The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 6, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily ruplishing Co., New York City, N. Y. Address amd mati all checks to tha Dally Worker, ith Street. Inc., ereept Sunday, Tajephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: 50 East 18 aaily, at FOR NEWS FROM ALL U.S.A. ORKERS and farmers, this is an appeal to you to help improve the content of your per, the Daily Worker. With your help, the ily can become even more of a great vehicle + the >xpression of mass suffering and dis- atent, and the growing mass determination to t an end to the conditions that now exist. All across these United States, gaunt hunger d black fear stalk through working-class ighborhoods and over the farmlands, claiming xr grim toll. In the midst of tremendous alth, overflowing graneries, tons of mined coal, yeery stores stocked with food, millions are wly starving and freezing to death—actually ng murdéred by the 59 who rule the count: You, Daily Worker readers, every day experi- ce yourselves these things, and you come into > ntact with innumerable other workers and poor ‘mers who make up this vast army of the | serable and powerful. | The Daily asks that you be the eyes and ears | at you write down and send in is happening in the part of the your paper, t us just what antry where you live. If a poor man’s baby dies from hunger, rmer loses his place, write us about it. Make a practice of clipping such items from ifa the local press, and mail them in with your let- ter. When a family is evicted, an unemployed man or woman commits suicide, write us about it. Go to the breadline in your home t , to the flop houses and factory gates, talk to the workers there, and send in the stories they tell you, and also their comments on what should be done. If you're a farmer, tell us what’s hap- pening in the countryside, and what the farmers say about it. When the local politicians pull off some dirty deal, send it in. Don't try to write in any high-falutin’ lan- guage, but -put down in simple, direct language, just the way you would tell it to your fellow- worker or«neighbor. Many workers and poor-farmers do send in letters to the Daily Worker regularly. But we need far more, so that the Daily can reflect even more clearly what the toiling masses are doing, thinking and feeling, in every corner of the country. This appeal is also addressed to the John Reed Club and other revolutionary writers. Here is a chance to perform a great job for the move- ment, by doing some volunteer reporting for the Daily. The Indian ‘S$ the Indian Round-Table Conference is pro- its objects become clearer than ever. “delegates” at first put up a show unanimity on the question of Dominion Status : India. They were even credited with the in- ation of demanding from the British Govern- ent at the very start of the conference a prom- of Dominion Status. Later on, however, they lingly allowed themselves to be drawn into 2 labyrinth of constitution-making without en getting as much as a promise, except for acDonald’s solemn declaration that a “status s already emerged.” (According to the New ork Times correspondent, the Indians at the omference were wondering just what kind of a tatus” it is. As a matter of fact the Dominion Status is ready safely buried in that it is substituted by tie question of “the extent of responsibility of ,e central government.” This means that in- ead of a more or less femiliar issue, having storical precedents in Canada, Australia, etc., xe development is in the direction of ba: wg over the amount of control the Indian ex- oiting classes will be allowed to exercise in one : the other departments of the All-Indian ad- inistration. Whether these partial concessions ill be labeled “modified Dominion Status” or ny other name, will not in the least affect the -etual status cf India, as a subject colonial country. No sooner did the delegates sit down to the rduous task of framing a Constitution than the sivalries between the Hindu and the Moslem eactionaries, between both oi them and the eudal Princes immediately cropped up. After yaying appointed the mest hard-boiled res jonaries as “r esentatives” of the Indian peo- J them come to grips over are supposed to get from | mpetialists can And so the Ne, after having h: the bones which tt heir masters, these very Britist 10ow comfortably play the arbiters. latest London dispatches leave the ardent “so- dalist” minister, MacDonald, in the garb of yeac2maker, trying “hard” to arrange terms be- tw<2n the Moslem Pope (Aga Khan, they call him) and the Hindu feudal barons. indian Det2zates Quarrel Over Ghosts. While the are quarreling over ghos.s (for nothing humanly tangible has yet been corceded to them), as far as British im- periclism is concerned, it can already register two pos.ti (1) The idea of an Indian Fedcretion v ion is accepted, which means Commission to spli e results ander British dominat e vicious plan of the Simon ndia into warring factions (2) Burma, against the man nationflists, is s ted ner recommendation of the at (a) the isolation of the Eu people from the main current of the Indi revolutionary movement, (b) the colonia! sietus of Burma will not be affected by revyclutiol developments in India; (c) the In- dian bourgeoisie is precluded from influencing Burman policy; (d) British commercial interests fm Burma gct rid of a most undesirable and fairly sivong rival—the Indian merchant; (e) the exclusion cf Burma correspondingly in- creases the relative importance of the backward native states and their counter-revolutionary rulers in a Federated India. One should not forget that the supreme and very serious object of this farce, in which the role of the chief clown rightly belongs to the old labor faker, is to gain time. The Indian “representatives” assembled ‘in London represent only the numerically weak reactionary classes (Indian bureaucracy, priests, feudal Princes and landowners, rich usurers,, big mill owners), which have neither marked in- fluence nor a large following among the popu- lation. The object of the Conference, while organizing and strengthening this counter- revolutionary camp, is to influence the national bourgeoisie and intelligentsia, who are still the major factor in the leadership of the mass movement. The British imperialists know only too well that while the bourgeois soul is dreaming of ju: >, r’ ‘onal equality, and such other niceties, the bourgeois pocket is loudly clamoring for profits. The Indian bourgeoisie, Jured by the negotiations in London, tired of hartals (national stoppage of work) and unsettled conditions, scared by government terror, is already wavering in its half-hearted opposition. One Chamber of Commerce after another declares that it is time to call a stop and to “take stock of the situation.” National Congress Does Nothing. Indian National Congress continues te mark time and to remain on the defensive. This gives British imperialism a breathing space, and breathing space is what it now needs above everything else, in order to marshall its forces, drown the revolutionary movement in blood (which it is now actively engaged in), and then force the Indian bourgeoisie into submission on its own terms. Such is the tentative plan of the British imperialists. Whether it succecds or not, depends not on the results of the fake ne- gotiations in London but upon the developments in India, And there are indications that with radic outbursts in the cities, with fires of oe to niga from Simon bunch), Conference the revolutionary struggle. According to the London Times, the All-Indian Trade Union Congress is preparing for a general strike on the railways. “There are undoubted signs,” writes the Bombay correspondent of this paper, on December 3rd, gaining an ascendency in some of the unions, and that at least one important development in that direction is likely to be announced soon.” What this devei ent is to be we do not know, but what we do know and what the Indian toil- ing masses are coming to realize is that only under the hegemony of the working class and the leadership of the Communist Party can they de- feat the plans of the British imperialists and avert the betrayal of the revolution by the Indian bourgeoisie. Il. The above lines had already been written when news arrived pointing to a further sharpening of the revolutionary situation in India. At the Indian Conference in London a veri- table scramble began. Not only do the Moslem fake “representatives” disagree with the Hindu fake “representatives,” but also the Sikh “dele- gates” (Sikhs are a minority of about 3,000,000 | strong) demand specific safeguards in the future so-called “constitution.” The British residents in India, being the self-ordained educators of the Indian people in the art of self-government, are naturally entitled to special privileges. And the handful of Anglo-Indians (of mixed British and Indian parentage), from amongst whom scabs are mostly recruited, would not sur- render their monopoly of white-collar and skilled workers’ jobs in government service. Even the faithful Christians are reported to have split and to demand separate electorates for the Pro- testants and the Catholics. While this miserable bargaining. the imperialist “master-mind,” London, the very nationalities ‘minorities or communities, or whatever they are called) who are supposed to be represented at the Round Table Conference, are hammering out their unity in actual common fighting against British {m- perialism. The importance of the last day sponsored by going on in peasants have voted with fists and arms against gle for independence National Minorities Strike Terror Into Imperialists. The mystery about the Burman rebellion is not the “master-mind” waich is sought behind it by the British imperialists and by our home capi talist press, always eager for sensations. Mys- terious is the way “1,000 savages in blue pa- jamas” surrounded by troops in the wild jungle. have so managed to scare to death the well armed valiant British warriors, that whole cities are being evacuated, and Rangoon, the actual seat of British power in Burma, one of the largest seaports in the East, is trembling for fear of attack by these “1,000 savages.” The solution of the puzzle will be found in the fol- lowing quotation, from an A. P. telegram: “Most of the villages in the Tharawaddy district are deserted, the inhabitants having joined the rebels.” Here it is. The flames of the peasant revolt have at last reached Burma, and if one wants to know how it augurs for British rule in India, let him listen to what a British Indian officer says on the matter: “The quiet and easy-going Burman has at last got fed up with our methods learned in Ireland—the tyranny of our imported Sikh police. He resents being treated with less con- sideration than we give to our dogs and horses (and, perhaps, resents ‘‘our” taxation too, and the skinning of him by “our” plantation own- ers as well?—Ed.), and is demanding Home Rule for Burma (or is it independence?—Ed.). It will be a nasty ‘Ireland’ to tackle. Roads are scarce and in many parts the jungle is thick.” (Our emphasis.—Ed.) General Strike Is Prepared Of even greater eventual importance for the Indian ‘revolution is the decision of the execu- tive committee of the All-Indian Trade Union Congress to begin in the factories and workshops immediate preparations for a general strike (in- cluding the formation of workers’ defense corps), which is to start first on the railways. The ac- tual date of the strike is to be set at a later session of the executive committee. The resolu-’ tion formulates the following demands for the general strike: Monthly wage minimum of 45 rupees; eight- hour day, as a transition to a six-hour day; one day of rest with pay; equal pay for women and juveniles; discharge and hiring of workers only with the consent of shop committees; the aboli- tion of anti-working class laws and the legal- ization of strikes; full freedom of press and as- sembly; immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners; immediate introduction of unemployment benefits of 30 rupees per month; social insurance against old age, incapacitation, ete.; the abolition of taxes on peasant-owned lands and on primary necessities of life; the withdrawal from India of all British armed forces; complete independence and the establish- ment of a Workers’ and Peasants’ Republic. “that Communism is | developments lies in the fact that the Burman | the separation of Burma from the Indian strug- | DAIWORK.” th Street, New York, N. ¥. DAILY APPEALS TO READERS vo Kast yeaa * WE WON’T STARVE!” By mail everywhere: 4f Manhattan and Bronx, SUBSCRIPTION RATHS: year, $6; six months, $3; two months, New York City. Foreign: One year, One 43; By BURCK ON THE SOUTHERN FRONT Skilled Cadres and the Revolution By HELEN MARCY. URING ihe five months of its existence the “Southern Worker” has made itself felt as a real, vital force in the building of the revolu- tionary movement of the South. Workers and farmers of the South, both Ne- gro and white, look to the Southern Worker for guidance and leadership in their struggles. The Southern Worker is fighting for the unity of white and Negro workers, organizing them against their class enemies. It is showing up the treachery of the American Federation of Labor, denouncing and fighting the lynchings, Jim- Crowism and persecution of the Negro workers, rallying the farm peons and share croppers to fight against bonding themselves. The Southern Worker is rallying the working class of the South to militant protest against the interven- tion plans of the allied imperialist powers against the Soviet Union. In the fight for unemployment insurance, the Southern Worker is playing a leading role in acquainting the workers with the Workers’ Un- employment Insurance Bill and is conducting an energetic campaign to get trousands of signa~ tures from workers and farmers throughout the South. This small, four-page paper has become a pow- erful weapon in the hands of the workers. It is sold and distributed in the shops and mills. Slowly and laboriously it passes from the hands of one farmer to another. Southern Workers are not thrown away. They are passed on, from one worker to another, until the print becomes unreadable. As the paper fs so passed it gains force and through it our movemeht in the South s daily growing stronger. The Southern Worker has become a forum for the expression of the workers and farmeers. En- tire groups of workers write in regularly to the paper about their problems—workers from the steel mills 01 Birmingham, Alabama, the textile mills of Greenville, South Carolina, share crop- pers of Whitney, Ala. rayon workers of Eliza- bethton, Tenn., miserably persecuted land labor- ers of Mississippi, longshoremen from all the gulf ports, from every corner of the South, pledg- ing their solidarity, pleading for organization and leadership. The workers and farmers of the South “are ready for struggles. They need the Southern Worker. Without the Southern Worker it will not be possible to build mass revolutionary trade unions in the South. The Southern Worker can penetrate through the viciousness and ferocity of a lynch law town, to farm peons imprisoned on farm plantations, to compan towns where the bosses’ terror renders the workers virtual slaves. The Southern Worker must grow and spread like a close woven net over the entire South. The worker of the South has a lower stasdard of living than anywhere in the nation. They are giving their pennies and nickels to keep the paper going. But this is not enough, and the Southern Worker is in a precarious financial situation. Workers of the North! , Show your solidarity with the oppressed masses of the South! You raised the funds to start the paper. You must not fail your fellow workers now. The Southern Worker needs your immediate help. Keep the Southern Worker going! poses the maneuvers of the national bourgeoisie, which looks towards a compromise with British imperialism, and condem the Round Table Conference and the Indian trade union bureau- crats as tools of British imperialism. The pas- sage of this resolution shows the increasing pres- sure of the proletarian masses on the trade union reformists as well as the growing influence of the Indian Communists in the trade unions. This is presumably the important development the London Times correspondent referred to hove, . The revolutionary crisis in India is growing deeper every day. The actual carrying into practice of the decision on the general strike, coupled with the spreading revolts of the Indian peasantry now seething even in the Burman jungles, will mark the beginning of the real rey- olution in India. Our Duty to Fight of Indian Masses In this life and death struggle of the Indian masses for national liberation the American workers and the colonial workers in this coun- try have a great duty to perform The dyty consists in strengthening and widening the a1 imperialist movement in the United States, The creation of a real mass basis for the Anti-Im- perialist League, the tormation of strong, mili- tant anti-imperialist mass organization, is the necessary condition for actual support to the Indian revolution. To this end must now be di- Hse core ae AR dla i apenas | ism are the questions of the cultural problem By G. T. GRINKO People’s Commissar of Finance, U. S. S. R. XVI. Having Smashed the state machinery of the bourgeoisie, and, in the storm and stress of the proletarian revolution, conquered the power of the state, the working class, in starting to cre- ate its own state organization—basically different from that of the bourgeoisie—has no prepared cadres of technicians and intellectuals. On the day after the victorious October Revolution, be- ing faced with the gigantic organization task of converting the entire state politico-economic mechanism into one single great machine, one economic organism working to guide hundreds of millions of people according to a single plan, the Soviet proletariat not only had no loyal quali- fied cadres 6f its own, but was confronted with the active opposition and sabotage of the old technicians. These pages from the history of the October Revolution are still fresh in every- body's memory. Among the most important elements of Lenin- during the period of transition, the relationship of the rising proletarian to the inherited capital- istic culture, now in process 0. destruction, and the attitude of the Soviet State toward bourgeois specialists. In his speech to the IX Congress of the Communist Party in March, 1920, Lenin gave a broad historical survey of the entire problem. The bourgeois intellectuals, who are not pleased with the course of socialist construction, and who are anxious to slide back to capitalism, are even now inclined to reproach the proletariat for an alleged insufficient respect. for science and the carriers o/ scientific knowledge. It is not neces- sary to say that across the Soviet frontiers the White Guards and the reactionary foreign press continue to tell siories about the alleged per- sistent hostility of the victorious proletariat of the Soviet Union to so-called cultured society | and to the representatives of scientific thought. All this ialk is, of course, pure nonsense. There is hardly another country in the world where sci- entific work is getting so much support from the State as in the land of the Soviets. . * « Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grinko, one of the original cellaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. From The By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR( $8 in Manhattan and the Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St. New York. Mention this offer. Our Mistakes in Strike Leadership By JACK STACHEL. URING the past year the Trade Union Unity League unions have been engaged in leading a number of important strikes. We were also confronted during this period by a number of strikes léd by the A. F. of L. bureaucrats, strikes that were forced upon these bureaucrats by the rank and file workers and which they entered to defeat. Some o. these strike struggles have already been reviewed in the Daily Worker and Labor Unity, others have received no attention at all. In order. to draw the lessons of these strikes, to enrich the experience of the left wing unions, it is necessary to thoroughly analyze these strikes. This we shall attempt to do in a series of articles in Labor Unity to begin shortly. It is of course necessary that the comrades active in the leadership of these strikes, and the rank and file workers who participated in these strikes shall critically examine these struggles in the columns of the Labor Unity. Repeating Same Mistakes. But it is already clear even from the available informatior. that has been tiven in our press that practically all these strikes saw a repetition of the same mistakes. For example all the strikes suffered from lack of preparation. Of this we had the best example recently on the Philadel- phia water front when the strike, called by the Marine Workers Union did not materialize at all. This lack of preparation was also evident in the Illinois Miners strike. Another mistake com- mon to ali strikes is the failure to understand the meaning of, and how to. carry through the inde- pendent leadership of the strikes by the TUUL unions. This was the case in the Flint strike, where the comrades failed to recognize social re- formism, and to struggle against it when it was cloaked in garments other than the official A. F. of L. or Musteites against whom a sharp struggle was carried on. This was the case in the Im- -perial Valley strike of the agricultural workers, and many other struggles. Another typical mis- take is the failure to follow up the work after the strike is over. This is true in every strug- gle in which we entered. _This mistake is the twin brother of the failure to organize and pre- pare for the strike. This :ailure is to be ob- served in the Flint, Illinois miners, Philadelphia and Needle Trades strikes, in fact it is difficult to find 1n instance where this was not the case. As for winning the masses and carrying thru the slogan of independent leadership in the struggles conducted by the A. F. of L., we have completely failed. Danville, Reading, New Orle- ans, tne strike in local No. 38 of the ILGWU, are typical examples. Failure to Draw Lessons, How can these mistakcs be corrected? How can we master the art of strike strategy? How can we avoid these mistakes in the future? How can we give militant and wise leadership to the developing struggles? How can we help | sections in the various countries. questions will be discussed in Labor Unity for the next few weeks. It is to solve these ques- tions that we invite the widest discu m of the strike struggles in the past. tions cannot be solved correctly of the experiences of the R. I. L. U. and its The eri- ences of the Red International of Labor Unions have been very rich in the period since the Fourth World Congress in March of 1928. It is these experiences of the new methods to be applied to the strike struggle in the present priod that we must study in order to learn how to give leadership to the masses. Were we equip- ped with these experiences, though we might have made some mistakes, we could not have made such disastrous mistakes and certainly would not repeat these same mistakes again and again. It is the failure to learn from interna- tional experiences and draw the lessons from our own work that has brought on these recur- ring mistakes. Study “Problems of Strike Strategy” Fortunsiely the R. I, L. U. has compiled the lessons of all these exp¥riences on strike strategy into a little booklet. The Trade Union Uniay League has published this pamphlet and it is now available for every member of the T. U. U. L. and every revolutionary worker. It should be read and studied by all locals and shop groups | of the T. U. U. L., by all members of workers’ organizations. Every worker who learns about the existence of this treasure must immediately | secure a copy. Study groups should be formed in every T. U. \1, L. local and groups in every workers organization for the study of STRIKE STRATEGY, which is, by the way, the name given the pamphlet. In addition to the wealth of world experiences in “Strike Strategy,” there is also an introduction by Comrade Losovsky, the general secretary of the R. I. L. Us and a preface hy William F. Dunne, of the Trade Union Unity League. Organize Study Groups. This pamphlet, which was originally printed at the low price of 15 cents, to make it available to every worker, has now been further reduced to 10 cents, so that every employed as well as un- employed worker who wants to read it, can do so. Groups organized for the study of STRIKE STRATEGY in cities where there is no T. U. U. L. office from where it can be bought, can se- cure large: numbers directly from the T. U. U. L. headquarters or through the office of Labor Unity. Orders, which must be accompanied by cash, should be sent to the T. U. U. L. office, 2 W. 15th St., New York City, 7 cents per copy for bundle orders of 10 or more, 10 cents per copy for smaller orders. A serious study of STRIKE STRATEGY and a wide discussion on our experiences in the re- cent strike struggles must be undertaken as one of the principal steps in the immediate prepara- tion and leadership of the ulready ripe and de- $1; excepting Morougne six months, $4.50. By JORGE eens | Laurel Takes the Laurels Far from chasing the money changers out of the temple with a horse-whip, the Rev. Dr. Christian F. Reisner, pastor of the Broadway ‘Temple Methodist Episcopal Church, according to the N. Y. Times of Dec. 29, advocates a slo- gan: “Closed banks, closed mouths!” As quoted, the pulpit pounder declared: “It’—but of course the ‘if’ wasn’t meant ser- fously—"If, the bank closings are caused by whisperers of false tales, then they are the worst type of traitors the world has ever seen. Beside them, Judas was an angel.” Well, that is putting it pretty thick, for @ preacher to say that the betrayer of his own Christ is an angel compared to the mythical “whisperers” against property rights. But we have a better one than that. At Laurel, Mis- sissippi, the City Council on Dec. 15, favorably considered the following ordinances, subject to final reading: “An ordinance to promote prosperity, advance- ment and happiness in the City of Laurel, Jones Council, Mississippi, and prescribing penalties for a violation thereof: “Be it ordained by the Mayor and Board of Commissioners of the City of Laurel, Jones County, Mississippi: “Section 1. That it shall be unlawful for any individual of any age, sex or color, who has em- ployment, or can get 2mployment, or who has other means of subsistence, to in any manner talk, suggest, intimate or think that industrial, financial or economic conditions are, or may de- come bad. “Section 2. That it shall ve the duty of the policemen of said City of Laurel, upon hearing such language from any person in class men- tioned above, either directly or remotely, or who shall see zany serson whatsoever coming under | the provisions of: this ordinance, whose coun- tenance is not cheerful and happy, to first com- mand such person to whistle fifteen bars of ‘Glory, Glory, Hallelujah’ and dance immediately for fifteen consecutive minutes. And upon failure of the individual to promptly comply*to | said demands, the officer or officers are hereby | empowered and directed to shoot such one.” One might suspect, of course, that far from anyone in New York having the laugh on the supposedly “hick town” of Laurel, that’ the | “hicks” have put one over on New York City, which is so solemnly loyal to Wall Street, that | outside the Communist papers, there is not Gite newspaper that does not put the first “cause” | of the bank ‘failures as due to “red rumors.” A Happy Free Speech Family We had to ghezz who Francisco Ghezzi 4s, until last Sunday, when he was well advertised. A handbill signed by the “Anarchist Aid Society” said in big letters that “Francisco Ghezzi is.be- | ing murdered by the Communist Party in Rus- sia.” ‘That would seem to make him important. So’ the “socialists” of the Rand School gave thé anarchists the use of the “Debs Room” to tell all about it, decorating the walls with paintings of nude ladies supposed to represent the future of man, perhaps, or the Forward, or something. This Ghezzi person, it seems, was claimed to be persecuted by the wicked Communists in the Soviet Union, because the good man wanted | “free speech.” As a mere incident, of course, he happened to be a spy of Mussolini. But. far from preventing anarchist interest, this rather favored him in their eyes. But these ques- | without the aid | And since spying on the Soviet Union is the stock in trade of the “socialists,” they, too, felt a professional affinity for Mr. Ghezzi. Altogether | a happy family. It was unfortunate that Mr Roger Baldwin, billed to speak, failed to show ‘up. But perhaps not, after all. Because there was a regular shin-dig at the meeting when one of | the anarchist family who thought that his contributions to the good cause entitled him to | make remarks from the floor derogatory to the financial integrity of his compatriot, Joseph Cohen, editor of the “Freie Arbeiter Stimme,” had his Stimme suppressed by force and yviol~ ence. The matter waxed so hot, indeed, that one was: uncertain whether Mr. Ghezzi or the exposer of Mr. Cohen was the one being murdered. What few persons there were present almost forgot the main is$ue of the evening, a resolution demand- ing that the wicked Bolsheviks cease being rude to spies and counter-reyolutionists, in théir excitement over the sup, of free speech of one of their own happy family by the others. However, they recalled the matter at the ele- | Ynth hour, and a nice time was had by all. Mr. Ghezzi, if he still lives, may feel assured that he has friends who will sacrifice anything, even | each other, in his sake. It was.all very enlighten- ing. Mr. Baldwin was sorely missed. eee An Anatomical Phenomenon A jobless worker from Toledo, Ohio, sends us in this story of a case of phenomenal anatomy as regards chickens: Wee “Christmas Day was the big day of the year here. A. Q. Thatcher, county commissioner elé¢t, who rode to political fame via the soup kitchen route, advertized far and wide that everybody who was hungry would be given a first Chicken Dinner Xmas at his flop house, to open at 11 a. m. “At 9 a. m. the line began to form and eleven a near riot-was on. Of course, I to get mine and take in the sights. two hours I got in. When I was served, I a startling discovery. I have read I believe a biblical story, about an animal a ort) seven heads—but here was a sand necks! “The chicken was all necks. ete, just wasn't there, In other words, the employed of Toledo got the garbage swell hotels.” This of course, has a joke in it. has a lesson in it that all the bunk about: sloppy charity Qing given to tho jobless is equate.” It shows how cynical and hypocritical are the crooks who are administering the dole to the starving of this country. Let them know ia oe