The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 17, 1931, Page 6

Ine., aveept Sunday, at 80 1958 7) Cable: “DAIWOR Street. New York. N. #. Published by the Comprodatiy Publishing Co., Aatiy 33th Street, New York City, N. ¥. Telephoue Aigona Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker Page Six Berty USA SReererPrion RATER ° Dail vor er By mall everywoere Ome venr $8; siz montha $3, twe month 81; excepting Borovgne of Manhattan and Bronx. New York City. Foreign: One year, 88; six months $4.50. i} By BURCK - Minnesota Hunger March Bras a ee Higher Stage of Jobless Struggle By KARL REEVE. | By JORGE —nemnsemeee workers waited for nearly two hours inside the «Vd events surrounding the two days of dem- | stration at the Minnesota state capitol of | thousands of unemployed workers, marks a turn- | ing point for the struggle of the unemployed workers of Minnesota and the northwest, and is rich in lessons for the entire party. March 6th brought thousands of workers in the northwest under the political influence of the T.U.U.L. and Party. January 7th and 8th marked the begin- ning of action by the thousands of unemployed for their immediate demands; the organized action of workers who have found their organi- zation. On the morning of Jan. 6, 1929 workers came into the T.U.U.L. hall at 202 Hennipin St., Minneapolis and stated they wanted to join the organization which had presented the demands at the state capitol in St. Paul. Fourteen more came in the afternoon, making a total of 43 workers who joined the unemployed councils in Minneapolis, in addition to about 200 who have joined in St. Paul. a result of the presentation of the immedi- ands at the capitol, the thousands of un- d workers of St. Paul and the rest of e now realize that the T.U.U.L. is their on, and have gotten down to the busi- tion to fight for their demands. march of Jan. 7, which goes into the hist of the class struggle side by side with March conclusive proof of the correctness of the Central Committees decisions regarding the necessity of concrete, immediate demands. ‘The demands, presented by the united front com- mittee for Immediate Unemployment Relief, and endorsed by thousands of workers, not only de- mand the immediate appropriation of a fund of 26 million dollars, but also analyzed the com- ing budget and showed where the fund is to come from, for example, from the huge prison fund wh is to build more prisons to lodge unemployed workers under the damnable Min- nesota vagrancy laws; reduction in salaries of official: duction of game and fish commssion fund (money for unemployed instead of animal vation), ete. ‘The demands included hot hool children, equal treatment and Negro jobless, abolition of vagrancy ate emplo: the organi: ness of or The hur for s, no discrimination against foreign-born, h or womén, opening of buildings for free g, free street car and train fare, etc. demands express the critical needs of the wo for them. Ten thousand workers on Jan. 7, the day Olson the Farmer-Labor Party governor, was inaugurated, gathered at the state capitol to back up these demands, the demonstrators including one hundred who had marched fifeen miles from Minneapolis. Hundreds paraded the streets of St. Paul with banners before the demonstration at the capitol, and also took part in the hall meeting held in the business section of town. The workers showed plainly that they were in no mood to be put off. They insistently de- manded action, and at once. The fighting mood of ten thousand workers completely shattered the bourgeois “dignity” of the capitol. The first test of strength came at the door of the capitol, at the top of the long state capitol steps, which were black with the thousands of workers. The police had their lines stretched before the doors, which at first ap- peared to be locked. The police captain told the committee of twelve, which had been elected by the workers, representing many workers organi- zations, “no one but the committee is going to pass through the doors into the capitol. But the unemployed workers willed otherwise. They voted unanimously at the meeting on the steps to go through the police lines. Headed by the committee of twelve, the workers, with a mighty | surge, brushed through the police lines and into the narrow center door, which was opened up from the inside by friendly hands. In a few moments, the big rotunda and galleries were ers and they are willing to fight to the limit | black with workers. The second test of strength came when the workers demanded that their committee be admitted to the state legislature and o see the Farmer-Labor governor, Olson. ‘The thousands of workers were about to march into the state legislature hall, after the commit- tee had waited few moments, having been prom- ised admission, when the legislature hastily ad- journed. The last speech was made by Starkey, Farmer Labor leader, to the accompaniment of the shouts of the workers “We want bread”; “food, not k,” etc, Olson was trapped in his office, and was forced by the demands of the workers, to see the committee. The fact that the mass action of the workers forced aside the police lines, and forced an in- terview with the steel trust governor was not Jost on the workers. This was shown next day when over one thousand again jammed into the state capitol with the committee (this time the police did not try to stop him) to secure a final r from Olson as to his opinion, and his non the demands for immediate unemploy- relief. workers will not much longer be put off with talk. The news of the Arkansas farmers’ action had spread like wildfire among the work- ers. Under the slogan “You can’t keep empty bellies quiet”; “we're hungry”; the workers have made it plain that if they do not secure action from the government soon, they will take a lesson from Arkansas and will act. ‘The demonstration was’ representative of all sections of the working-class. One member of the committee, fellow worker Wilson, was a Negro worker, representing the League of Struggle for Negro Rights of St. Paul. “My wife and I are hungry. We can’t live on air. They tell me there are no jobs for Negroes. What are you going to give us besides hot air?” Wilson ‘asied Olson. The steel trust governor remained silent and made no reply, There were many Mexican workers, Italian, Scandinavians, etc. and women, and youth workers in the crowd. At a meeting of young unemployed workers later in the day, fifty young workers joined the unem- ployed councils. On Jan. 8, over one thousand Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. 8. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Aten eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeceeenceeneesseeseees Address .. oe MPCRUPOUOD 2 ..cececcsesesecscoessore Age -Mai) this to the Central OfMfce, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. ¥. capitol, while Olson listened to the committee and tried to evade the demands of the unem- ployed. Dozens of ex-service men were in the demonstration, demonstration they will wear their uniforms. The demands for immediate unemployed relief were connected up with the struggle for the passage of the national unemployment insurance bill. Over two thousand signatures for the bill were secured in the Twin Cities in two days time. The committee presented the bill to Olson and demanded he state his opinion of the bill, but | he refused to read it. The demonstration for the immediate demands of the 175,000 unemployed workers of the state of Minnesota has completely unmasked the Farmer- Labor Party, and its leader, Olson, as the worst enemy of the unemployed workers. Olson had completed delivering his message to the state legislature a few minutes before the unemployed workers arrived. The Minneapolis Tribune, ultra reactionary republican paper, said of this mes- sage that 3 points were “liberal progressive, not radical,” and the rest would “fit in with the message of an ultra-conservative government.” This jingo paper concludes, “The message is safe and sound and should remove any fear that may have existed that Minnesota was in for an era of wild radicalism... . The governor should have the confidence of all the political and eco- nomic interests of the state.” Olson's message regarding unemployment, confined itself exclu- sively to the proposals made by Hoover regard- ing public works, and nothing else. He advo- cated a two-year road building program, taking care to point out that the roads should be paved (the steel trust has been lobbying for cement roads since cement is an important by-product of their Minnesota plants, against the lobby of the tar products concerns). Thus, instead of immediate unemployment relief, Olson spoke of a program stretching out over two years, with the bulk of the appropriations going to the steel trust to buy cement, and over the two year per- iod, offering employmen to only a few hundred of the 175,000 unemployed workers of the state. This was all Olson had to say on unemployment. Olson, when forced to declare himself on the demands of the unemployed delegation on the question of immediate relief, openly spit upon the demands of the unemployed workers. He first tried to evade the committee's demands by stating he “has no powers.” But when the committee demanded to know whether or not he would bring these demands for immediate re- lief before the state legislature, whether he would support them, Olson flatly opposed the proposals for immediate relief, declaring them “unreason- able.” For nearly two hours on the morning of Jan. 8 the committee of the unemployed work- ers hammered Olson with case after case of starving women and children, of eviction cases, of lumber workers living in jungles, of many thousands of miners and steel workers and rail- road workers starving, of women driven to pros- titution against their will by starvation, of chil- | dren unable to go to school, home in bed starv- ing, of Negro youth and women workers dis- criminated against, of the shameful treatment of the community chest and city mission of the starving unemployed, of the filthy bunks and rotten food of the city mission, For nearly two hours, one committee member after another brought up such demands as that Olson shall make a declaration in opposition to the damnable criminal syndicalism law of Minne- sota, the fact that Olson in his message did not oppose the injunction law but wanted it amended so as to make it more constitutional, that Olson has refused to advocate social and economic equality for Negroes, that Olson and the Farmer- Labor Party has no program whatever for im- mediate relief of the unemployed. The committee declared to Olson that the workers want bread, not talk; and now, not in two years. When Comrade Powers, chairman of the committee, summed up and made a final demand of Olson as to what he would do with regard to immediate unemployment relief, Ol- son’s final answer, for the waiting thousands was, “I have nothing to say.” There has stirred up in the hearts of thou- sands of workers a bitter hatred for the Farmer- Labor Party and its principal spokesman, Olson, which has so shamelessly and brazenly aban- doned them to starvation. “Down with Olson, Down with the Farmer-Labor Party,” was one of the principal slogans of the marching unem- ployed workers after the interview with Olson on Jan. 8, The flat refusal of Olson and the farmer labor party to lift a finger while thou- sands starve is a deep lesson for the unemployed workers, and has gone far toward tearing the veil of “left phrases” from the Farmer-Labor Party and exposing it as the party of the steel trust. The fact that the newspapers have all refused to print the demands of the unemployea workers and have suppressed the committee's statement to the governor, will not save the steel trust governor. The story of the demonstration and the demands will be distributed broadcast throughout the state in leaflet form. The fact that the first interview given by the steel trust governor, Olson, was an interview forced by the unemployed workers, and that in this interview the governor scoffed at and re- jected their demands, has shown the workers the necessity of immediate organization. Already steps have been taken for the establishment of new neighborhood unemployment councils, begin- ning in St. Paul; the fight against evictions, dis- crimination by the city against families demand- ing relief, etc., by demonstrations around these typical individual cases, the mass recruiting of members into the unemployed councils, the estab- lishment of functioning committees, the estab- lishment of youth sections, the division on the basis of industry, all of this organizational work is being started in St. Paul, and the workers have seriously taken hold of this vital problem of organizaticn. ‘When the unemployed workers, together with delegations from other workers’ organizations, march on the state capitol in St. Paul on Feb- ruary 10 to again present their demands to the state legislature and demand action, a larger number of workers can be expected. These workers will be better organized, with the ex- perience of previous city and state demonstra- tions behind them, with the power of organiza- tion, which comes from the building of a dues- paying membership and regular attendance at meetings. They will be prepared to resist the stronger attacks of the police and gurads sur- rounding the Farmer-Labor governor. The work- ers of St. Paul and Minnesota have begun to organize into the Trade Union Unity League on a mass scale, and are preparing to back up their immediate demands and their support of the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill with or- ganized action, and declared that in the next | QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS The Daily Worker will answer in this col- umn questions which are sent in to its Work- ers Correspondence Department. * 367 « Question:—What plans have you got to offer to benefit the unemployed, and what must a man be that is unemployed, to receive assistance from you?—Jersey City, N. J. Hoover and the employers said there was no serious unemployment until the workers marched out on the streets demanding work or wages. Then the employers began to take notice. The New York City Board of Estimates was going to do nothing until the big demonstration in front of city hall made them appropriate a mil- lion dollars the next day for the unemployed. The only way the workers get any relief is to demand and struggle for it. The jobs, the industries, and the wealth of the country belong to the few rich. One authority says: “A small class, comprising less than 1 per cent of the population, ...own and enjoy more than half of the accumulated wealth and resources of the country.” Ex-Ambassador Ger- ard says that “59” rich capitalists rule the coun- try. According to the U. S. Department of Commerce reports, $8,000,000,000 was paid out in interest and dividends last year—this was hun- | dreds of millions more than was paid in 1929 when unemployment was less. In 1930 $15,000,- 000,000 were invested abroad. It is from these owners of industry and their government, these rich robbers and exploiters, whose wealth right- fully belongs to the workers who produce, that we must demand and struggle against to get relief, right now. Where to begin. Join the Unemployed Coun- cil (16 West 2ist Street, N. Y. C.) which organ- izes and fights for the unemployed, against evic- tions, against turning off light and gas, for food and shelter for the starving jobless. (Employed workers, organize in the shops and with the Red Unions against wage cuts, lay-offs and the speed-up.) The Communist Party cannot give you money because it hasn't it to give but it leads the fight for immediate relief and for the Unemployment Insuraice Bill. This is the kind of assistance given by the Communists. Most of the relief which has already been obtained is due to this fight. And we will get more. ‘The personnel manager of the National Asso- ciation of Manufacturers says that it should not be the aim of American industry to give 100 per cent employment. Capitalists not only will not give relief unless compelled to do so, but they want to keep an army of jobless on hand all of the time, in case they suddenly need extra workers, and in order to have competition be- tween the workers for jobs. Unemployment is part of the capitalist system. The Communists say that the only way to do away with unem- ployment itself, is for the workers to take tr industries and establish a workers’ and farmers’ government, like they did in Russia, There they have solved the problem of unemployment, work is steady and pay regular. ‘Now we demand immediate relief. 8 * Question:—What is the lot of the workers and farmers in Sweden, from an economic and poli- tical standpoint?—A, C——-, ‘The crisis has hit Sweden along with the rest of the capitalist countries, hundreds of thousands are unemployed, mostly young people receiving no support. Factories are being closed down. | W del ership. | and in each demonst | natur | | employefl, fail as yet, to | Council. | 95 per cent of non-Party Deteat the Imperialist Bloody Loan to China By T. H. LI (Held by U. S. Immigration Authority for de- portation te China for his anti-imperialist acti- vities—.) Sasa ia MERICAN financiers, industrial barons and their government, while resisting the demand of immediate unemployment relief of the mil- lions of starving workers with terrorist attacks, pose to be so sympathetic toward the suffering Chinese people that the Sub-committee of the - Senate of Foreign Relation Committee is hurry- ing a plan of 1,000,000,000 ounces of silver to “civilize,” “make peace” and “relieve” China. Greater capitalist rationalization, the speed-up and its effects are being loaded on the working class. An agricultural crisis is resulting in a permanent worsening of the position of the small peasants under capitalism. In the district of Odalen the big peasants attacked the small peasants because they were furnishing supplies to strikers (the strikers protected the small peasants). ‘The government is in the hands of the capi- talists and works only in the interests of the capitalists. They try with nice words to make the workers and peasants believe that the gov- ernment is interested in their welfare. Your friend, A. C., evidently believes these “nice words” but the Swedish workers are learning through hard experience that they are false. ee: 8 Question:—Can you give me facts as to the actual number of Communists deported from the country during the year 1930?—C——- H——, Ohio. About every five weeks special “deportation” trains, usually made up in Seattle or San Fran- cisco, travel across the country to New York picking up arrested workers and their families at appointed places. According to the Interna tional Labor Defense, 16,631 workers were dee ported during 1930, which does not include the large mass deportations like the ones conducted by the Department of Labor across the Mexican border, where 6,500 unemployed Mexicans were deported in August of last year out of El Paso, ‘Texas. Not many of those deported last year were Communist Party members, although the authorities accuse many of being Communists. The International Labor Defense reports about 9 Party members deported during 1930. Some of the excuses used for deporting workers are the “crime” of being without a job and being “public charges.” The main reason for deporta- tion is to get rid of the militant working class leaders; the authorities are very vicious against those who fight for unemployment relief, for better cofiditions, and for the interests of the laborers. Secretary of Labor William Doak now declares that 400,000 aliens must be deported and pro- poses a quota for the immediate future of 100,000. This is part of the capitalists’ attack upon the working masses in their effort to load the whole weight of the crisis on the toilers. It is impos- sible for the bosses to deport the 14 to 15 mil- lion foreign-born workers; but they are trying to victimize anyone who objects to their miser- able conditions. The only way to stop this out- rage is by more and more militant struggle; the bosses are afraid of the fighting masses, and well they may be. If you wish to help, get in touch with the Cot iA aecaht en een Ge Foreign Born, 32 Union Square, New York City. In praising this “offer of friendly service,” former Senator Cannon of Utah bluntly asked: “What right have we to go on in the smug self- sufficiency of unconsumed and unconsumable surplus while millions die in want of the very thing which go to demoralizing waste here?” This gentleman seems to be very far-sighted and cannot see starving millions right here in the United States, the land of “prosperity and rich- ness.” Such hypocrisy of tear-shedding humani- tarianism needs no further exposure. In its editorial of January 9, the New York Times disclosed half the truth. Admitting the “new” phase of intervention, it declared: “The Scheme is not wholly altruistic. The idea is to put the Chinese Government in a position to purchase millions of bushels of surplus American and Canadian wheat. It also intends to raise the price of silver. . . .” But the immediate and real aim of this loan has been openly revealed in the person of Mr. Lawrie, economist of the American Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers. While speaking on behalf of the silver industry, he unreservedly proclaimed: “Unless prompt action is taken to determine a solution of the silver problem to establish economic isolation for Soviet Russia... .” Again: “In such reforms China should be accorded the sympathetic consideration of other nations and supported by the extension of additional loans in her war against the Soviet Menace, if the Orient is to contribute its full share to the solution of the present world depression.” Mr. Stevens, Minister of Trade and Com- merce of Canada “is of the opinion that imme- diate action is necessary by Western nations if Sovietism is to be kept out of China and India.’ (Times correspondence of Jan. 9.) Senator Cannon also stated that the Chinese masses “in their desperated need will go for the move- ment of ‘the Russian Soviet.” Thus, it is very clear that the real aim of this bloody loan is to organize interventionist war against the Soviet Union on the Eastern front and to crush the rising Soviet Power of the Workers and peasants in China. All the advocaters and supporters of this loan attempt to picture that Chiang Kai Shek have “made successful drives against the Red rebels” (Lawrie) and that the Nanking Government can “maintain order in China” and is “reasonably stable.” (Times Editorial of Jan. 9) But, what is the fact? It is true that Chiang Kai Shek had declared two months ago that the Red Menace would be exterminated within six months and himself went to Kuikiang and Hankow with 300,000 soldiers, 30 airplanes and 20 gunboats to conduct the drive. Have the counter-revolution made any “success” so far? Only an idiot would answer in the affirmative. Only on January 10 the Times correspondent reported the alarming advance of the Soviet Power. The same corre- spondent stated on Jan. 9 that on division of the punitive troops was facing complete annihilation, and the Communist force’ has captured Shingkuo in the Kiangsi province, The abolition of Likin is openly refused by the local militarists, The war between Chang Hsiu Liang and Chiang Kai Shek is in preparation, Then, why do these gentlemen give a false picture of the Nanking Government? Because they want to throw dust in the eyes of workers that the loan is “for the development of public It Isn’t Se—But On Jan. 14, from a worker, “About our Unemployed Councils, we lac le2de1 P, especially in the Downtown Counci.. very weak, espe ly in membership. should have about 50,000 members with cards nd this is a very conservative number con- sidering the fact that we have a large army of unemplovs* “.. New York City.” Well. were visited by something like a ation, who left us the following: “It was mentioned in Red Sparks Jan. 14, that the Downtown Unemployed Council lacks lead- It is not so. The Council has several thousand members ae they are very militant ration the members of the Council participate. The Downtown Unemployed Council fought many eviction cases and they were srreassfill and they have secured 5,000 sig- for th eUnemployment Insurance Bill hold meetings in the cold open air each dayy The Communist Party members whé*aye un- Downtown Un- work of the we ran in this column a lett who said: which is employed Council and carry” t The mem “The Trade Union Unity Council and the Un- employed Council, of Greater New York, must guide more the Ungmployed Council of New York, and develop, more speakers. And the Workers School and the Communist Party must age in the school for the uneme ployed workers where they can be prepared for the struggle and this must be done because the Downtown Unemployed Council has about 200 unemployed workers who would like to go to school, but the arrangements are not made, “The school should in the future see that all unemployed workers be given lectures on the class struggle and then more leaders would de- velop from the rank and file and this would make an end of the confusion.” Now, we do not think that the worker who wrote us the letter mentioning that the Down- town Council was lacking leadership and was weak, intended at all to minimize what ii has already accomplished, but rather intended to make its future accomplishments better by strengthening the leadership and incheasing the membership. And this desire is also that of the delegation which visited us. So let nobody feel sore about it. The delegation was correctly proud of what the Council has done, but it, itself, asks for more guidance and proposes means to improve the leadership. The idea is, that we shouldn't be all puffed up with pride of what we have done, so much that we fail to see what a lot of things we could have done but didn’t for lack of sys- tematic detail work and a stronger leadership. The workers’ letter raised the question why the Council didn’t have 50,000 members, instead of the “several thousand” mentioned by the dele- gation. One of the reasons very likely is, as the dele- gation says, that Communist Party members who are jobless fail to join the Council and carry on the work. This certainly must be corrected and the Party should not have to be reminded again by non-Party workers. In the struggles of the unemployed a most valuable source of proletarian leaders is avail- able, 1eeding some measure of theoretical train- ing to become effective mass leaders, The dele- gation rightly brings this sharply to our atten- tion, The Downtown Council says it has 200 that need schooling, and they suggest that the Workers School do it. But with the other hundreds from other Coun- cils, we se that it is too big a job for the school. It is physically unable to handle more than a few. Yet there should be methods to give the other, greater number, systematic lectures in their own halls, that will answer the purpose of class training. This for the several hundred of “actives” in the councils. And besides tHis, there should be an educational system that will em- brace the whole mass of members fo all councils. ‘This, we feel, should be at once taken up by the T.U.U.L. and the Communist Party—and not only in New York, but all over. All the time and everywhere, we are kicking at the lack of cadres. Let us really do something with the material under our nose. ear Ye a “Return” of Slavery The National Association for the Advanceme4t of Colored People (particularly the real estate agents, horse doctors, Howling Methodist preach- ers and “Uncle Tom” professors) is again “view- ing with alarm.” It is all het up, it says, because the decision of Federal Judge Clark on the booze question, is liable to upset not only the 12th, but the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments—and therefore “slavery might, return.” Gosh all fish-hooks! To the millions of Negroes in the Black Belt not to speak of the wage slaves, white and black, all over the country, slavery never got further than the factory and the cotton patch. But then to the NAACP., which is led by capitalists, of small size, but am- bitious, wage slavery mean “freedom.” to finance and reinforce the unsuccessful anti- Communist drive, to help the militarist to slaughter millions of the Chinese workers and peasants. For a united attack against the powerful ad- vance of the Revolution, this loan takes the form of a new international consortium, of course under the leadership of American imperialism. From Mr. Owen D, Young, to his Majesty's So- cialist Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, have been consulted and their participation and sup- port secured. It is true that due to rivalries among imperial- ist powers the plan of the international consor- tium of 1910, 1912, 1919 was broke down. Even this loan “seems to be very skeptical” to the Japanese imperialism. (Times Correspondence of Jan. 10). But the American workers must understand that in spite of their irreconsiliable antagonism among themselves the imperialist powers do not hesitate for a moment to rm a strong united front against the world revolution, at the time when capitalist’ system is in severe crisis and World Reyolution is making gigantic advance particularly in the Soviet Union, and China. American imperialism is actively organ- izing war against the Soviet Union and the Chinese Soviets. The American workers must defeat the bosses war plot. They must stop this bloody imperialist loan of 1,000,000,000 ounces of silver to the butcher, Chiang Kai Shek. They must demand and fight for the transfer of all war funds including the amount of this loan for } the immediate relief of the unemployed and for works of a stable regime,” instead of being used the funds of the Unemployment Insurance Bill.