The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 25, 1931, Page 6

} F Pudlished by the Comprodatly Publishing Co., ane 18th Street, New York C: Address and mail all che Page Six Gally exe ot Telephone Algonquin 1956- 8 to the Daily Worker, 50 East 18th Street. New York. N. ¥ ept Bunda 7. Cab at 56 East ‘DAIWORK.” Dail forker Dory USA How to Organize May Day Dem-| ™4¥ PAY monstrations E it is not possible to organize ® para the next best is an outd Here again thorough and de’ essential. A demonstration als pose of showing our anized and di numerical strength, fore must be up—tfrom start to fir ofa dividuals, but of a number of organizations, As in preparing for s parade, each organiza- tion must mobilize its own members and sympa- thizers through its own connections and chan~- nels. (Meetings house-to-house canvass, leaflets and letters, etc.). Each organization has its own Steering Committee of three, comes with. its own signs and banners, and maintains its individuality at the demonstration. ‘The demonstration must have a strong Steer- ing Committee of 3, but it is more important still | to have a strong and experienced chairman (who is. of course, one of the committee). The chair- man is responsible for carrying out the schedule planned for the meeting, must prevent spi from exceeding their time, and in must maintain the unity of the demo! A demonstration does not provide as much self-activity for the work a parade. There fore it is essential fo get them to participate a much as is possible. The chairman should call on them to vote on resolutions, fo shout their answers “Yes” or “No” to questions, to r hands in answer, singing, cheering, and a: a should be organized and unified; every device should be used that shows that this is the work- ers’ own demonstration and that they are not just ‘2-passive crowd. In planning the demonstration, the Steering Committee should visit the square where it is to be held a week or two beforehand, should study the approaches to the square so that the ‘workers can march in as quickly and impres- sively as possible, decide where the stand (or stands) is to be placed, where the different or- ganizations should stand, mimeograph the plan, and study the square from the viewpoint of de- fense, Demonstrations must start strictly on time, Workers must not be left to stand around wait- ing, and getting tired and disgusted. Demon- strations should be short, from 1 to 2 hours They should not be allowed to peter out. There should be many short speeches rather than one jong speech. Each speaker should be assigned beforehand’'.a special phase of the subject to talk on, rather than have speakers repeat one another aimlessly. Banners and signs should be distributed thru- out the meeting, not just bunched near the stand or on the outskirts of the-meeting. It 1s impor- tant that ‘signs should be double-sided so they can be read from back and front. Ifa loud-speaker (that works) {s available, a’ yery large demonstration can be addressed from one~ stand, otherwise there must be several stands. In this case, speakers should be passed from stand to stand. At. times during the dem- onstration, voting on resolutions, etc., everything must: be conducted for a short while from the central stand, in which cases the chairman may use“aimegaphone. The stands should not be Placed so far apart that there are empty spaces between the stands, as these invariably become centers of disorder. ‘The Workers Defense Corps should be divided into’ three general divisions, one which masses ¢losely around the speakers’ stand (or stands) facing’ outward, to defend the speakers if nece: saty; one which is strung out along the whole and Meetings outside edge of the demonstration to maintain | discipline at the fringe, to break up social gath- line against an attack, é members are: as- to the individual c ations, and are t 1 Lurough the meeting. le must be organized, preferably with the individual organizations. should frequently to the Daily and to other literature that is being sold. 62 pee Indoor Meetings. An indoor meeting must also be ruled by the same organization and _ discipline. should not come as individuals but march in with their organization led by minary mobilization. ecorated with every kind voster and slogan, special- ‘sin red and white letter- n slogans of May Day. 1ould have only one main many others. It is abso- out the workers with speak- main speaker may pos- s an hour, but generally not r other speak There should be a olutionary greetings by workers not more than three minutes feeling of An indoor meeting nd not t 1 each of rev 1 the shops, Three hours should be the absolute maxi- 1 for the whole meeting, and it is neces- to emphasize, it should start strictly on time. The whole plan of the meeting, length of time of speakers, etc., must be ¢: ly worked out beforehand, and must be closely adhered to by the chairman. Above all the ct that he doesn’t ‘man himself become the hour be- All speakers must be kept should see to it worst offender by talking for. a half- | tween each speaker. | closely to time An indoor meeting should have a cultural pro- gram: ma inging (in English), musical selec- | tio playlets, or pageants,*but all dis- utionary, working class chatac- ute order must be maintained through- e meeting. Ushers must be trained and instructed beforehand to allow no one to stand around anywhere in the hail, ing around, changing of seats, talking, or worst | of all, any social gatherings in the back. Such scenes of disorder disgu: r 's, who lose | all respect for any organization that does not | maintain order at gatherings. | Members of the Workers Defense Corps are | distributed outside the hall, inside near the | exits, and the rest generally through the hall at | the ends of rows | Admission should be charged to indoor meet~ | ings. In addition, a collection should be taken, generally before the talk of the main speaker. Comrades making collection speeches often seem to think that the amount of the collection de- pends upon the length and inmpassioned charac- ter of their appeal. This is not so. Workers know that organization costs money and are willing to do their share financially as much as they can. Collection speeches should be short, the collection should be taken up in a rapid and orderly manner by collectors. who have pre- viously been assigned to their sections, and the collection should not be turned into a. period of general chaos from which it is a tremendous task to re-establish order. The meeting should start and adjonm with | the singing of the International. Southern Press and the Scottsboro Case By JOSEPH PASS. “The ugly demands of threats from outsiders that Alabama reverse its jury decisions and filthy insinuations that our people were mur- derers when they were sincerely being as fair as ever in the history of our county is rather straining on our idea of fair play. IT AL- LOWS ROOM FOR THE GROWTH OF THE THOUGHT THAT MAYBE AFTER ALL “THE SHORTEST WAY OUT” IN CASES LIKE THESE WOULD HAVE BEEN THE BEST METHOD OF DISPOSING OF THEM.’— From an editorial in the Jackson County Sen- tinel. of Scottsboro, Ala. . . . ; ie town of Scottsboro turned into a festival ground in celebration of the legal lynching of: nine Negroes. Eight thousand people, the largest crowd ever assembled in that town, stormed the square in and about the court room. The days were rather sunny and fair for this holiday lynch mob, irked on by the Press and mill bosses. The local Hosiery Mill Band, furnished by one of the scabbiest open- shop outfits in the South, greeted every verdict of guilty with an outburst of martial music. A holiday spirit was in the air, created and red by the ruling class of that section. for a period of a few days the workers and farmers of Jackson County “forgot” their ram- shackle homes and empty stomachs. The work- ets and farmers of Jackson County were given an “enemy” to think about and fight. And with this enemy—nine young Negro boys—came a band, soldiers with their bright bayonets, young All seemed to be moving evenly and fair for the executioners of the nine Negroes. The en- tire press of.that section in the South was like’ ® puppet responding to its master’s strings. passed between the supposed wo ¢irls on that moving freight of guilty, sentencing eight young the electric chair! deliberately and consciously pre- preudiced the minds of the prospec- Chattanooga News a few days "burst into poetic prose against much farther apart than night and men who perpetrated those deeds and a normal, kind-hearted guards his little family and toils the day, going home to loved ones at ith a song in his heart. How is it pos- the vesture ef man can exist _nine, while others in the yes- of re dream such beauty as Keats ean paint as did Raphaci?” | i F Fe? i $ i a The Jackson County Sentinel, published at Scottsboro, reprinted the above article and ‘in the same issue protestéd in vigorous terms when an attempt was made to remove the case from that town into some other city. In an editorial the Sentinel said: “The editor of the Sentinel is informed that the attorneys will petition for a “change of venue,” under the claim that newspaper stories and other propaganda have made it impos- sible to get a fair and unprejudiced trial in Jackson County for the Negroes. The ‘claim is without foundation. The Sentinel is not prejudiced, The evidence against them is cor- roborative and witnessed. It hardly seems possible that all evidence can be broken down. «+. We fail to see where a change of venue could benefit the Negroes very much, if any.” In the same town of Scottsboro there is pub- lished a paper called the Progressive Age. It prides itself on its liberalism. On April 2, a few days prior to the trial, it congratulated the people of the county for not lynching the nine Negroes and then added: “The people of Jackson County are to be congratulated upon their conduct during the past few days when their patience and chiv- alry were ‘severely taxed. IF EVER THERE WAS AN EXCUSE FOR TAKING THE LAW INTO THEIR OWN HANDS, SURELY THIS WAS ONE.” The press during the trial perverted every bit of testimony in the court room. When the two physicians, Dr. R. R. Bridges and Dr. M. H. Lynch, testified to the effect that the girls showed no great mental or physical disturbance immediately after the incident and that one of the girls had only slight marks upon her body the size of a dime, the Sentinel reported that: “The two physicians who made intimate examinations of both white girls after tho al- leged attack testified as te bruises and scratches and that microscopic examination showed evidence that was contended by the state as corroborative to the story told by the girls.” This is an exact opposite to what the two physicians had testified! When the Interna- tional Labor Defense stepped in, in defense of the victimized Negroes, a barrage of attack poured down on the workers’ defense organiza- tion for daring to resist the attack of the ruling class. The publicity issued by the I. L. D. was not at all to the liking of the Southern press. The Jackson County Sentinel complained edi- torially that: “We have been |, bankrupted, cussed and discussed and ly crowned with a wreath of sweet smell roses by the Inter- national Labor Defense of New Yawk and Rusha. ¥ got a letter from a man in New Jersey about the time this Negro trouble first about, ten | number of | to allow no walk- | PARTY: LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Two Examples of Factory Work E, G. (Chicago). IN one of the Chicago sections we have been concentrating on a shop oucleus for many years. Occasional issuance of shop bulletins (not, by the nucleus), general discussions at the mee’ ings about material for the bulletin and. the need of establishing a shop committee and that was all, Lately the Metal Workers’ Industrial League has also been “concentrating” on the same factory, using the same old methods, with- out proper co-ordination with the section, The two cooks did not make the broth any better. In connection with the May Day preparations, the section committee decided not only to re- issue the bulletin, but also to hold weekly meet- ings before the factory gates. This is an easy matter, because there are thousands of workers outside, eating their lunch, listening to all kinds of salesmen, from fountain pens to Indian snake oil, peddling their goods. The easiest thing to get a large audience, and good organizational re- sults, No need. to stress that wage-cuts have | been taking place systematically in this factory. The Section Committee issued therefore the | instruction that» each nucleus shall send down two comrades before the shop gates a certain day of the week. The first time a few comrades showed up, but not seeing the speaker from the district, they left the place, without even try- ing to approach workers, to sell them literature. The second time there were two speakers, but not one comrade ‘from the nuclei, not a single piece of literature. The comrade spoke for about 20 minutes ‘to 500 workers, who listened very at- tentively until the whistle blew. They would have bought literature, some of them would have given their names, but no one there to take it. This is enuf said. Now let us take another factory in the same séction. A much smaller one, which was not even known up to a few weeks ago by our com- rades. A unif decided to concentrate on the factory and appointed two comrades to sell Daily Workers there. But this did not end the story. The nucleus organizer happened to work in an- other shop, near this factory. His work started at 7:30 a. m., while the gates ‘at the other place opened at 7 a.m. ‘Our comrade was there every day at 6:30 a. m., mingled with the workers, began to talk to them about generalities, later turning the discussion to the conditions in the factory. He found out not only about a recent, wage-cut of 10 to 20 per cent, but.also that there are workers in the factory who are willing to fight under the leadership of the T. U. U. L. against the wage-cut.' Two of them were ready to join the organization committee and promised to work from within. At the same time, believe it or not, one of the unemployed Party comrades got a job there. ‘The information secured by the unit organizer enabled him to approach the employment man- ager at the proper time and he was hired. This means that. after ten days of concentration we have one comrade in the factory and two con- tacts for the Trade Union.Unity League. Un- like in the other place, where conditions for or- _ ganization are still better, where we haye had a shop nucleus for years, where tons of, printed materia]. were distributed, without any results— if the work will be kept up, we will build the shop nucleus and the grievance committee. ‘The first leaflet for this factory will be out this week, with the material being given by the workers, and not by comrades, who never even saw the shop from inside. ‘Two examples of shop work; in the same sec- tion, with the same material in the Party and in the factory—and a a difference between the two! maybe after all “the itieleat way out in cases like these would have been the best method of SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months $3: two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ot Manhattan and Bronx New York Ctiy. Foreign: one year. $: siz months. $4.50 q| Lessons of the Glen Alden Strike | (The-lessons of the Glen Alden strike are very important for the 10,909 miners in the Chamokin section of the lower anthracite who haye been on strike for over a week. We, therefore, reprint the following editorial from Labor Unity.—Ed.) GLEN. ALDEN STRIKE ‘HE Grievance Committee of the Glen Alder Mines, headed by the fake pro; ves, Ma- loney, Tomichak and Dayis, has decided to call off the strike of 25,000 miners and turn the ad- justment of the mine: rievances over into the hands of the Lewis-Boylan se leadership. What the attitude of the Lewis clique Il be in the negotiations with the eral operators is obvious. Lewis and compa: opposed the strike as unjustified, an a dishonor to the ULM. W. A. Yes, it was a C'sher the U. M W. A. officials, who were dishanored becanse they could not keep their pl operators to prevent strike Lewis and Boylan could not prevent the strike because the miners can no longer stand the star- yation conditions imposed upon them. The fake five and a half-year anthracite agreement was already in itself a betrayal.of the inter the miners. But now it has become clear that the anthracite agreement which was hailed by Lewis and all the A. F. of L. bureaucrats as a great victory for the policies of class peace, car- ried with it also th et understanding be- tween the coal operators and the U. M. W. A. Officials that they will help carry through the attacks on the miners’ standards. That they will prevent. any ‘strikes against the attempts of the operators to cut the earnings of the miners. ‘That they will break every strike that the miners will undertake despite the fakers’ attempts to prevent them. Conditions That Led to Strike, What were the conditions of the miners that Jed to the strike of 25,000 miners of Glen Alden mines? Wages had been reduced by more than half. The miners were not being paid for any dead work, they did not have their supplies de- livered, the hours of labor were lengthened, every advantage was taken to increase the tasks of the miners and at the same time lower their earnings. Under these conditions it was not rare to find miners working for two weeks and then find themselves in debt to the company for sup- plies at the end, having mined mostly rock for which, they receiyed no pay. It is at the same time difficult to find miners making $20 per week after the most ardous labor of ten and even 16 hours per day. When it became clear that the Lewis machine could not prevent the strike, the operators relied on their second line of defense, upon the Glen Alden. Grievance Committee, to break the strike. The Grievance Committee, after making every effort to stop the strike, undertook “to. head it in order to behead it.” While Lewis and Boylan were attacking the strike as-an outlaw strike these-gentlemen of the Grievance . Committee . made fiery © speeches against Lewis and at the same time carried out the Lewis policy of demoralizing the miners. They did nothing to organize the strike. ‘They catried through no mass: picketing, they did everything possible to prevent the individual mines from joining the strike, though they had sanctioned the strike which. was in reality “called” by the miners themselves -by striking. ‘They immediately entered into negotiations with Boylan, Murray, Kennedy and company, while they held closed meetings barring the miners. But the miners’ militancy was more than they had expected. It was necessary for them to carry through many maneuvers before they dared to hetray the miners openly and call off the strike and turn the fate of the miners into the hands of the coal operators and their agents, the Lewis-Boylan leadership of the U. M. W. A. Fakers Dressed Up Differently. ' ‘They did all this because they are no better than Lewis-Boylan-Murray and Kennedy. They are merely allowed to dress and speak differently by the coal, operators so that they can betray the miners where Lewis would fail because he has already exposed himself too much before the miners. Most of the members of the Grievance Committee are picked men of the Glen Alden Coal Company. They are the leading. spirits in the “opposition” to the Boylan leadership in the coming anthracite elections in District 1 to be held in June. It is to the interests of the coal operators to have these gentlemen play the “op- position” in order to stop the miners from tak- ing things in their own hands—from rallying to ice to the mine disposing of them,” is the theme of the entire white ruling class press of the South. The answer of the working class, Negro and white, must be a still greater effort to save these working-class boys from the lynchers, | Alden Coal Comr say. | spread the strike, to organize mass picketing to . Sidility for this failure because it was not suffi- the National Miners’ Union. No doubt there are also different competing interests among the anthracite operators who want to control the | U. M. W. A. for their own advantage. This view is strengthened by the fact that all the leaders | of the “opposition” are employees of the Glen | At the same time Lewis | oes not fail to understand that he can utilize | the “opposition” to safeguard himself against | Boylan becoming a challenge to his leadership since the anthracite is now the backbone of the entire U. M. W. A The Part. Played By N, M. U. ‘The National Miners’ Union has been very j active in this strike from the beginning. It had | supported the strikers in every way possible. | it has called upon the miners to take the strike | in their own hands by electing their rank and | file strike committees, and oust the officials. It | has warned the miners against the treachery | not only of Lewis and Boylan, but against’ Ma- | loney, Tomichek and Davis as well. Ib -has | warned the miners against the arbitration | schemes, It has called upon the miners’ to win the strike. As a result of ‘this activity of the N. M. U. the rank and file miners have formed committees in many of the mines to carry through this policy. “Only in one mine did the rank and file succeed in actually carrying through this policy in part. Had the miners been able to quickly. carry through this policy the course of the strike would be quite different. The N. M. U. must of course take its respon- ciently active among the miners prior to the strike. Because in its activity prior to the strike and for some time it did not come to the miners with the policy of the united front of all the miners on the basis of a program of struggle against the operators and the U. M. W.°A. offi- cials. What is the task now? In the first place every effort must be made to prevent the sellout. This can be done if the miners remain solid and continue the strike. If the rank and file com- mittees already organized with the assistance of the N. M. U. cannot prevent the going back to work, it is necessary to continue the fight in every mine through the selection of rank and file. mine committees and presenting the grievances to the individual mines, before the miners begin to mine coal. It is necessary to strengthen the rank and file committees and to prepare the miners to act when it becomes clear that Lewis will not attempt to adjust any of the major grievances of the miners. It is necessary to continue the fight in every local union, to oust the officials, to enter rank and file candidates into the elections in District’ 1, to establish a united front of ‘the rank and file of the U. M. W. A. and National Miners’ Union in order: to continue the fight. The action of Lewis-Boylan, Tomichek and company shows to the miners that these fakers are ong, That they are all-agents of the coal operators. The miners will now he faced with inereased attacks upon’ them. The conditions of the miners will not improve. They will be- come worse. The Fight Is Not Over. ‘The fight is not over. It is only a stage in the struggle. As a result of this strike the miners have learned much. ‘They must now utilize these” lessons, for the building up of the unity of the miners on the basis of a program of struggle based upon the needs of the miners.. Such a program can only be carried through by a fight not only against the operators but also against their agents in the ranks of the miners. Such a program has the full support of the National Miners’ Union. which stands ready. to join hands with rank and file miners of the U. M..W. A. Workers! Join the Party of - Your Cl Class! Communist Party 0. §. A. P. O. Box 87-Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- ean Party. Name eee AGATCES ssececsccseccscedsoccerecscecacasseceens -Mail Sanh to the Central Office, Communist Party, P, 0, Box 87 Station D, New York City, By JORGE For Discontented Bank Clerks Someone who is so trustful (?) of the postal service, that he doesn’t sign what. he» writes, evidently a clerk in the Chase National Bahk, writes us a peculiar letter: “Why do you always hold foolish demonstra | tions, accompanied by violence and bomb throw- ing, frequently, outside of the City Hall and in | the subways, outside of Morgan and. Co.«ete You-only ipjure workers there, not the big amen.” So says his first. paragraph, which shows that the poor fellow’ has ‘been believing what he reads in the capitalist press about “bomb-throw- ing.” This is nonsense. And the demonstre- tions are not “foolish,” but necessary, and all of the little that has been done for the unem- ployed, for instance, was forced by these “foolish” demonstrations. But he goes on: “Why don’t you post silent pickets with on May Day, outside ofthe Chase Bank its branches?. The president of that bank: was the first. man in the U.S.A. to ask for a Tedue+ tion in. workers’ wages. The salaries they are paying now are starvation ones” Dear comrade bank clerk, we welcome your letter. It reveals that you and™your kind are beginning to think, and to realize that you are a part of the great working class, with common interest in the struggle of all who toil and are exploited. But you are only beginning to think. Please think some more, and realize the pro- found truth that you and your fellow clerks must organize—inside the Chase and other banks —Jjust as hod-carriers organize, and do your own fighting as 8 mass, in a union. We Reds can and will help you, but you, yourselves, must act. Not because we say so, but that 1% the only effective way. ‘When you have got that far, and have fort some of the timidity your absurd ideas of the “superiority” of your “position” has given you, visit Jack Johnstone, Secretary.of the Trade Union Unity Council of greater New York, or the Office Workers’ Union, 16 West 21st Street, and insist on aid in planning an organization cam- paign, We knew you need a union, becatise you advocate that your “silent picket’ carry a sign saying: “The president of this bank was the first one to urge reduction in wages. His clerks are. now. receiving $18 to 35 per week, with a hand- ful of ‘rice for luncheon, thrown in. Yet he wants to reduce even that.” We feel sure that the Office Workers’ Uniom would. help you with “outside” work if you_gill help to organize inside, carefully, so. as- not to expose yourself till others are organized with you. But you must learn that only by cour= ageously preparing and organizing a sttike against wage cuts ¢an they be defeated. Other workers do it and so can you. And ‘realize that we, who are experienced, know better than you how you must struggle and how- useless is your hope that the Board of Directors can be morally frightened by “publicity” of a “silent sentniel.” Don’t count on a lack of unity : in-the Board, but ‘in the unity of you and your fellow-workers. Try it out, for if you don’t your boss will cut out the money wage, and leave you only the coolie ration of rice.) And break: the ice by coming out, on: May. Day to demonstrate with other workers! Try a one- day strike! Pan-Handling 2 ; A.comrade writes from Cleveland, relating bis experiences, in Pittsburgh, and expressing a dif- ference with recent articles about begging’ and pan-handling. In eésence he says: “What do you expect workers to do if their stomachs are empty?” ‘Naturally, we expect ‘them ‘to ‘eat. But how? If it is 4 matter of choice, as it appears to the comrade, wechoose that they should remem- ber that the Unemployed Councils are in duty bound to take up the fight for them and compel local ‘guthorities to furnish them food. "More; in acute and emergency cases, their duty: is to directly provide food themselves, relieving in- dividual workers from the huniillation of beg- ging and making this work not an end in it~ self, but a stepping ‘stone for erendinetee struggle for basic demands. If the Unemployed Councils are not. doing that,- they are not doing their work. rade does not even mention this, ahd but bare- ly mentions the existence of the. Councils,. going on to explain the need of par-handling.. Of course, necessity knows no law. The worker who is hungry will beg or steal when he seest other way. out, is But itis a different matter when hates: as driven. by necessity—4r the. absence of any: other means—than-: when it. 1s ‘set forth’ ae-a policy.and an end in jtself for all jobless work-- ers to’ follow, This is an old. policy” of tthe, IBWA ‘(International Brotherhood “Welfare As- sociation), and $s now the Policy of the aoe in New York. This comrade says he Pan-handied all lace in Pittsburgh. Then he asks: . “Which -would you father do: stand for two hours in. a soup line for a bowl of soup, or show the peplialiels that, you do. not wish to be fed slop, but some thing abetter?” hes: Which is an interesting revelation of “8 none Communist attitude. Because a Communist has @ political duty among other workers in the. soup lines, and is interested not only in “something. better” for himself, but. for other’ workers he can find there and 4 around a demand for something better than. BH In short he takes- untias in dividual action, But against whom? He intimates that tie alternative to standing in the soup Mne, is to pen-handle. That was the method he and which he defends. But he defines” rather eloquently as “showing the cal that you do not wish to be. fed slop, thing better.” How? By Len ea t workers? What has that got to do ing the capitalists anything? Tf the capitalists are “shown” - ib ita quite In harmony with the capitalists when defends, his pan-handling of other workers & against “fighting for unemployed relief ek employment insurance.” His letter is proof bee burning need for the Unemployed engage concretely, case wae case, in the f for immediate relict, : ral But the com-