The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 18, 1930, Page 4

i Page Four _DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1930 —— CARRY THROUGH THE ELECTIO A One-Hundred Per-' center Goes Red | Experiences in the World War Make This Ex-| Serviceman This is the story of a hundred] fpercenter whose eyes have been opened by his experiences as a sol- dier in the world war and by events Bince then. My great-great and his brother were in the wenlthy er family of New. York ined Wash- ington’s ar in. They fought “for while their two c id the rest of the fa d Tories. Although the A an Revolution- war, these two were disin- their descend-| revolutionary herited pronto a! ants forced forever after into the/ These two militant the freedom of ts and capitalists} and were re- slaves. | very pa-| of my ngs at| American merch: from British warded by b Yes, I come from triotic family. A grand-uncles | the second batile of Run; another, now ninety years old, has beén totally blind ever since he garched with Sherman to the sea— ‘this time to rid northern capital from southern competition where: slave labor was cheaper. Some still closer relatives were in the Spanish- American war to help free the Su- gar. Trust from paying duty from Cuba. Being at an impressionable age at that time, I can well remember the war feeling being worked up inthe newspapers, and how the| Maine was blown up in Havana harbor. (Later it came out that it was blown up from the inside.) Also, propaganda cartoons} were plentiful, showing Spaniards sticking swords through little Cu-| ban children. Now we know that the bloody Wall Street Machado government does worse than that,| and how! And in Haiti, and the Philippines, too. Class Lines in the Army. | Then came the war, and the draft. | In training camps even the dumbest; of us could see the class lines sharply drawn—the sleek middle- class officers, the working class! privates for cannon fodder. | Our treatment near home, though| bad enough, was much better than| after we started across and the of-| ficers began to censor our mail so we couldn’t tell our folks about it. We were crowded on to an Eng- lish boat so thick that there was searcely room to sleep. We slept a a Bolshevik | on the floor, on the bench seats and bench tables. But officers had the state rooms and the whole deck, where we were forbidden to go. All the way across about three hundred of us were confined to a little space about 50 feet square. About half of us slept below in the hold. Privates Fed on Dead Cats. The food was absolutely rotten, as well as so insufficient that, cowed as we were, we had to put up a kick 4 or 5 times. After one complaint, the boys thought they were getting an extraordinary treat. It looked like rabbit stew, but it didn’t taste like it, and they said so, blaming the “terrible Chinese cook,” until I pointed out the too numerous tail bones, and remarked that rabbits do not have tails eight inches long, though cats did. I thought they were going to mob somebody, but most of them were too hungry not to finish their share of the cat, or whatever it was. If you doubt this story, ask any ex- service man that sailed on the S. S. Anchisis from New York to Liver- pool via the northern route, in the early part of 1918. Men Herded at Night With Cattle. | They crowded so many of us into \a cattle-boat at Southampton after an all-day’s march that the last of} us to get aboard had no place to! sleep except on the straw in the stalls of the cattle. This was be-| low deck, and did it stink! I saw no officers at all on this boat. | They met us at Le Havre and marched us quickly up the moun-| tain with our heavy packs in the hot sun to a fenced-in and guarded camp. The officer’s luggage came} later by wagon. That night we| were put into the small box-cars/ marked in French. “To hold 40 men| or 8 horses.” Horses were never| over-crowded in them, but they put) |from 48 to 52 of our bunch in each|gle for a new society. car. We were three days and three nights traveling a comparatively short distance as freight, with not enough room to lay down to sleep, while our officers traveled in pas- senger coaches, first class. So we headed for the front, to fight to make the world safe for democracy. But these happenings, and other things made some of us privates begin to wonder what it was all about, anyway. (Another article dealing with this ex-serviceman’s experiences will ap- pear next week.) Vote Against Imperialist War- VOTE COMMUNIST! ‘Opportunity Morrow’ Knocks Exposed by Unemploye : munist C d Negro Worker, Com- andidate . By DOZIER W. GRAHAM Hundreds of columns of, news- paper space have been devoted to} tellin tHe world generally, and the| workers of New Jersey particularly, what a “good fellow” Dwight W. Morrow is. Many newspapers of other capitalist-political shades, in their efforts to keep? on the good sids of Morrow and the Public Ser- vice for advertisement purposes, have also helped to tell us “nice! things” about this plundering “gen- | tleman.” But who is Morrow? What. do they tell us about him? Let us see! They tell us that he began life as a Poor Boy. Of course the reason for such a tory is to have workers keep on reading Horatio Alger stories. Also it is intended to make workers believe that there exists in this world of capitalism a chance for us, too, to become rich. You know the old bunk about equal op- portunity. ‘Well, we will tell you that he was not a poor boy, the son of a worker, but the son of a college president. ‘Now he is many times a millionaire and millins are not made by work. They are made by robbing and plun- dering the workers, by speeding up the workers in their employ and eutting their wages. And at this game Morrow is a past master. He learned it from J. P. Morgan in the “House of Morgan” on Wall Street. “ Serves Wall Street. Leaving college as a lawyer and later creeping into the financial game with J. P. Morgan, Morrow ‘was soon recognized as one un- scrupulous enough to rob and plun- der the workers, so he was slated for bigger game. In 1922 we see him headed for Cuba as the repre- sentative of Wall Street and the sugar interests. There, with the pressure of Wall Street money, he soon lined up Butcher Machado, the Cuban president, and caused the slaughtering of many and the jail- ing of hundreds of Cuban workers wh orefused to accept willingly the Wage-cutting and speed-up schemes imposed upon them by Morrow and his partner, the Butcher Machado, Since that time the working class of Cuba has suffered misery and to make the workers pay the price | of Wall Street’s intervention to get more and more profits. This visit of Morrow to Cuba did so much for modernized capitalism that it was decided in 1927 that Morrow was to go to Mexico to “tame” the work- ers of that country who were be- coming too rebellious to suit Wall Street. Morrow In Mexico. Going to Mexico presumably as the ambassaor for the United States, Morzow was in reality the ambassa- dor for Morgan and Wall Street. What, you don’t believe it? Well, let the New York World for Sept. 21, 1927, tell you about it in the following words: “The White House announcement that Dwight W. Morrow has ac- cepted an appointment as U. S. am- bassador to Mexico was no great surprise to Wall Street. The Presi- dent’s announcement resulted in heavy buying of Mexican bonds, several issues advancing from two to four points. It was apparently felt that American property rights will be more fully safeguarded with Mr. Morrow as ambassador.” .. . One of his biographers says of him: “He showed skill in cooling down the Mexicans.” To “cool them down” hundreds of Mexican workers were jailed and many were killed. But Morrow and his biographer only think they were cooled down. Revolution lives on in the determin- ation of those left behind even after some are killed, and Mexico is no exception to the rule. But his is only a temporary victory, for the workers will soon arise again and in their indignation might show who will win. ‘ Direct Class Representation—But Which Class? Now Morrow returns to the United States hoping to represent Morgan, himself and their republican party as U. S. Senator from.New Jersey. This represents a change of proced- jure for the “59 kings” and a step to more open fascism. It means that Wall Street wants direct rep- resentation in the legislative halls. It means the republicans are not shamming about “democracy” so much as in the past, but that now hunger, because Machado’s job is to use the governmental authority . they are showing clearly the class lines of capitalism. We accept their | skaya has |\the air, had-told him what was in | Memories of Lertin, by Nadesh- da K, Krupskaya, Interna- tional Publishers, $1.50. ae Nie In this small volume, the first in a@ series on Lenin's life, Krup- given us in simple, direct langua an unforgettable picture of Lenin’s experiences and revolutionary development from the period when she first became acquainted with him, in 1894, thru the first Russian revolution of 1905, and the years immediately following. The second volume, which is to appear soon, will take up the story from here. This book makes no claim of being a thorough biography of the great leader of the Russian Revo- lution. For such a study would in- volve a historical treatment of the main events in the lives of the Russian masses during the last fifty years and especially an ana- lysis of the growth of the revolu- tionary movement, the emergence of the Bolshevik Communist Party and the establishment and ad- vance of the Soviet Union—so in- separably is Lenin’s life bound up with these epoch-making events. Such a biography involves years of research, and has not yet been completed. Krupskaya’s volumes consist in revealing sketches and recollec- tions of Lenin by one who was associated with him as wife and co-worker over a period of thirty years. Her long record as a Bol- shevik, as one of the most active and responsible members of the Communist Party—as well as her years of comradeship and close co- operation with Lenin,—make her pre-emeinently fitted for this task. There is no attempt by the author to make a “great man” of Lenin. | Instead, the story is told with the simplicity which was so character- ic of Lenin, whose life was con- | centrated on one thing—the building of a true Bolshevik Party, and the winning of the masses to follow its | leadership in revolutionary strug-| If Lenin emerges from the sketches a powerful figure, it is not due to the author’s deliberate intent, but solely because of the events which the books set forth and | N. L ENIN sqy’s recent autobiography, in which the conceit and superficiality of the man leads him to relegate the masses and the movement io the role of background of a stage across which Trotsky struts, a sort of his- torical magician, who says brilliant things, waves his arms, and mys- teriously brings great things to pass. In this close-up on Lenin, we come to know him as a person charac- terized by warm sympathies and thoughtfulness of comrades, with strong likes and dislikes, great de- termination an” wnpretentious cour- age. There are many instances which reveal Lenin’s great under- standing of the thoughts and de- sires of the common people, and his faith, based on _ first-hand knowledge, in the revolutionary po- tentialities, of the proletariat. Krupskaya tells us that he gave up chess and hunting because he enjoyed them so much he feared the role which he played,in them. In sharp contrast to this, is Trot- that they might take time which he (Continued.) WHAT HAS GONE BEFORE The Black Bear, angered by the taunts and threat of the Red Bear, | has commanded the Heywood Bruin, | his soft and fat jester, to sing to him. ‘The tune puts him ‘in good spirts again and he calls his henchmen tn— Weasel, Skunk, Rat, Snake, Leech, Slimy Worm, Beaver, Grover the Croc. odile, Vulture, Stcol Pigecr—and as- signs them to tasks against the Red Bear and the oppressed animals. Now go on: | The Red Bear knew he had to act| upon his threat. He had threatened because he had known what was happening. Hawk, his comrade of the air. Minow had told him water Bear knew that the wrath of the animals was gathering! The creat- ures of the sea and the lake, the wood and the meadow, the mountain and the valley, weres burdened be- neath oppression. The Red Bear came into the Black Bear’s barn- yard. He saw the Rooster bossing the Chickens. He heard the Rooster say to the Bider-Duck: “Do you know, Duck, I can talk with the angels?” Duck said: “There are no angels.” The Red Bear heard the Stool Pigeon telling the Weasel: challenge, for we as Communists also have had clear-cut class lines and we.never made any bones about it. We leave no doubt as to the class nature of our cause. We are for a real class government. A government of workers and farmers, a Soviet government here in these United States of America. “New Jersey’s Opportunity.” |_ Morrow comes back to the United States and to New Jersey, labelled as “New Jersey’s Opportunity.” Op- portunity personified and knocking at our doors. But every time we ‘answer the knock we find it is one of Morrow's “Public Service” men \who has come to collect our gas and electric bill for Morrow. From the profits of these needed things he lives in luxury in a million dollar home with spacious lawns at Engle- wood, N. J, While he enjoys these things, the workers whose votes he seeks are suffering from the speed- \Up, wage-cuts and lay-offs which he jvisits upon them. \Morrow and Republicans On Labor. Just a reading of the labor plank which we found by the aid of a |magnifying glass in a republican platform should be sufficient reason adopted the issue of prohibition. This issue is merely a blind, a smoke screen to hide from you the real issues. Morrow and his kind promise beer and booze when the workers need bread and milk and other nourishment for their babies. The Party of the Working Class. In this election, besides voting to smash Morrow, the workers must also cast their votes against the other parties of capitalism, the democrat and socialist parties. These second and third line defenses of the capitalist system also have fake issues for the working class. There is only one Party that stands out at all times for the working class and that Party is the Communist Party. Go to the polls and vote Communist. Vote for Workers’ Un- employment Insurance, Vote for everything that the Communist Party embocies in its platform and vote against wage-cuts, speed-up, layoffs and all the resultant miser- ies that capitalism gives you. Make no mistake. Don’t be kidded by slo- gans and phrases of the capitalist Vote Communist. class, for any worker to make up his mind a revolutionist. The following few words, which occupied one inch of | space out of a whole newspaper | page, represents capitalism’s esti- | mation of a worker's intelligence. | Here it is: | “We rejoice in the fact that un- der the Workmen’s Compensation Act and the labor laws of our state and the excellent adminis- tration of our labor department, we have promoted the health and well being of our workers, con- vinced them of their sense of fair- mess and justice and brought to- gether employers and employce in co-operative harmony. We shall continue this policy of justice and | good will between these two im- portant factors of or~ welfare and prosperity.” All workers should go to the polls determined to answer this insult by voting to smash Morrow, Morgan, |~ Wall Street and all of their kind. Is the Issue Prohibition or Bread? As a vote catcher, Morrow has that from now on he is going to be! Negro Unemployed DOZIER W. GRAHAM Worker, Com- munist Candidate for U. S. Sen- ate from New Jersey. |the Stool Pigeon, will ssttle with f| remember what I heard. considered ‘elonged to the move- ment. It is he who keeps his fellow prisoners in good spirits by the let- |ters he manages to smuggle to them. Meanwhile he is using this time of imprisonment to begin his monumental work on “The Develop- ment of-Capitalism in Russia.” We see Lenin and Krupskaya eag- | erly following up the correspondence |to the Party paper, “Iskra (The | Spark), and with what care they |kept -in touch with each worker ! correspondent. No tasks were ever too small for Lenin, for he realized how each part fitted into the whole. He would | work for hours over the details of |a shop bulletin, to be sure that every fact was correct and so put as to appeal to those inside’the plant. ine We see Lenin pouring over the works of Marx, Engels and other writers, re-reading them in the light of fresh developments in the revo- as he systematically sets about col- lecting a wealth of factual material on Russian conditions and outlook, learning from their self-initiated and elementary forms of struggle, and so applying Marxian theory to the concrete conditions of Russian life. One illustration of this is Lenin’s immediate recognition of the significance of the Soviets which the workers and peasants created during the revolutionary events of 1905. Lenin realized even in the early days of his activities the imperative necessity of tying up reyclutionary theory with revclutionary practice. As his ye'rs of experience grew, he attached an incree-ing impor- tance to this principle—a principle which we in the American party are beginning to apply with seriousness for the first time. There can be no revolutionary practice, said Lenin, without a correct revolutionary theoty. Also, revolutionary theory, no matter how correct, is of use only in so far as it is put into prac- tice, and serves to build the move- ment. PO aN 6 Krupskaya’s Memoirs brings one close to the throbbing life of the movement and characters of the early underground days, the ycars of exile in Siberia, the period of the building of the central “Iskra” first Party congresses and the 190: revolution. It was during these years that the fundamental prin- ciples of theory and organization were worked out, and the Bolshevik (majority) grouping consolidated on this basis. The book makes very clear how vital and necessary were the fights which Lenin led against opportunism in all its forms, such as the theory of economism, and for a disciplined Party*based on the principle of dem- ocratic centralism, and for the union of the workers and peasants and the hegemony of the proletariat in the struggle. > * This is a book which all Commu- nist and militant workers should read and pass around among their shopmates. If you can’t afford to buy the book alone, get five of your fellow-workers to chip in a quarter with you and get it on the co-opera- lutionary struggle. We follow him THE MARCH OF THE RED BEAR (A STORY FOR WORKING CLASS CHILDREN) was running under the bridge. Red @“Here’s one of ’em to get. doesn’t believe in angels.” “I'll tell Preacher Polecat,” said the Weasel. The Red Bear smelled a Rat. The Rat was poking his nose into the Bat’s nest. He was looking for signs of rebellion. The Red Bear walked down to the Pond. He saw the Goldfish abusing his poorer rela- tive, the Carp. Red Bear walked on thinking. He must get his thoughts together, write them cown clearly, and present them to the animals. He must make clear to them that they all suffered together and must stand together. 4 Red Bear reached his home and sat down. He thought and thought, then wrote. When he was through writing, he read what he had writ- ten. He read it aloud to himself: “There are thoae who work and bulla nd ye Out of their labors nothing yet But worriment and fear From the beginning to the end of year He who works should well enjoy His labor's fruits, not be the toy Of Black Eear’s whim. Belongs to him All that he yields By his own vim From rocky fields. Therefore must we ‘Together be Suddenly the face of the Heywood Bruin peeped in at the window. He was spying. Red Bear turned and caught the clown and dragged him in. “You sneak!” cried the Red Bear. “Don’t kill me! Don’t kill me! T'll tell you everything.” The Hey- wood Bruin whined and wept. “Yl tie you first! You won’t get away!” “Oh! Oh! Oh!” whined the Hey- wood Bruin. “It’s the Black Bear's fault. He sent me. The Pigs—the Hog and the Sow—want more to eat. So the Bleck Bear is going to take more away from the animals!” “The beast!” _ “Preacher Polecat will blind the animals with the word of heaven.” “The Skank!” “The Beaver will handle the build- ing workers. The Weascl, helped by the Chickens, Grover the Crocodile and Leech in the waters. The Slimy Worm and Snake in the grass. The Rat everywhere. The Vulture in the air.” The Red Beer tied the Heywood Bruin tightly. “You are not to be trusted. You would surely go back: and tell the Black Bear what you heard.” ¢ The Heywood Bruin whined and whined: “I didn’t hear you, I don’t I won't tell the Black Bear what I heard.” “You can’t be trusted! You have stolen the honey of all the Honey- Bees and licked the Black Bear's boots. You-have sung to the Black Bear and helped him against all He@casket and lock you in, as you de- tive plan. —MYRA PAGE. By HARRY ALAN POTAMKIN serve.” The Red Bear tied him stoutly and put him into the casket through which no moan, no groan, no sob, no sigh and no whine could escape. The Red Bear locked the casket tight with a strong lock and took the key with him. | The Red Bear jumped thorfth the window and went about from door to door saying: “Tonight, a meeting in the woods. Tonight, a meeting in the. woods. In unity. In soli- darity!” LABOR SPORTS News from the busy headquarters of the Labor Sports Union indicate that there-will be a large delegation to the National Convention in Cleve- land. Two busses have been chart- ered in N. Y. which will take dele- gates from New England, New York and Philadelphia to the Cleve- land convention, Trade Unions, sport clubs, and athletic teams in- terested in workers sports should get in touch with the L.S.U., at 96 Fifth Ave. on the organization of sports and the sending of repre- sentatives to the convention. Take a loox at this for workers’ sports activity this winter. ‘Teams in the N. Y. L.S.U. soccor League played their first games last Sun- day. Eight workers’ soccor teams were seen in action playing fast and exciting games. Basketball season will soon start. Preparations are under way for district and national tournaments in basketball. Another form of sports will be boxing. This will build husky bodies and develope powerful punch- es to defend the interests of the workers. Trade unions—what about some boxing in your trade union halls this winter? New York sportsmen take notice. The N. Y. district convention will be held on Nov. 2nd. Workers! At- tend this interesting convention. Send delegates, organ, | (The Spark), and of 05] 5 Communist Issues Faci (This is the last in a series of talks between a Communist and Poor Farmer.) eee By HARRISON GEORGE |. Farmer: What you said about the |Farm Board is correct. It’s a swindle. But you say we can’t stop being swindled unless we poor farm- ers and the city workers make a revolution. And that don’t look |easy. The’ poor people won't stick together. And somebody’s always | selling us out. | Communist; Who says it is easy? |But it is necessary. It’s easy to | vote the republican, democratic or fake “socir"’-t” ticket, but it don’t | get you anywhere. Even voting the | Communist ticket won’t make a tev- olution. That takes a lot of real scrapping by big masses of people. But a Communist in Congress helps the fight outside of Congress by raising the demands of the-masses, waking up more masses to join the struggle. And they stick together more than you think. This is capi- jtalist bunk that the poor people |won’t stick together. Each poor farmer thinks the other one won't. They will when they follow the guidance of the Communist Party. THEY DID IN SOVIET RUSSIA AND THEY CAN DO IT HERE. And it's not just “somebody” who N CAMPAIGN IN THE SPIRIT OF LENIN! MEMORIES OF LENIN and Farmer Talk Things Over Size Up the Farm Board and Present Election ng Farmers [you a bit, nor any “pool” or “ex- |port debenture.” If it helps any- body, it will be the big\ marketing trusts—they run the government, }and the poor people don’t. But |you’re darned right there’s some- |thing you can do right now. Not | by fooling around waiting for some- | body else to save you, but by your- selves organizing and forcing land- |lords to reduce rents, by tenant | strikes, strikes. against high taxes, | by everybody refasing to pay mort- |gages or interest on them, by |forcing the trusts to cut prices on | things you buy and making the rail- |road thieves cut freight rates. | What's the matter with that? | Farmer: Darned if that don’t hit |the nail on the head! How couud |we do it? Communist: Write to the United Farmers’ League, New York Mills, Minnesota, the only organization that is organizing poor farmers all j over the country to make this kind |of a fight. Organize the poor farm- Jers in your township and elect a | Township Committee, affiliated with |the United Farmers’ League. The |Communist Party and the revolu- tionary unions of the Trade Union | Unity League will help you in your struggles. It’s the only way you |may better your conditions. Of | course, the only guarantee of per- 77 1S Te SAME F5 WAND THAT. SQUEEZING) US BOTH To DEATH Ss. P Ban __ ¢ — a oes cane =~ sells us out, but political fakers of the capitalist class, like the Farm Bloe crowd. Who could self out a | collective farm’ under a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government? It’s impossible, because. it’s a different system. Farmer: I guess you're right. We've got to fight, got to make a revolution. But right now I and the rest of us are in a fix—in rags, in debt, and can’t sell what we raise for enough to live on. Communist: So you keep running around in circles looking for a way to raise your prices of what you sell. Poor farmers have been doing that for years and never get them. If prices do go up, the marketing trusts hog the gain, or it’s taken from you in higher rents, taxes or higher prices on what you buy. The on you when you sell, no matter how you scheme. Then, the main things, wheat, cotton and so on; prices on these are subject to world market demand; and since over 20,000,000 workers ‘have lost their jobs in all capitalist countries and many more have had wages cut, they can’t buy and you can’t sell. big marketing trusts have the edge+ Farmer: So there’s nothing we can do right. now? Won't tariff | help? Communist: Tariff won’t help manent etterment is revolution and a Workers’ and-Farmers’ Soviet Government. Can’t you get your neighbors—the poor, farmers, not the rich ones, to a meeting? Farmer: Sure! I'll get them to the*school house a week from to- night. Can you be there and give us a talk and show us how to or- ganize? Communist: Sure thing! The Communist Party is always ready to help the poor farmers in their struggles. I'll bring a copy of the “Farmers’ Relief, Loan and Insur- ance Bill,” which we support to get | Door farmers real relief when | drouth or flood and so on wipes you cut, to obtain loans without interest which are cancelled if you lose the crop, free crop insurance, Farmer: We'll fight all right! We have nothing to lose! Communist: And you have a lot to gain! But I must’ be going on. And don’t forget to vote Commu- nist, so that a real Bolshevik will go to Congress to put up a fight that is a fight for all workers and poor farmers. So long! Farmer: So long! I'll vote Com- | munist from now on, you bet! See you next week at the meeting, We've got to have a fighting or- ganization. So long! Wanted By ISABELLE KLEINMAN. _ It was one of those dreary, rainy days, and I was sitting by the win- dow reading a Daily Worker, when I saw a young man with a very dirty face and ragged appearance knock at the door. He asked me, “You got some food ‘left qver from breakfast?” He wasn’t\the first one to come to the door. Several times a day men and women, old and young, come to the door asking for left overs. In Chat- tanooga, almost half the population is unemployed. He came. in and after he had washed and had begun to eat he told me the following: “Been mak- ing the freights from Macon, Ga. That’s where I live. Goin’ to Shreveport La. Done heard they’s a good chanc’t for a job down there. I gotta do somethin’. Got a wife and two kids, an’ the little baby only three months old. Gotta sup- port my wife’s mother, too. . “Pretty tough makin’ them freights, tho. Nigh to 50 and 60 men waitin’ on any freight comin’ by. Things is mighty hard. So many men out 0’ work. Everywhere I go, the same thing. Don’t know what this country’s comin’ to, Must be Hoover, I guess.” “But,” I told him, “things are as bad one place as another. Work- ers must organize together and make the bosses pay them a diving wage when \they are thrown out of jobs. Haven't you heard about the 6 young people who are under the the animals. I'll tie you so you can’t escape and hide you-in my shadow of the electric chair in At- | Job ize the workers? You ought to join a trade union. “That ain’t none of them black- shirts, he it? ,Co’s if it is I ain’t agoin’ jine ’em. I’m not fe: Blackshirts.” Fie “No, of course not. Why don’t you eo down to our union hall at 16% Main St. and speak to the trade union organizer?” “ You ought to help fight for the Unemployment Insur« ance Bill put forward by the Come munist Party.” “T. sure will.” “T stopped at one house the other day, and the lady says, ‘I ain’t got no time to give you no food right now.’ ‘But, lady, I haven’t had nothin’ but clear water to drink and not a drop a food for the last two days.’ So I stuck roun’ a bit, and she gimme sompin. “They’s nobody does nothin’ fo the po man. The Salvation Army goes roun’ c’lectin clo’s from folks, and when a po man goes in one of them Good Will stores they want a dollar fore they'll give you any kin’ o clo’s. You gotta pray a couple hours fore they'll give you some slop they call coffee, and some corn muah ee call bread. lon’t get me a job in Shreve- port, I got me a good gun at home, an‘ J’ll know whut to do with it. I won't stand by and see my wife and children starve. An’ I ain't afraid to steal either, if it’s gonna keep ’em alive, ‘ “Well, goodbye. I guess Mil stop lanta because they tried to organ- down to that ther union, hall, and see what they got to say.”