The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 17, 1931, Page 11

DAIEY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1931 Page Five Wall St. Calls “IMPERIALISM IS THE LAST STAGE OF CAPITALISM”—LENIN “Rnd Capitalist for War on the Soviet Union Ray Lyman Wilbur, Secretary of the Interior, in a speech before the American Country Life Association | at Madison, Wisconsin, on October 6: , said: “One of the.great peoples of the earth is deliberately trying to work out large social and eco- nomic programs for the mastery of its vast terrain along new and untried lines. Our ‘economic, so- cial and political philosophies in- vitably must wage a gigantic and fundamental straggle with theirs.” (Our emphasis.—A.P, Dept.) a ‘Admiral William V.. Pratt, Chief | of Naval Operations, in a speech (November 14, 1930) to the Insti- tute of International Problems, Boston, said, as reported: by the} Press: “The world in which they live and the one in which we live are so totally different that the two | cannot exist side by side’ indefi- nitely without ‘great cempromise on one side or the other, or war | ultimately may result. They may epenly proclaim war or any, means to attain their ends, and if that be so then some day it may fall to our lot to meet the challenge. “ye aU is useless to hide our reads in the sand like the ostrich and think we are. safe from destruc- | tion in the face of such a de- termined, subtle pol 4g Arthur M.~ Hyde, Secretary of Agriculture, in a speech to eight | hundred representatives of land grant collegés and other agricul- | tural leaders in Washington on ‘No- | vember 18, 1930, .attacked the So- viet Union. I confess that i cannot under- stand. the type. of American whose stomach ‘3 strong enough to permit him to regard anything Russian with a tolerant spirit.: | The Soviet has crticified Ameri- can idealism, our religious prin- ciples, our theory of individual enterprise — in fact everything | America stands for. I cannot | understand how .any American can look upon the proceedings in Russia ‘today as an ‘interest- sscial- exveriment!’ ent. Herder: Kings’* 1950, Wiolen: ‘ Hoover in a speech at | Mountain on October 8,! attacked “Socialism or its brother, bolshevism. . . .” Whatever the merits or de- mert¢ of these other systems may be, they all mean the de- struction of the driving force of equal opportunity, and they | mean the destruction of our Constitution, for our. political | framework *vould serve none of them, and many of its funda- mental provisions are the nega- tion of them, They mean the abandonment of the nation’s “ snivitual heritage.” Lew Woll his mas- sige: aSe « . ‘Jheve is in that regime some- ‘thing which makes it impossible - for our nation to hold with that’! rerime the relations common to ‘fried? e-yent,”” m MF fér> 5 ‘ echoes * ; Boavord * 2S states: 2 would point out emphati- that the United States must delay or hesitate in such It is a case of fight y Times ef De. cay not matrors. now,against the Soviet or be ce- voured by the Soviet after we have been reduced so to be wn- able to fight.” And wit proper - econom’ % retatravadte against the UL. Si R., let vis not forget plenty e avymamencs.” Robber Wars” ---Liebknecht I state the following reason for my vote on today’s measure: This war, which was desired by noné of the participating nations, did not break out for the good of the German or fo any other péople. It is an imperialist war, a war for pitalist domination of the world market, for the political control of important colonial regions by in- dustrial and financial capital. From the point of view of competitive armaments, it is a preventive war, hatched in the dark of a_ semi- absolutism and a secret diplomacy by the German and Austrian war parties acting jointly. It may also be considered a Bonapartist enter- prise for the demoralization and —Drawn by BURCK. LENIN ON WAR War is no contradiction ‘to the |foundations of private property—on the contrary, it is.a direct and in- | evitable development of those foun- Gations. Under capitalism, equal economic progress o: the individual concerns, or individual states, is im- possible. Under capitalism, no other means for periodically ré-establish- ing. destroyed equilibrium are pos- sible outside of crises in industry or of war in politics. The United States of Europe Slo- | gan—August 23, 1915. The English military authorities | forbade fraternization by a special order. And still the Socialist-oppor- tunists and their defenders (or may- be servants like Kautsky?) have in \the public press assured the work- ers with an air of unusual_self- | satisfaction and with the comfort- jable feeling of being protected by) military censorship against refuta- | |tiens, that understandings between | ‘countries as to anti-war activities were impossible (a verbatim expres- sion of Kautsky’s in the Neue Zeit!) Imagine that Hyndman, Guesde, Vandervelde, Plekhanov, Kautsky and -others, instead of aiding the bourgeoisie, which is now their oc- cupation, had formed an interna~ tional committee for the propagan- ‘da of “fraternization and attempts at mutual relations” between the Socialists of the belligerent countries goin in the ‘irenenes’ ana in tne army in general. What would have been the result after several months if even now, only six months after | the beginning of the war, in spite of ali those polit ical bosses, leaders and t magnitude who be- m. there grows every- Stars of the treyed Social where an cpposition against those Ww ‘tions and against lists, while the military tare ho voved for military appronria- _ the ministerial- authorigies for “f-e*stritation!” Asati: Risa o “There is only one practical ques- own country,” Kautsky, the servant of the opportunists,. wrote in uni- son with Guesde, Plekhanov and Co. This is true; yes, if.we were to for- would be true. another practical question: | whether we should perish in a war between slaveholders, ourselves blind ‘should perish for the “attempts at fraternization” between the work- ers, with the aim of casting off slavy- ery? Such is, in reality, the “practical” question. Civil War Slogan Illustrated, March 29, 1915. * Ll * * The peace slogan is, in my judg-| ment, incorrect at the present mo- ‘the Socialists of the belligerent ment. This is a philistine’s, a preach- | |er’s slogan, The proletarian slogan ; |which expresses the interests of | The Russian’ prole- must be civil war. epoch of mass war. tion. 2 We can neither “promise” civil | war not ‘decree it” but it is our! duty to work in this direction. if! reed be, for a very long time. You, will find. details in the article in| the Central Organ. For the time, being I am just outlining the main| pvints .of our position, so that we| may agree. (Letter to A. G. Shlyapnikov, Lenin Collection 11, 1924.) Social-Democracy never looked, nor does it look now on war, from | » sentimental viewpoint. method ‘to decide conflicts in hum- anity, Social . tion’: the victory or the defeat of our | get Socialism and class struggle, this | But if we do not! forget Socialism, it is untrue! There | jis jand helpless slaves, or whether we | Objectively, from the fundamental | change in the situation of Europe, | there follows such a slogan for the! The same slo- | jgan follows from the Basle resolu- | Decisive- | ly condemning war as a barbarous | + Democracy knows | that wars are inevitable so long, as society is divided in classes, so| long as there exist exploitation of man by man, and in order to abol- ,ish this exploitation we cannot do without war, which is always and ; everywhere started -by the ruling | ‘exploiting and oppressing classes. | There is war and war. There is war—adventure to satisfy the in-! terests of the dynasty, the apetites of robber bands, the aims of. the} heroes of capitalist greed. There isewar—and this is the only law- | movement. | revolutionary traditions | sufficient. the destruction of the rising labor The past few months have shown this with increasing clearness, in spite of a ruthless campaign of misrepresentation. ‘The German slogan: ‘Against | Czarism!”, like the present English and French slogan: “Against Milie tarism!”, pursued the purpose of mobilizing the noblest instincts, the and aspir- ations of the people, in the service * national hatred. Germany, the ‘complice of Czarism, .and to this ty a pattern of political back- dness, has no mission to act as a liberator of nations. This war is not a defensive war for Germany. Its historical char- acter and its progress to this day forbid us to trust a capitalist gov- ernment when it states the purpose for which it seeks credits to be the G tense of the Fatherland. niy a peace arising from the soil the, international larity of 2 working class and the freedom nations can be a sure peace, Therefore, the proletaviat of all lands has again, to-day, in the war, to perform a joint Socialist labor for peace. | Lam voting in favor of the Poor Relief Credits, to the amount asked, which appears to me 0 s entirely ine + I shall likewise vote in! jfavor of everything that can be \ done to alleviate the hard lot of 4 out brothers in the field, of the | wounded and sick, who have my, limitless compassion; here again ne /amount asked can be too much. But, 4 as a protest against war, against those responsible for it, against the ; capitalist policy that brought it | about, against the capitalist aims ' |fule war in capitalist society — the domination and ex- ploiters of the masses. Only the _Utopians and Phillistines princip- tally condemn such a war. | capitalist traitors to the cause of freedom can at present in, Russia shrink from this | against war —— a -war the masses. |tariat started this great war of It will be able to continue forming divisions of-a re- volutionary army, strengthening | the regiments of soldiers and sail- ;ors who hate come over to our |side, drawing in. the peasantry, | filling the newly formed regiments which steeled the citizens of Rus- ‘sia in the fire of civil war with) }enthusiasm and heroism of the | fighters for freedom and happi- jness of all humanity. Revolutionary Army and Revo- lutionarp Government, 1905. | emané@ipation. | | } “Practice without theory is blind” —- “Theory without |I/practice is: barren’ Stalin Only {4 KARL LIEBKKNECHT {! 4 { | j Murdered in 1919 + the German Social-Democrats i which it pursues, against plans for annexion, against the violations of the neutrality of Belgium and Lux. emburg, against the military dic- tatoership, against the social and political irresponsibility of which the Government and the ruling clas- ses are to-day still guilty, I vote against the war credits asked. —Text of ‘the propesed declara- te pron Liebknecht intended uce on December 2, rial hoe ‘explain | his ‘Yefusal to’ cht ‘the war credits, /+)|