The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 18, 1930, Page 6

= i I ¥ e Page Six Published by the Comprodafly Publishing Co., Inc. daily, except Sunday, at 50 East al 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DATWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. ’ Control Ong yorker Party U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 FASCISM OR COMMUNISM. | TH suse HOOVER’S CHALLENGE By HARRY GANNES. In his fourth speech during the period of one week, Hoover wound up with an attack against Communism. It was a logical conclu- sion to his series of war-mongering and fas- cist out ¥ ime the imperialist chief was becoming discredited with the He had lied in season “niagic sixty day” statement the ruin and wreckage of more increased unemployment, and a of wage cuts. were coming on, the class struggle was growing sharper, so Hoover decided to speak. His four speeches are a unit. All of them are a direct challenge to the workers. They were open class proclamations. His last speech, at Kings Mountain Battle- field, S Carolina, on the occasion of the a revolutionary battle was ainst the Communist Party, and the 8,000,000 unemployed who demand relief. It was a defense of capitalism. Hoover clearly senses the crumbling of capitalist stabilization going on throughout the world. Yet he tells the workers that the present crisis is a symp- tom of “growth.” Their starvation is a “bind- He sounded the slo- 1d ing spi 1 heritage.” 2 gan: ism or Bolshevism. A boss dictator- ship with its increasing exploitation for the workers with its growth of unemployment and wage ¢’ or a proletarian dictatorship, with the destruction of the rotten capitalist sys- tem and the building un of socialism in the in- terest of the broad working masses. This was the perspective that Hoover’s speech brought before the workers. He must be answered by the worke “The world about us is tormented with the spiritual and economic struggles that attend ehanging ideals and systems,” declared Hoo- ver. What does he mean? Over 4,500,000 ‘votes for Communism in Germany; the suc- cessful advance of the Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union; the revolutionary struggles in India; the advance of the Red Army in China; the mass rumblings in the “revolts” in Latin ‘America; the growing militancy of the Amer- fean workers. The Bankers First. ‘As is fitting Hoover spoke first to the Amer- Jean Bankers Association Convention in Cleve- Jand on Oct. 2. His words were mingled with the cries and shouts of 5,000 unemployed bat- tling the police. Unemployed workers’ blood flowed freely at the very portal of the hall in which Hoover spoke, Soldiers, motorcycle and mounted cops, with drawn clubs guarded the auditorium. Divested of its grandiose phrases, Hoover’s speech was @n open class challenge to the workers that capitalism would ride through the economic’crisis over the bodies of 8,000,000 starving unemployed, and would clear the road with’ slashing wage cuts. Hoover went back “to Washington with the din of the unemployed workers’ slogans echo- ing in his ears: “Give Us Jobs or Bread!” “To Hell With Hooer!” and the chilliness of what the capitalist press admitted was the coolest reception ever accorded a president of the United States. Then he went to Boston on Oct. 6 to speak to the collection of the fascist leaders of the A. F. of L., who are holding their 50th annual convention. He also talked to the American Legion. To the Legionnaires he said plenty. To the fascist strike-breakers he brought praise for their assistance in wage-cutting and scabbing. “For the first time in more than a century of these recurring depressions we have been practically free of bitter industrial conflict,” said the Wall Street president, individually thanking William Green, president of the A. F. of L., and his cohorts for keeping the wérk- ers from striking against their lowering stand- ard of living. More Speed-Up. i He said Green and the A. F. of L. was help- Ymg the bosses speed-up the workers. He thanked the labor misleaders for forcing the ‘workers to give their “full and unrestricted efforts to reduce costs by the use of these machines and methods.” The whole Hoover-A. F. of L. speech was a pre-arranged concoction, gotten up between Green amd Hoover as shown by the prelim- inary releases of that speech, It was full of lies, full of oily praise for the A. F. of L. leadership, and a promise of increased speed-up and wage cutting for the workers. Hoover, Green and Woll agree perfectly on the idea of protecting the bosses’ profits against the demands for unemployment insur- ance by thé workers. Rushing to War. At the Legion convention, Hoover made an open war speech. He drummed the war-spirit of the hard-boiled officers who compose the bulk of the Legion’ delegates. He warned them about the growing revolutions throughout the world in the fact of the present world crisis of capitalism. He referred to the Soviet Union —not by name—but as a part of the revolu- tionary masses who had destroyed capitalism. “Even today,” Hoover told the Legionnaires, “nearly one-half of the population of our globe is in a state of great unrest or a state of revolution.” What should be done about it? Prepare for war, was Hoover’s answer. Yes, he had his usual crap about “main- taining peace” shot through the speech. But it was less than usual. There was less than when the London Naagl Conference provided for a billion dollar war expenditure by U. S. imperialism. 3 He talked more about military training, naval armaments, the necessity of being on the alert. “We have to remember that dur- ing the great ®ar we demonstrated not only our military power, but also our ability to quickly organize it and the valor to use it,” he said to the Legionnaires. “To Quickly Organize It!” The conclusion of this should be plain to every worker. “To quickly organize it!” Right ncw the bosses are organizing for war, and they are doing it quickly. He tells the ofiicers of the Legion they better prepare for war “quickly.” It’s coming. He even tells them why: “Our national income has expanded (for the bosses, of course) to embrace more than one- third of the whole commercial world. As a result. we have become a dominant economic power. Our citizens have spread their trade and finance into every corner of the earth.” Then he goes on to tell them; “We have as- sured the maintenance ox an efficient navy as the first line of defense. ... The nation needs a regular army, highly developed in training and technical services, as the nucleus for the training of citizen soldiers and to lead them in times of emergency.” “In time of emergency!” That’s a new word for war! Hoover tells the Legionnaires that American imperialism has spread fast. It must win more trade. The conflict of world imperfalism is growing bigger. “We need a big navy. We need a big army. We need to be able to mobilize quickly for war.” This is the gist of what Hoover says. And then he goes on to tell the Legion “Your association has taken large interest in provision for better industrial mobilization.” Organize the workers on the job for war. Prepare the factories and war industries for the war that is coming. Hoover’s Legion speech is a war speech. This should be made plain to every worker. The bosses are mobilizing for war, and they are doing it “quickly.” They are utilizing the A. F. of L. to disorganize the workers, render them impotent against the boss attacks. Hoo- ver, the imperialist, gives the Legion a lesson in the necessity of war to extend the imperial- ist power of Wall Street. He tells the Legion they must keep the “bal- lot box pure.” That is, they must see that the boss parties win the election. Don’t let the workers Vote Communist, or fight under the leadership of the Communist Party and the revolutionary unions against the boss at- tacks and against the imperialist war prepara- tions, says Hooyer, as one-half of the globe is now in revolt against capitalism. The workers answer must be) decisive. It must be given “quickly,” ag the bosses are los- ing no time in their war preparations. Vote Communist! Fight against the boss war-prep- arations! Defend the Soviet Union! The Election Campaign in Buffalo F By JAMES LUSTIG R the first time in history of the Commu- .nist Party we have a local candidate on the Communist ticket in Buffalo. It is not an accident that the Communist Party was able to put up a candidate at this time for the first time. There are more than 50,000 unemployed in the city of Buffalo. This tremendous army of unemployed is growing steadily. Layoffs fre taking place in the Ford, Chevrolet, M, Wile Clothing Co., Pratt and Letchworth, Fuf- falo Forge, Bethlehem Steel, Republic Steel, National Aniline, Du Pont Rayon and many other factories. At the same time the bosses are cutting the miserably low wages of vhc workers. The unemployment and wage cutting system has a revolutionary effect upon the workers. This was manifested very clearly at the time of signature collection, The comrades who visited ise workers in the Fourth Assembly District, noticed that the workers were ready and willing to support by giving their signa- tures to the Communist Party and expressed themselves ready to fight and vote for the de- ands put forward by the Communist Party. They became disillusioned with the republican, democratic and socialist parties, and recognize that all of them represent interests of the em- ployers. ‘What Is the City Doing for the Workers? The republican city administration is doing practically nothing to remedy the constantly . worsening conditions of the workers of this city. The administration is doing everything in, its power to help the bosses to carry out their campaign against the workers. Ever since the Communist Party organized the workers to fight for unemployment relief the city admin- ; . istration, using the police and city courts, clubbed the leaders and imprisoned them. The city has plenty of money to finance the agencies, which are instrumental in keeping the workers in submission. For the police de- partment alone $2,564,332.59 is being spent, in the fiscal year (1980-31). The same city ad- ministration talks about economy and. saving when the question of helping the unemployed workers presents itself. This city administra- tion, just like any other capitalist city admin- istration, wants to solve the question of unem- ployment with police clubs. Elect Simons! The standard bearer of the Communist Party is Comrade Homer Simons, a Negro plasterer. , He’s running in the Negro section of the city. Every political party has put up a candidate for assemblyman in this district, trying to get their influence established amongst the Negro population, but the Negro workers know very well that Mr. Jesse Taylor, candidate of the socialist party, publisher and owner of the Buffalo Progressive Herald, is one of the most dangerous enemies of the Negro workers. He intends to solve the “crisis with the slogan’ of “Profits to our advertisers means employment for our people; employment for our people means prosperity for our race.” - This faker, who calls himself a socialist, be- lieves the Negro workers so ignorant that all we have to do to get prosperity is to buy from the, advertisers of his paper. But the Negro: workers are not as ignorant as Mr. Jesse Tay-— lor believes, they know that by buying from those who are advertising in the Buffalo Pro- gressive Herald, is beneficial to those ‘business men and to Mr, Jesse Taylor, who. is repre- senting the very same business interests. The Negro workers know that if they ‘want.to better their economic conditions they can do that not by supporting the clients of Mr. Jesse Taylor, but by organizing themselves into powerful industrial unions, with which they will be able to fight for higher wages, shorter hours, and better conditions. This faker, Jesse Taylor, writes lengthy editorials ~.d sheds crocodile tears about the “crime existing among the Negro race,”-but does not have a single word against lynching, against. race discrimi- nation, against evictions, against unemploy- ment, nor for higher wages, shorter hours, bet- ter conditions for the workers, This is the reason why the Negro workers in the Fourth Assembly District will not vote for the faker, Jesse Taylor. Chas. W. Avery is the standard bearer of the “Hoover prosperity” on the republican ticket. He’s promising, just like every other capitalist faker, higher wages, steady jobs for the workers that will vote for him; but the workers know that Mr. Hoover, head of the republican party, promised the very same things, two years ago and now the, workers know what these promises amount to. Anthony J. Canney, who is an assemblyman now in this district, is appealing to the work- ers to re-elect him, but the Negro workers wit- nessed 39 lynchings during the present year in the South, ruled by the democratic party. The Negro workers in the Fourth Assembly District know, due to the agitation of the Com- munist Party, that the democratic party rep- resent lynching, discrimination and Jim Crow- ism. This is the reason why Mr. Anthony Can- ney will not be reelected at this time. But in order to get an absolute majority for the candidate of the only working class party, the Communist Party, it is necessary to inten- sify our election campaign; the full force of the Party must be mobilized every day in order to unmask the three candidates of the three capitalist parties and prove to the workers by action that the Party is their Party, and it is to their interests to elect Homer Simmons to the Assembly. The following steps are necessary to rally the masses behind the Communist Party: 1.—Open air meetings must be held every day in the Fourth Assembly District. Always at a different corner. e 2.—Mass demonstrations with signs and pla- cards to be staged before the open air meet- ings, _3.—The house-to-house campaign must con- tinue daily with Daily Workers, Party Plat- forms and local leaflets. 4.—"Vote Communist” and other signs. must be placed in front of the headquarters and on the front of the comrades’ houses, living in that vicinity. _ 5.—Thousands of workers from this elec- tion district must be mobilized for the Foster meeting. 6.—In case of eviction the Party must give all the necessary support to the Unemployed Councils to make: the eviction impossible for the sheriffs or carry. the furniture back ‘if the eviction takes place, . 7.—Torch light processions have to be mob- ilized at least ofice a week with signs and ban- ners. \ 8.—The immediate demands. to aid the un- employed must be popuralized by thousands of leaflets. 9.--All the factories in this assembly district must be.covered by Daily Workers, ‘Party Plat- forms and’ leaflets. i 10.—All Negro organizations, A. F. of L. and other working class organizations must be visited to call upon.the rank and file to sup- port, the. Communist ticket. Build the Party and:the T..U. U. L. » All these; election activities must be directed towards the beitdit and strengthening of the Communist P: and the revolutionary trade unions. By holding open air meetings and in- door meetings, demonstrations, and by visiting the’ houses ‘of the workers we come in contact with hundreds:and thousands of workers who work in different industries, in different shops and factories. We must niake connections’ with these workers and connect them up with our revolutionary trade union groups and recruit the most advanced of these into the ranks of the Party. - lo _‘AGITATE IN THE SHOPS! - i 4 2 we BY BURCK Muste Social-Fascists Are Dangerous Fakers . By VERN SMITH s those last phases 01 c.., sy?\, before the mask is thrown off and the real rulers appear in black shirts of fascism, it becomes increasingly difficult to fool an awakening proletariat. The regular capitalist parties are found out and the company union- ized trade unions are no longer as influential. In all countries then there is a place for a “progressive opposition,” for social democracy, even left wing social democracy, to carry on the fake a little longer, and put off the day when all pretense has to be dropped and open capitalist dictatorship established, if it-can be established, on the eve of a proletarian insur- rection. In America this particular function of a “left opposition,” pretending hostility on the one hand to capitalism but never doing any- thing against it, and on the other hand, pre- tending fairnéss to the rea) revolutionary movement of Communism, but waging a cease- less and treacherous war on it, is taken by the Muste movement. In the political field it is socialist, and there is even, closely hooked up with the Muste union movement, a new “left” socialisyp. States Its Program. ig The Muste movement in its present self- conscious and organized forms got under way about two years ago, and now, because the Oc- tober issue of its official organ, the Labor Age, contains a general review of its national conference (“Conference for Progressive La- bor Action”) just held, and because the same magazine contains authoritative articles on the occasion of the “golden jubilee” convention Oct. 6 of the A. F. of L., giving the Musteite formal philosophy in detail, it is time to take some notice of it again, The Musteites, like ‘the liberal capitalist press, recognize that the A. F. of L. official policy of lying about increased membership when membership is falling, and claiming vic- tories when there are only defeats, is about played out. It doesn’t fool any longer. So they bid for confidence of the masses by ad- mitting the obvious. They go even so far as to admit editorially that the Muste union, the United Textile Workers, made a “dubious set- tlement” at Elizabethton, “where the way was opened for the rayon company to build a com- pany union under the very nose of the U. T. W.” (Editorial, Page 1). Betrayal of Confidence. _ But they use this confidence to claim sup- port of workers for continued U. T. W. in- trigue in the South including the misleader- ship of the rank and file strike at Danville. William L.-Nunn, a liberal college professor, proves clearly and ably the crushing effect of the erisis and uses the confidence won by this to propose a “third: politi party” to head off revolutionary organization or action. He ends his article: “The issue is a clear cut one. As to whether this opposition (radicalization: due to the crisis) will be revolutipnary or evolutionary depends onthe ability of us who favor evolu- tionary reform to mobilize. If we wish it to be evolutionary change, by means of a third political party, the opportunity must be, seized.” < More Evolution, David J. Saposs does the same for the A. F. L. He tells of its*decline and loss of influ- “ence and he proposes, not the militant unions’ of the T. U. U. L., bat “a completely round - out labor movement. That means, trade junion, » political cooperation, fraternal, sport, . educa- tional, dramatic organization,” {. e., evolution- ary reform to stave off radical organization. The magazine prints'a symposium ‘on :the past and future of the A. F. L. in'which/John R. Commons tells you_that the a F. L. is fitted to American conditions and. that no labor movement can cure unemployment. In this symposium B, C. Vladeck; manager of the Forwards, raises his voice to lament that the A. F. L. does not any longer represent the interests of the working class of America and admits that’ socialists dare not criticize it— and neither does he criticize the treacheries and strikebreaking of the socialist misleaders in the garment trades. War on Communism, Ben Gitlow, Lovestoneite, writes in this symposium, saying that his clique will reform the A. F. L. and seizing the opportunity to viciously attack the “official Communist Par- ty’—a correct, “evolutionary” and Muste position. Muste, the leader himself, has an article emphasizing that the Musteite attack on some of the policies of the A. F. L. is no more trea- son to it than is Norris’ speeches about Hoover treason to the U. S. He picks up slogans: “militancy, enthusiasm, industrial unions,” “a well rounded labor movement,” “anti-mili- tarism”to win confidence.+ He does not pro- pose to build, fighting unions for the unorgan- ized, he does not mention the Soviet Union. His “anti-militarism” is not to “torn the im- perialist war into a class war,” it is bourgegis pacifism, which is only a help to militarism. Fake Insurance. The Musteites know the workers demand an- employment insurance. Muste proposes it, with a capitalist counsel to administer it in a strikebreaking, wage cutting manner. There is another symposium, on the Soviet Union; in this particular issue it is devoted entirely to counter-revolutionary attacks on the First Workers’ Republic. Muste is too clever to say it himself, he has to pose as a \\distant friend of “the Russian exytriment.” He lets his readers make the attack. Well, here is Musteism as revealed by its own official organ, In practice, it is much worse. It includes the betrayal at Marion and the now admitted swindle of the workers at Elizabethton. Do you want Musteism? Will you be fooled by it? If you don’t want it, your answer should not be merely a passive one. Build a real workers’ movement in the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist. Party. Don’t speculate on future labor parties run by future MacDonalds from the Muste ranks. Vote Communist in this election. A.F.L. Convention Sidelights _By A. B. MAGIL. BOSTON, Mass. (By Mail).—At one of the sessions of the American Federation of Labor convention the names of departed A. F. of L. members were read and the delegates stood in silence. Your correspondent wishes to pro- test at the omission of the names of Arnold Rothstein and Little Augie. These two no- torious gangsters and strikebreakers certain- ly served the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, faith- fully for many years. And their comrade and pal, Paul Vaccarelli, alias Paul Kelly, dis- tinguished crook, racketéer and organizer of a “union” of strikebreakers, the Loyal Labor Legion, is himself a delegate at the conven- tion. Vaccarelli is representing the Waste Material Sorters, Trimmers and Handlers’ Union. It is reported that he is president, vice president, secretary, treasurer and the entire membership of this “union.” ‘ * * * Official sessions of the convention have been held in the morning and afternoon, first in the Hotel Statler and later in the Bradford. . The unofficial evening sessions have been held “in the leading booze joints, brothels, and gambling dives of Boston. t GOOD NEGRO ARTICLES: “I notice we have very good articles in the Daily for colored workers—articles of vital interest— and also articles for women the same way.” H. W. Kepler, Dayton. READERS! ORDER DAILIES! 1 CENT A COPY! For the Communist Ticket! For Against. Mass Layoffs and Wace Cuts! ; rialist Attacks oh the USSR! -+ Repartee Mayor Walker, just before giving signal to the dicks to begin the slaughter, had a round or two with J. Louis Engdahl, and brave as any rat surrounded by. mobs of fellow rats, had ordered the-cops to “remove” Engdahl. On the way out, J. Louis called back an answer of Walker’s taunc—“Go to Union square!” What Engdah] said was probably—‘“Go to hell!” but the boss press reports it as being: “See you scmewhere else, Mayor!” And Walker; as half-witted a smart-aleck as ever, got off what he thought was a good one: “If you do, I’ll be looking through the bars.” This may well be true. But there are two very different ways of looking through bars, Walker! And we promise you that that will be the irreducible minimum of what will be coming to you! ra ee “Curiosity Seekers” “A great majority of the crowd were mere curiosity seekers,” said the Evening World, concerning the 15,000 jobless workers at City Hall demanding bread. After which, you will clearly understand that something to eat is becoming a curiosity for the workers of New York City. aa Oe Inefficient. Reporters In the Evening World, the reporters who were handling the Walker Massacre, got their wires crossed in the write-up, on which it is the custom when handling a big story to as- sign two or more reporters. Thus in the first part of the story, in speaking of how the cops clubbed the crowd, it said: “Dozens, of persons were injured in the fighting. “Policemen drew their clubs and slugged right and left.: Mounted policemen rode down dozens of persons.” While along in the middle of the same story, it said: “The policemen were instructed to keep everybody moving but to use no violence.” a ae Thanks, Girls! The N. Y. Post, in relating how June Croll, Anna Cohen and Diana Lemplin, ‘were ar- rested in the uptown unemployed rallies pre- vious to the Walker Massacre at City Hall, remarked: “While they were being booked, the three women studiously refused to pay any atten- tion to those about them, and ostentatiously brought out copies of the Daily Worker, which they read.” The capitalist press, as usual suppressing the most significant news, failed to even men- tion that the girls turned at once to the back page, last column. But that, and only that, can explain why they were so interested that they refused to pay any attention to those about them. * «* A A Right in the Guts One of the funniest claims of the current anti-Soviet propaganda recently came out of a dispatch to the New York Times from its liar stationed at Hamburg, Germany. In in- dienant lines it told how the Soviet was “dumping” wheat, glue and a lot of things inv> orn Europe. And his indignation rose to poetic heights when he touched on the subject of the Soviet “dumping sausage casings.” The gut busi- ness of western Europe was being simply ruined. Yet darned if we could shed a tear. In fact we howled with laughter. Them Bolsheviks have guts! In fact they have so much guts they export the surplus to capitalist countries to “stir up discontent” as Secretary Hyde says was their reason for selling wheat, Yet it’s a strictly business propdsition. The “Reds” furnish the guts and Secre' Hyde furnishes the boloney. In order to foil the Soviet plot the clever 100 percenters are now putting out hot dogs in rayon casings. But who the heck wants to eat dogs attired in silk dresses? Give us guts, and especially good tough Bolshevik guts! What We Need A certain capitalist politician once became famous by declaring: “What this country needs is a good 5 cent cigar.” Which is about as idiotic as the present election issue of “Give us beer!” | Religious and economic and political reform. ists—all of them essentially serving the poli- tical purposes of the boss class can put’ out more kinds of tommy-rot than you would imagine. A religious freak in St. Louis, for example, puts out a pamphlet entitled: “The Greatest Need of Our_Country.” He begins by telling what a nice country Rockefeller has: “Our country is the richest country in the world. We are a prosperous nation. Our form of government is ideal. In short our country is a most glorious country.” Still this guy is dissatisfied, and asks: “What, then, does our country lack?” He , then proceeds to answer himself six pages further on, by declaring: “What is lacking among our people is a consciousness of sin.” Workers, if you are as satisfied as this Jesus-screamer is with “our most glorious country,” then ygu ‘Imay agree that all you lack is a “consciousness of sin.” But if you're lacking enough to eat, cash to pay rent and buy clothes, we Communists suggest that what you need is: consciousness of your class interest as a worker. And we further suggest that you not only vote Com- munist, but line up with the Communists to fight for unemployment insurance, the seven- hour. five-day week, against wage cuts and to establish a Workers’ and Farmers’ Gov- ecaiment, 4 others to read as much 4s I'can after By JORGE ate | [oes Eien SPREADS DAILY: “I give the paper to Tat oe, through with it.” Smith, Detroi READERS! RENEW, BSCRIBE! Bread and Work! Against Impe- _ x