted with Hoover” last Wednesday, Now what cussedness do you suppose was hatche