The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 4, 1930, Page 6

Page Six Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 50 East Daily orker SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DATWORK.” se rg Se eave aie Tats Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Central Org. ‘the-Cdi 2 sist Porty U.S.A. of Manhattan and Bronx, New Yor! y. Fs SHADES OF NERO BY BURCK Unemployment Insurance and The Election Campaign By BEN GERJOY “Exceptiona land of per- ection cry for many years t parties. The Socialist followed the ne does not hear so much about ca being an _ exceptional ing strange has happened. st parties, instead of singing nerica, and the won- rs fortunate enough ployment problem, the streets of this land of work but not able to find any of unemployed has re is admitted even by us department ple is bu The in the clutches of a a crisis to extricate the U. 8. capitalists find for the following reasons: ces the entire capitalist only an industrial is as well; thirdly, colonial countries are in resisting the attempts of nift the burden upon their ence of the Soviet t to action against lists’ increased pres- tence of the Communist h leads the class-conscious workers the capit lest capitalist politician is not stupid out as “vote catching” bait the idea that everything is d States. But what's more, for its very life. Nine unemployed workers, with many millions ts, is a force formidable enough, if , to deliver the death thrust. asic cause underlying the head- ih of the various capitalist poll- to. propose Social Insurance. They all t they have discovered a fine bait with @ to catch many votes. The en- y crew is taking a crack in this slimy The events on March 6, when, under the p of the Communist Party, a million and a quarter of workers took part in street tha demonstrations, demanding immediate relief, woke up the capitalist politicians and labor fakers to the dangerous situation. By taking up this cry of the working masses they hope to divert the movement into a channel, harmless to the Capitalist system. A real danger faces the working class cause in this situation. Especially is the danger great because of the fact that the socialist party is playing a leading role in pacifying the workers putting forth fake social insurance programs as an election issue. Once again it falls upon the Communists to explain the true nature of the proposals by the Socialists and their Capitalist colleagues. What is really wrong with the various pro- posals to help the unemployed put forth by the bourgeois politicians? The gist of the matter lies, firstly, in the fact that invariably all the proposals by the above gentlemen aim to make the workers pay for this insurance. The Socialist proposition is that the worker, the boss and the Government should each pay an equal share for this insurance. No worse hypocrisy is imagin- able! They know well enough that the boss, if he has to pay for workers’ insurance, will take it out from their hide by increased speed-up, fur- ther wage cuts, etc. They know that th® boss will not give up one {ota fsom his profit. The second most important feature of their proposals is the method by means of which they claim un- employment insurance will be put into life. What do Mr, Waldman, Mr. Norman Thomas, Mr. Yager and company propose to do to make Social Insuranre a law? The answer is, nothing. What pressure do they propose to bring to make the exploiters give back a bit of their booty? None. Though these Socialist fakers know full well that through the entire history of the labor move- ment, anywhere, never was anything wrested from the bosses except through struggle on the part of the workers themselves. They have no single proposal which would draw the working class into struggle for Social insurance. In- deed, why should they call upon the workers to struggle when their main role at the present period is to use all ways and means to keep the working class out of struggle, not only political, but even economic. Yes, they do tell the workers how they are going to get it for them. They tell them to vote for them, and if they are elected they will get it for them. When? How? This they do not tell them. Sometime in the future, while the workers need relief immediatel As opposed to all the above gentlemen and the Capitalist parties they represent, there are nd eternal growth of capital- | h an objective situation even | ¢ the Communists and the Communist Party fight- ing a heroic battle for the interests of the work- ing class. The Communist program for Social Insurance, embodied in the Unemployment In- surance Bill, is a clear cut document based upon the immediate needs of the workers, both em- ployed and unemployed. Every word of this bill is measured and weighed that, when it be- will bring the most benefit to the ng class during times of crisis, depression, sickness, old age, etc. We do not propose our Unemployment Insurance Program, as do the socialists, as something remote, after we get elected, etc, etc. We bring this before the masses as an issue which faces immediate solu- tion, elections or no elections. And we call upoy the workers to start a struggle for it now, in order to keep from starving. The Communist Unemployment program has not the “vote catching” phrases which feature so prominently the programs of the socialists and their capitalist colleagues. They come out for example with a proposition for the “six-hour- day—five-day-week.” This they do, while in the Southern textile mills the workers, men, women and children, toil under the worst sweat-shop and speed-up conditions, at the rate of 10, 12 and more hours a day. Still, whenever the Trade Union U League, the revolutionary trade union center, starts a campaign to organize the workers in such industries, the American Fed- eration of Labor, with the approval of such “friends” of the workers as Mr. Muste, steps in and helps the workers smash the movement. But the socialist candidates in this year’s elec- tion, when they drew up their “vote catching” unemployment insurance program, submitted same for discussion at the Labor College, of which Mr. Muste is dean Parallel with the proposition for the “six-hour- day—five-day-week” we find in the same social- ist program a statement to the effect that no one, at any time, is to receive over 60 per cent. insurance of his previous pay, that is providing he has dependents. One who has no dependents is to receive only 40 per cent. of his previous pay, and for no longer a period than 26 weeks. After the 26 weeks apprenticeship period in starvation will have been passed the socialist party, very likely with the expert advice of a phy final trip to the grave, thus the proposition to discontinue his insurance. The best the underlying intentions of the capitalist poli- ticians is the fact that their great desire to help the oppressed always takes po ion of them during a pre-election period. While an ele:tion to the capitalist politicians means an opportunity to cover up the true na- ture of the dictatorship of an exploiting minority by putting on a democratic mask, bringing forth fake proposals to benefit the working class, etc., to the Communists every worker's vote means that an additional soldier joined the battle to compel the bosses and their government to at once grant the workers’ needs. When we, Com- munists, put forth the Unemployment Insurance Bill as an election issue we do it becaure it is a vital and pressing need for the workers in order to exist. That's why in addition to the general bill we also propose local measures which would provide funds to relieve the immediate situation. But what is most important is the means we propose to make this bill a law. The Socialists & Co. say to the workers, “you vote for us and we will get you unemployment insurance.” Noth- ing more. We say to the workers, “you must get into a revolutionary, political and economic struggle, by organizing and striking against wage cuts, by participating in mass demonstrations, etc., in order to compel the bosses and their government to grant you unemployment insur- ance. The struggle for Social Insurance must become a movement of wide masses of workers, employed and unemployed, not only during the present election campaign, but also after. If you vote for us we will use our posts to continue the stuggle and further broaden it by drawing in ever larger masses to take part in the fight. Our aim is not to make, as the capitalist and socialist politicians are doing, of the unemployed @ football in political dickerings. We want that the struggle for Social Insurance should be a political struggle by the workers themselves, under the guidance of the Communist Party. Unlike the socialists, who fear to awaken the workers, we go to the shops and the factories, to the mills and the mirfes where the workers slave. We call upon the workers to organize and strike against wage cuts. We tell them to resist speed-up. We call upon the workers to broaden these strikes and make them political, by putting out demands for unemployment insurance, to turn over the war appropriations to the unem- ployed fund, etc. The workers must realize that their lot does not lie with capitalist parties, nor with the socialist party, the third capitalist party. The workers must realize that only through struggle can they win their pressing need—unem- ployment insurance. The workers must realize that the Communist Party is the only political organization in this country which fights for the workers’ interests. Workers, you must cast your Jot with and vote Communist. ty PRE-PLENUM DISCUSSION YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE, U. S. A. HOW WE WORK—BUILDING UP THE YOUNG WORKER By A. STERN (New York) The weekly Young Worker is one definite way in which the Plan of Action finds concrete ex- Pression. On this basis we proceed to determine to what extent and how the League as a whole has made use of the Young Worker to effect its turn. Not only that, but what result its use in making the turn had upon our organ. From the start we raised the slogan “face the factories." We spoke of regular sales of the Young Worker at the factories. We asked for letters from the shop. Was this done? Was the Young Worker made the spearhead for penetrat- ing into the factories? By no means can the New York League say that it went ahead full steam with this work. The use of our organ for enter- ing the organizations of young workers was especially neglected. Through getting mass sub- scriptions from their clubs we can establish cgn- tact with numbers of young workers, Yet we have examples of units in New York who fall even to approach young workers’ organizations meeting under the same roof. By means of Red Sundays and Red Evenings New York District averaged from 12 to 15 subs a week during April and May with all indications for a steady in- crease, New subs are down to 1 or 2 a week. This is due mostly to the discontinuance of the Red Sundays and Evenings. This is an under- estimation of this form of mobilization and Young Worker activity in general. ‘We must bring to ght and expose the fre- quent failure of certain units to sell our paper at their open air meetings. The organization of shock troops for Young Worker activities was not pressed hard at all. This has become evi. dent in the petering out of activity there existed no organizational backbone to keep up any consistcat work. Among the comrades is widely met a form of underestimation expressed in their electing of incapable members for Young %, Worker agents. This manner of choosing agents we must alter as an immediate step in creating responsive and efficient Young Worker apparatus. ‘We can record the fact that several units do regularly sell the Young Worker at the factories where they concentrate. That the paper has been placed on newsstands downtown and in the Bronx. And that at the demonstration-funeral of Comrade Levi 300 copies were sold. At the same time we have failed so far to arrange for Young Worker routes. Our activity lacks system and directive. The paper must be sold first at the factories and the clubs where‘the workers are found regularly and not to transient riders in’the subway as some units do. Not only that, but the Young Worker must be incorporated and used in every campaign of ours. It must be linked up with all the struggles of the young workers. Only by placing the Young Worker in the hands of the greatest number of workers do we give reality to our aim “the Young Worker —the organ of the fighting youth.” Can we establish a mass circulation for the Young Worker as a result of more intense activ- ity? Can we create a maintenance fund for it? We certainly can. But we have hardly started. Today we resort often to collections to help the paper. This is not very satisfactory. This does not create the guarantee for its regular appear- ance. Only upon a broad base of young worker subscribers can our organ come out weekly. At present we have more subscribers than before May 1. But this is still not enough to maintain the Young Worker as a weekly. We attempt collections. Let us keep on collecting, but cél- lect for a Young Worker fund. We must inject some red blood into the circulation of the Young Worker by getting subs from individual workers, mass subs from organizations, establish routes in working class sections, sell the paper at the jop gates and within the shops. Si oe aera acme jan, thinks that a worker is ripe for his | proof of | The Role of Finance Capital In American Agriculture By HARRISON GEORGE (An excerpt from the Agrarian Report to the Seventh Convention of the Communist Party of the U. 8. A.) ‘HERE are many errors, many pitfalls possible in our attitude toward the agrarian question. We wish to deal with some especially wrong viewpoints. First: The idea that capital—finance capital— is not penetrating agriculture. This is a social- democratic view, the view that holds that the “small rural proprietor’ is on an economically sound basis, a phase of Bernstein’s revision of Marxism. And this soclal-democratic view creeps into our Party, sometimes disguised in loose talk about “working farmers” or “dirt farmers,” which only confuses the Party and takes no account of their status or specific categories within*the agrarian bourgeoisie. We must, as against this, charac- terize farmers according to their capital—small, moderate or large capital—as poor, middle and rich farmers—and, besides these, the farm cor- porations. I think our Agrarian Thesis fully proves the penetration of finance capital into agriculture. Commercial farming and not self-sufficing farm- ing, is predominant. The American farmer pro- duces for the market and 1s involved in the net- work of capitalist commodity production. As Comrade Lenin has said, “The small farmer, whether he likes it or not, whether he is aware of it or not, becomes a commodity producer.” In the development from self-sufficing to com- modity production there must develop, and has developed, also the mechanization of agriculture. With mechanization has gone the penetration of capital, and on the basis of increased capital in- vestment comes the dominating role of finance capital. The tremendous debts, mortgages, in- terest payments, etc., show its penetration. Growth in Number—and Poverty Some social-democrats point to the growth in number of farms over a long period; for example, citing that from 1,449,073 farms in 1850 the num- ber has grown to 6,448,343 in 1920, as “proof” of the economic soundness of the small rural pro- prietor, But they do not take into account the change from self-sufficing to commodity produc- tion; they ignore the penetration of capital and hence the growth of class differentiation, the pro- portional growth of the rural proletariat, of mass poverty and the degeneration of that section of agriculture, and a great section, too, which con- tinues production upon the one-family basis. We cannot escape the conclusion that finance capital is penetrating agriculture. To say that it has not, is to say that capitalism has not grown in agriculture, or that, having grown, it has mysteriously escaped coming under the dom- ination of finance capital—which fs nonsense. Finance capital is the dominant capital of the age of imperialism, and it is dominant in agriculture as in other industries. A second question about which there {s an er- roneous idea: Is finance capital in agriculture progressive in character? Some soclal-democrats hold the view that the role of capital in agricul- ture is progressive; that it is building the tech- nical basis for socialism. ‘These social-demo- crats, of course, reject the Leninist characteriza- tion of capitalism in the period of imperialism, the essentially parasitic nature of finance capital, which is not progressive in character. Unfor- tunately, this idea in one form or another affects many Communists, and for that reason we must clarify the role of finance capital. In agriculture, the dominating role of finance capital, of capital imperialism, retards or limits industrialization and is par: acter, The parasitic role of finance capital is shown by the fact that, in the main, it does" not engage directly in agricultural production, but lives as a parasite upon production. On one hand it seizes upon control of market- ing and marketing facilities; on the other, it fastens a load of debt, from which it extracts usurious interest, upon the producers, who are pressed into debt by their very need to get i creased machinery and other supplies. It is notoriously a fact that the marketing of farm produce is completely out of control of the farm- ers. Everywhere we read in the daily press of “wheat kings,” “artichoke kings,” and “asparagus prince: The people “farm the farmer, slogan which still holds good. RGANIZE YOUR SHOP MATES Then, take the farm debt: One-third of all capital in agriculture is in mortgages, while ninety-five percent of .these mortgages are, through local banks, linked up with the great banks dominated by finance capital. While we see that the total value of capital in implements and machinery in American farming grew (while the area of improved land increased only 7.75 percent) from 1910 to 1925 slightly over 100 per- cent, the total farm debt grew nearly 200 percent, or from $4,700,000,000 to $12,250,000,000, It is said that this debt now has reached around $20,000,- 000,000. We thus see the parasitic character of finance capital in agriculture; and it 1s a logical corollary that it is not progressive, that it is not laying the technical basis for socialism. ‘The Role of Finance Capital In this respect we must question the validity of the statement made in paragraph 8 of the Draft Program for Negro farmers on Page 249 of the March Communist, where it says that “American agriculture is to an ever larger extent being brought under the sway of finance capital and experiences in connection with that a tech- nical revolutiop.” It is true that agriculture is under the sway of finance capital; it is true that there has been a great “technical revolution.” We find the same term used in point No. 1 of the Krestintern criticism of our Draft Thesis where it goes on to mention “an extreme ac- celeration of the concentration of capital in agri- culture,” which is true; but there is added that another result of this “technical revolution” is the “rise of large scale agricultural enterprises” and {t goes on to talk about the “tremendous de- velopments of corporations” in the agricultural industry. We think that this supposed “tre- mendous development” is tremendously exag- gerated. Not So Simple It seems that large scale farming and corpora- tion farming is very entrancing to some com- rades, who think that, as mortgaged farmers be- come bankrupt, finance capital takes over their farms and engages directly in production, on large scale farms with central management and modern technique. Undoubtedly, there is some development in this direction, but it is wrong to exaggerate. We should say that in the majority of cases quite another development takes place. While the land may be taken over by the local banks hold- ing the mortgages and while these banks may place a supervisor over these farms, in most eases they remain as individual farms being worked by renters, and certainly upon the old technical basis of the one-family farm. The U. S. Dept. of Agriculture gives us a classification of what is meant by large scale farms: (1) The enlarged family farm, meaning the farm that is handled for the most part by the labor supplied by a single farm family. (2) The “factory” farm, in which labor is supplied by wage workers primarily, with an attempt at division of labor similar to that of the factory. industry. (3) What is known as “chain farm- ing,” a term covering various forms under which a man or a group of men exercise managerial control over a considerable number of family- sized farms. (4) Managerial service agencies or individuals or organizations who sell manage- ment service or advice to farmers. The Role of Finance Capital Obviously, the second category, the “factory” farms is the only category in which one may say that technical advance attains its major effect. An example of the third category in which tech- nical advance may or may not develop beyond that of a one-family farm, is given in the “Busi- ness Week” for May 7. It quotes a supervisor of St. Cloud, Minn., who looks after twenty-five farms with a total of 7,000 acres, as saying: “We are unable to find co-operators, tenants or managers who are properly qualified to produce crops and care for live stock so as to get more than 60 per cent. of the returns which the soil is able to produce.” Can we say that this repre- sents a “technical revolution”? Most decidedly, we cannot, We do not deny that there is a growth in cor- poration farming—in fact, we assert the fact of technical advance, but both of these develop- ments are limited by the parasitic nature of ital, by the limitations on th di velopments inherent in capitalist relationships in agriculture. What are some of the limitations to large scale farming? The U. S. Chamber of Commerce, which I think everyone will agree speaks with the voice of finance capital, says that “large scale organiza- tions of agriculture cannot effect all of the econo- mies which similar organizations effect In other industries.” It mentions the seasonal nature of production process which requires peak loads of labor for a relatively short period, and diversity of soil and topographic conditions. It mention the “lack of interest” of hired labor, saying that “while the small farmers cheerfully (!) will work late at night . . . or spend 16 hours in the fields, hired laborers will do these things only if’ paid overtime wages.” It also says that the wide dispersion of farm laborers on some types of farms “makes supervision diffcult,” that is, they cannot be speeded up as in a factory. It is said that many of the “bonanza” farms organized in the new regions of the Northwest have been broken up, and although it adds that other corporations have been formed in newer regions for exclusive wheat cultivation, the U. S. Chamber of Commerce is not convinced of their survival. As to the corporation farming in other products, it says that some such farms are owned by food processing companies, canneries, sugar factories, and milk products plants to insure an adequate supply of raw materials. But it says that there is no apparent necessity for appreciable increase in the number of such farms, and if we look behind the superficial ownership of such farms we will see, for example, that the sugar beet farm land owned by beet sugar companies is worked by contract labor with a minimum of capital equipment, on small sub-divisions of their supposed “large scale equipment farms,” by in fact the most rudi- mentary hand labor of whole families of miser- ably paid immigrant labor, living ‘the most wretched lives—toiling with bent backs in the fields from dawn to dark, working with hand and hoe, and by no means with anything resem- bling a “technical revolution.” Broun as “Educator” By H. RAYMOND Prisoner No. 52349 (Member of the Unemployed Delegation: Imprisoned) ‘We hear that Heywood Broun, “Socialist” can- didate for Congress in the 17th silk-stocking dis- trict, has undertaken the political “education” of Mrs. Ruth Pratt, Republican candidate in the same disrict. This indeed is not very startling, but it is at least significant, inasmuch as Broun’s “educa- onal” eworts are identical to the “educational” efforts of “Socialists” the world over. Royal “Education” for MacDonald Ramsay MacDonald, England’s leading “‘Social- ist,” notorious for his wholesale slaughter of In- dian workers, has also undertaken an “educa- tional” mission of considerable proportions. Ramsay, so reports have it, has just recently re- turned from vacationing with King George and the English royal family. And we are advised that Ramsay spent most of his time giving George a “good” political “education”—that is, he assured the king that the English aristocracy has nothing to fear from the English “Socialists”; that the “Socialist” Party is for strengthening capitalism and not for destroying it. Broun, however, did not go vacationing with his student like MacDonald did. Instead he of- fered to withdraw from the election campaign if Mrs, Pratt would save capitalism by adopting the “Socialist” Party's fake unemployment pro- gram, a program that Waldman, another “Social- ist,” assured Governor Roosevelt could not be put into effect, and which the “Socialists” are dis- playing to fool the workers and to snatch votes. Broun, like his partner, MacDonald, shows clearly by his clownish antics what class the “Sccialist” Party represents. While MacDonald hobnobs with royalty, Broun offers his support to the Republican Party, a party that is admit- tedly out and out and above board anti-working class and capitalistic. Also, as part of this educational campaign, Broun presented Mrs, Pratt with a volume of George Bernard Shaw's book, “An Intelligent ‘Woman's Guide to Socialism,” which, upon care- ful examination, we find to be nothing more or less than a soclal-fascist's defense of capitalism and all its dire manifestations, Shaw discards the Marxist doctrine altogether. He denies the class theory of society, the theory of class antag- onisms, and also the theory of the class struggle. The very idea of revolution thrown overboard Against Jim Crow Tactics of the Bosses and the A.F.L.! Communist and Strike a Blow at Lynching Policies of All Capitalist Parties By JORGE Heavenly Rest The New York capitalist papers suddenly dis- covered that the Communist Party was in the election last Monday, when it ‘told in horrified tones how somebody had painted “Vote Com- munist!” on the wall of the “Church of the Heavenly Rest,” which ts properly located in the malaca cane and top hat district of upper Fifth avenue. There is no REST, heavenly or other- wise, for the workers in the districts further uptown or lower downtown. The scandalized sexton, instead of appealing to the deity, which might properly, under capi- talist presumptions, be interested, grabbed the phone and called for the cops. Which is like a story told us by an interpreter we had once in China, He was for years work- ing for American missionaries at Wuhan, trans- lating the missionaries’ sermons to the Chinese, wherein the missionary told them that when danger threatened them (the Chinese) they should send God a wireless and help would be sent. But when the Northern Expedition went up to the walls of Wuhan the interpreter and all the other Chinese noted that instead of calling on God the missionaries wired for gunboats. Indeed those “of little faith” actually have sus- picions about God’s intentions, and in the case of the Catholic church which sets at State street and Chicago avenue in Chicago, they put up @ modern set of lightning rods to be sure that a thunderbolt wouldn't mistake thelr sacramental wine for the bootleg stuff sold across the street. God can’t be too careful these days, with Bishop Cannon playing the bucketshops and the Reverend Norman Thomas all mixed up with Texas Guinan. eS Always Fishing The biggest banks of Cuba were going smash, and rebellious depositors surging through the streets, while martial law was holding down armed rebels in several provinces. And where was the President of the “Republic”? Darned if the N. Y. Times didn’t tell: “President Machado was hurrying back from a fishing trip at Varadero, in Matanzas Province.” Seems as though presidents have little else to do but go fishing. When Hoover isn't fishing at winter time in Florida, he is fishing up the Rapi- dan. If they would simply stay away fishing, it might not be so bad. But they come back and use “prosperity” for bait and take the workers for suckers. Some day shortly Machado fs going fishing and find a nice new government set up in the Havana before he gets back, and if it happens to be a workers’ Soviet government, we'll bet his fish will be fried. The Week’s Prize Julius Klein, who is Assistant Secretary of Commerce in these fot altogether United States, and who poses as SOME economist, has seconded the opinion of his Chief that the business de- pression is “nearing its end.” Only Klein gets specific, and sets a date for It. At a speech in New York last Friday Klein id that “The United States will be out of the cur- rent economic depression by the end of Octo- ber.” That’s funny enough, and reminds us that Hoover once won renown by saying last March that it would be over in 60 days. But Klein “proves” it; yes, sir, by showing that out of fif- teen crises during the last fifty years, fourteen have lasted thirteen months. Now it’s downright queer why Klein didn’t tell Hoover that back in March and save Herbert from making an ass of himself. But we have the best remark yet in store for you. Klein added: “Our food bill will be from $3,500,000,000 to $5,000,000,000 below that of last year, something that is partly due to more care- ful marketing, and this releases that amount for other expenditures.” Did you ever hear the like? A worker who loses a job that pays him $25 a week has, ac- cording to Klein, “that amount released for other expenditures!” As any fool knows, the first charge against wages is for food. And if, for example, and due solely to the crisis, only 3,000,000 workers lost jobs that paid an average of $25, that would mean a loss of buying power of $3,900,000,000, Since between 30 and 40 percent is demanded by landlords as rent, it appears clear that pos- sibly 5,000,000 lost their jobs directly as a result of the crisis, if, as Klein states, their food buy- ing fell short of last year’s by possibly $5,000,- 000,000, But here Klein upsets the apple-sauce of Hoover’s Census Bureau, which has told us fairy tales about there being only 2,800,000 jobless! How could that be, with such a fall in food buy- ing? Yet Klein “explains” it by saying that it was because of “more careful marketing.” Boloney! And he goes on to gabble about there being more electricity consumed this year than the last. As if the millions of jobless workers had lost their appetites for ham and eggs and gone on a kilowatt diet! see by Bernard Shaw and, of course, the labor theory of value, which even many capitalist economists grudgingly recognize. Shaw's “Socialism,” like MacDonald's social- ism, the “Socialism” of the second international, is merely an instrument in the hands of the bour- geoisie to crush the workers’ revolution. It 1s this socialism that Norman Thomas, Hillquit and company are mustering so feverously to de- fend American capitalism. And by “educating” Mrs. Pratt along this line, Heywood Broun hopes to make the world safe for Wall Street. Defeat Boss “Socialism” But with 150,000,000 in the Soviet Union vic- toriously building up Socialism and marching toe ward Communism; with China's millions of workers and peasants defeating the bourgeoisie on every front and setting up workers’ Soviets aul over China’s vast area; with the revolutionary upheavals in India, Latin America and colonial countries, and with 4,500,000 German workers voting for Communism in the German elections— with the workers of the world waking up on such a grand scale, capitalism indeed has reasons to feel unsafe. This is why the bosses welcome the “educational” efforts of Heywood Broun as they welcome the Fish Committee, and the slan- derous anti-working-class statements and ma- neuvers of Woll and Green of the fascist A. Fy of L. - And this is just why the American workers must learn the lessons taught by the workers. of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Soviets. We must defeat the boss class “Socialism” and “educational” efforts of Heywood Broun, We must intensify the fight for unemployment insur- ance, against wage cuts and for a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government. Workers! Let us go to the polls in November like the German workers went! Let us make the coming elections a mighty protest against un- employment, against capitalism, and against such class collaborators as Heywood Broun! Workers! On with the fight for immediate uns employment insurance! All out to the polls in November! Vote Communist! (Written Hart's nd Peni To Vote