The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 19, 1930, Page 6

‘ 5 & 3g + Published by the Comprodaily Page Six Squaie, New York City, The Political Report of the Central Committee to the XVI. Party Congres: of the Communist P arty of the Soviet Union Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on 27th June 193( | | (Continued) 3. The Relations Between the Soviet Union and the Capitalist States. (a) I have dealth above with the antag- onisms of world capitalism. But besides these antagonisms still another antagonism exists. I speak of the antagonism between the talist world and the Soviet Union. It is t that agonism is not of an inner-ca] jtalist nature. It is the antagonism between capitalism «as a totality and the which socialisn is in course of const This doee not however prevent it from dis yupting and shaking the very foundations of alism And more tt this. It exposes the roots of the con tions inherent in cap italism and binds them in one knot: it converts ihem tto one question of the life or death of the whole capitalist order. Therefore the bour- geoiste turns its eyes towards the Union every time when the capitalist antagonisms be- ein te hecome acute; would it not be possible to eolve this or that ca ist antagonism, sll amtagoniams at once, at the Sertee Union, at the expen the Sevteta, this stronghol whieh from the first mc bas been revolutionizing the working the colonies, preventing fresh war: the redistribution of the wor permit capitalism to sprea over the extensive markets although {t needs thes ture of economic cris towards adventurous at on the So Union and towards intervention. This ten- dency is bound to increase with the growing crisis. The most conspicuous bearer of this ten- dency at the present time is the bourgeois France of today, the home of the profound love of the “Pan-Europe,” the “cradle” of the Kellogg Pact, the most aggressive and most military country among all the aggressive and military countries of the earth. But intervention is a two-edged sword. The bourgeoisie is thoroughly aware of thi It would be an excellent thing—it thinks—if the intervention would pass off smoothly and end in the defeat of the Soviet Union. But what if it ends in a defeat of the capitalists? One intervention has already suffered lamentable shipwreck. The first intervention brok> down at a time when the Bolsheviks were weak. What guarantee is there that the second will api broadly of the Soviet Union june o bitterly at this Hence the tende tacks ( day, Cable yuare. New Inc shing Co. lephone not crash ‘as lamentably? Everybody can see that the Bolsheviks incomparably stronger now than at that time, both economically and politically, and with respect to the defensive powers of the country. And what of the work- ers of the capitalist countries, who will not tolerate the intervention against the Soviet, Union, who will fight against the intervention, and will if necessary be able to attack the cap- italists from behind Would it not be better to adopt the course of developing trade rela tions with the Soviet Union, a course to which the Bolsheviks raise no obection? This is the source of the tendency towards the continu- ation of friendly relations with the Soviet Union, e we have two series of factors and two ferent tendencies, working in different di- e rections 1) The policy of undermining the economic relations of the Soviet Union to the capitalist countries, the policy of provocatory attacks on the Sov Union, open and concealed work in ion of an intervention against the Union. These are factors endangering the international position of the Soviet Union. It is to the effect of these factors that such facts are to be attributed as the rupture of the Conservative English cabinet with the Soviet Union, the seizure of the Chinese East- ern Railway by the Chinese militarists, the fi blockade of the Soviet Union, the ade” of the clergy, headed by the Pope, against the Soviet Union, the organization of acts of sabotage on the part of our specialists by the agents of foreign stations, the organi- zation of arson and explosions such as those committed by some of the employees of the “Lena Goldfields,” the assassination of repre- sentatives of the Soviet Union (Poland), the chicanery employed against our exports (U. S. A., Poland, etc.). ) The sympathy and support given to the Soviet Union by the workers of the capitalist countries, the growing economic and political strength and the growing defensive powers of the Soviet Union, and the peace policy steadily adhered to by the Soviet power. These are factors consolidating the international situa- tion of the Soviet Union. It is to the effect of these factors that such facts are to be at- ributed as the successful liquidation of the Chinese Eastern Railway conflict, the reas- sumption of relations with Great Britain, the development of economic relations with the capitalist countries, ete. pr Ss The Evidence in the Mooney Case By MAX BEDACHT. (Conclusion) a the case against Billings and Mooney rea- son and facts were outrageously violated. The prosecution insisted that Mooney, Bill- ings and Weinberg had transported the bomb in a jitney to the place of the explosion. At the time immediately preceding the explosion the whole territory of the formation of the parade, of which corner Stewart and Mar’ct Sts. was the center, had been surrounded by a police cordon. This police cordon kept ail traffic from the territory. It was never ex- plained and cannot be explained how Wein- berg’s jitney with its load could break through that police cordon without a single policeman ever seeing it and not only break through one way, but come back again out of that circle again unnoticed. These facts are known to the Supreme Court of the state of California. They are known to Governor Young; but they flatly disregard these facts and take the validity of the testi- mony against Billings and Mooney for granted. A very important element in the case was the time. The bomb exploded exactly six minutes past two o’clock in the afternoon. Ac- cording to the theory of the prosecution, it had been deposited on the sidewalk a few short minutes before the explosion. Shortly after the arrest of Billings and Mooney, a photo- grapher submitted to the district attorney’s office, copies and negatives of photos showing Tom and his wife, Rena Mooney, on the roof of a building one mile away from the scene of | a. public admis the explosion. In that building Rena Mooney maintained a studio as violin teacher. In front of this building stood a large sidewalk clock. The pictures submitted to the district attorney’s office showed Mooney with his wife on the roof of this building. Different ex- posures of that section by the same photo- grapher showed Mooney and his wife on the ‘roof of this building at 1:59, 2:01, 2:02, 2:04, and 2:06 o’clock. Fickert suppressed these photographs because they provided Mooney with a perfect alibi. When the defense got information of the existence of these photo- graphs, it forced the prosecution to produce them. Fickert produced them, but first mu- tilated the negatives so that the time on the sidewalk clock became illegible. The actual facts were established later. It was estab- lished by unchallengeable testimony that Fickert at first suppressed and later mutilated this evidence. e Supreme Court of California knows this; so does the governor of California. Yet as part of the dastardly conspiracy that sent Billings and Mooney to the penitentiary, they serenely disregard this fact and keep on mumbling about the validity of the evidence. John McDonald, an addict of dope, testi- fied against Mooney and identified him. Long before McDonald recanted his testimony, it was proven beyond a doubt that his testimony was false, that, according to his own testi- mony, it had been impossible for him to be at the place where he saw Mooney at the time he claimed he saw him. The Supreme Court of the state of California, as well as the gov- ernor of California, knows this; but they con- tinue their role in this miserable frame-up, The surprise witness in the Mooney case was a cattle rancher by the name of Oxman. He was presented by Fickert to the court as a most respectable citizen, a: rich man who “was totally disinterested and whose testimony therefore had to be given special weight. This character testimony for Oxman became neces- sary because all other witnesses against Bill- ‘and Mooney turned out to be police crea- } prostitutes and dope-fiends. Oxman identified Mooney and testified to the presence of Mooney at the place of the explosion imme- ately preceding the explosion. | But Oxman’s testimony was hardly given when it was established out of letters written by himself that Oxman was not in San Fran- cisco on the day of the explosion; that Oxman was not a rich cattle raiser and ranch owner from Oregon; that he was a resident of Illinois and had been brought to San Francisco by his brother-in-law who lived there. This brother- in-law had promised him in the name of Fick- ert, a substantial remuneration for his tes- timony. The scandal was so outrageous that Oxman had to be arrested for perjury. Immediately upon the disclosures concerning the perjured testimony of Oxman, there appeared Sammy Shortridge, at present United States senator from California and then, as now, corporation lawyer, as special attorney for the United Railway: Fickert, who was the suborner of the perjury of Oxman, was his prosecutor and the U. R., which paid for Oxman’s perjury, was the defender. The outcome was never in doubt, although Oxman’s perjury was estab- lished beyond even the shadow of a doubt. Oxman was never convicted of his self-con- fessed perjury. His testimony is still in the records and helped to convict Mooney. The Supreme Court of California knows this; so does Governor Young; yet with serene disregard of the fact, they continue to keep their victims in prison. They continue to speak of the validity of the testimony against them. The frame-up against Billings and Mooney was so outrageous that the prosecution of the other defendants had to be dropped. This was ion of the frame-up. This fact too is known to the Supreme Court of Cali- fornia and to the governor of California. The frame-up against Billings and Mooney was so outrageous that the public indignation took the form of a recall movement against Fickert. This recall carried a majority of the electorate and Fickert was driven from the office of district attorney. This fact too is known to the Supreme Court of California and to the governor. The case against Billings and Mooney was from beginning to end a deliberate and das- tardly frame-up. Billings and Mooney were class struggle victims. For fee activities in the work of organizing the slaves of the Pa- | cific Gas and Electric Company and the United |, outright class Railway, these corporations sent them to prison for life. Only the international action of the revolutionary working class and first of all of the workers of Russia in 1917 prevented the execution of Mooney. The mumblings of the Supreme Court of the state of California and of the governor of. California concerning the validity of ‘he testi- mony is a desperate effort to cover up the persecution against Billings and Mooney with the suggestion of a possible but not probable mistaken justice. The case against Billings and Mooney is exactly the same as the recent case against the vegetable workers of Imperial Valley. The bosses want- ed to get rid of organizers of workers, so they | gave orders to the capitalist court to send them to prison. The district attorneys heard the voice of the master, produced the perjured tes- timony, and sent the organizers to the peni- | tentiary. The liberal campaign for the freeing of Billings and Mooney works into the hands of | the conspirators that framed up Billings and Mooney. ‘The socialist party as part of this liberal campaign thereby continues its role ds part of the frame-up. In 1916 it participated in the frame-up; in 1930 it is busily engaged in covering up the frame-up. The frame-up against Billings and Mooney was so undeniable, that the judge who tried them subseauenily had to state his belief in their innocence, And ten of the twelve jurors at 26-28 Union “DATWORK. York. NY N Daily 2: Worker Central Organ of the Coai.. The international position of the Soviet Union is determined by the conflict of these two factors. b) It has been said that the stumbling | block preventing the betterment of economic relations with the bourgeois states is the debt question. I believe that this is not an argu ment for the payment of the debts, but a pre- text in the hands of the aggressive elements in favor of the intenvention propaganda. Our policy in this matter is clear and perfectly sub stantiated. On the condition that edit granted to us we are prepared to pay a small part of the pre-war debts, regarding this as additional interest for the credit. Without this condition we cannot and may not pay. Is more demanded of us? With what right? | Is it perhaps not known that these debts | were incurred by the Czarist government, | which was overthrown by the revolution, and for whose obligations the Soviet government can undertake no responsibility? Much is said is & ueatdl “bike A vi the U. S. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. $8; six mons, $4.50 about international law and_ international obligations. But where is the international law permitting the “allies” to tear Bessarabia from the Soviet Union, and to enslave it to the Rumanian boyars? Where is the inter- national law permitting the governments of France, Great Britain, America, and Japan, to take up the intervention action, to raid the Soviet Union, to rob it for three years and to ruin its inhabitants? law and international obligations, what word are we to find for robbery? (Laughter. Ap- plause.) Is it not perfectly clear that those “allies” who permitted these acts of banditry have forfeited all right to appeal to interna- tional law and international obligations? It has further been said that the propaganda of the Russian Bolsheviks hinders the taking up of “normal” relations. In order to prevent the damaging effect of .the propaganda the gentlemen of the bourgeoisie entrench them- selves behind “safety cordons” and “barbed Fight Imperialist War! Demonstrate August 1! - -By FRED ELLIS By DAVE GORMAN. 'N April, 100,000 English Wool Workers struck against a wage cut, under the leader- ship of the Minority Movement, the British Section of the Profintern (Red International of Labor Unions). The textile industry of Great Britain as well as in other countries has been in a chronic crisis for several years. England was a great textile exporting country prior to the world war. Since the war many countries have developed their own textile in- dustries with tariff walls to protect their home market. In addition to the shrinkage of the foreign markets, the home market of Great Britain diminished to a considerable extent due te the lessened purchasing power of the masses as a result of chronic unemployment since the war (always numbering between 1,200,000 and 2,000,000) and wage reductions of those ~m- ployed. The following figures will give a pic- ture ~f the extent of the decline of the wool branch of the textile industry; compared with had to admit that they believed Billings and Mooney innocent. But all this means nothing to the California Supreme Court or to the governor of Cali- fornia. All this has not in the past, and can- not now, secure unconditional freedom to Bill- inzs and Mooney. The only possible method of struggle for the release of Billings and Mooney is a mass challenge of the American working class against this frame-up and against the fram- ers. It is exactly this mass challenge that the socialist party and the liberal campaign for the release of Billings and Mooney want to prevent. They prevented it once before. In January, 1919, at the National Mooney De- fense Conference the working class of \mer- ica was ready for a general strike to challenge the frame-up against Billings and Mooney aud to force their release. The socialists and lib- erals prevented the strike decision at that con- ference and sabotaged the movement for the freeing of Billings and Mooney. The freedom of Billings an! Mooney depends on the fist of the militant workers of Amer- ica. ing Billings and Mooney in prison. The militant workers do not ask for a “re- view of the evidence.” They have reviewed the evidence long ago, and have found guilty of a deliberate attempt to murder innocent workers the district attorney, Fickert, of San Francisco. They have found guilty as acces- sories to this crime the Supreme Court, the governor and thes“Better American Associa- tion,” a fascist bosses union. The militant workers of America demand the immediate and unconditional release of Billings and Mooney ! | | | The courts, the prosecution, the governor | of California, are all guilty of the frame-up. | They are all accessories to the crime of keep- | The English Wool Strike and the Red International of . Labor Unions the imports of raw wool in the first four months of 1929, the drop in the first four months in 1930 amounted to 8,773,029 pounds (pound equal $4.86). In the field of export the drop of woolen goods in the first quarter of 1930 amounted to 16 per cent compared with the first quarter of 1929, Revolts Cut Sales. Especially, are the colonial revolts in the British Empire making heavy inroads into British textile industry, Ghandi, the agent of Indian bourgeoisie, is utilizing the present revolt in India to expand the textile industry. The boycott of British textiles in India is proving to be costly to the textile capitalists of England. The imperialist “Labor” Government which took office a year ago, has set itself the task of helping the capitalist class to rationalize industry, at the expense of the workers. ‘The capitalists of the textile industry, one of the basic and one of the hardest hit in England, demanded an 8.3%, reduction in wage last September, of all wool workers. McDonald Cuts. The labor fakers offered to accept a reduc- tion slightly below what the bosses offered. When the workers rejected any reduction by an overwhelming majority, negotiations be- tween the bosses and union bureaucrats stop- ped. The McDonald Government then resorted to arbitration by setting up ‘a one-man Indus- trial Court, consisting of Lord MacMillan. The court gave the employers more than they asked for. MacMillan awarded reductions of 9.25% for week workers, and 8.75% for piece workers. The workers by an overwhelming majority voted to strike. Prior to the strike, the Minority Movement organized a Committee of Action and upon the outbreak of the strike this committee be- came the Central Strike Committee under the leadership of the British Section of the R.I. L.U, This strike is not only a struggle against the bosses but also against the trade union bureaucracy, the textile union officials. sup- ported by the General Council of the Trade Union Congress and against the imperialist Labor Government. Make It International! For the first time the Minority Movement applied the line of independent leadership in avbig struggle, as laid down by the Fourth Congress of the R.ILL.U. But this strugele was not internationalized. The linking up of the struggle of the workers of England es- pecially with the problems of the workers ot the United States is of the first rate political importance. The American and British im- perialists are in conflict over foreign markets and spheres of influence especially during the present economii crisis, The struggle against rationalization and wage cuts in either of the two countries must be linked up with the struggle against the war preparations of the If this is international | ~2 wire,” graciously leaving the protection of these barriers to Poland, Rumania, Finland, ete. It has been said that Germany is en- vious because the safeguarding of the “safety cordons” and “barbed wire” has not been en- trusted to it. Do we need any further proof that the chatter about propaganda is no argu- ment against the restoration of “normal rela- tions,” but a pretext for intervention propa- ganda? How can people who do not want to make themselves ridiculous think of “bar- ricading” themselves against Bolshevist ideas, when in their own country the soil is favor- able for these ideas? Czarism in its day too tried to “barricade” itself against Bolshevism. As we know, it did not succeed. It failed be- cause Bolshevism is everywhere and all over, not coming in from outside, but growing from within. It would seem that no countries could be better “barricaded” against the Russian Bolsheviks than China, India, and Indo-China? And what do we see? Bolshevism is growing there, and will continue to grow, in spite of all “safety cordons,” for the reason that the conditions there obviously favor the growth of Bolshevism. What has this to do with the propaganda of the Russian Bolsheviks? It would be a different matter if these capitalist gentlemen could “barricade” themselves in some way against the economic crisis, the pov- erty of the masses, the unemployment, the low wages, the exploitation of the workers— then matters would be different, and there would be no Bolshevist movement in their countries, But this is just the point: Every rogue would like to excuse his weakness or incapacity by a reference to the propaganda of the Russian Bolsheviks. It has further been said that the stumbling block is our Soviet order, the collectivization, the struggle against the kulaks, the anti- religious propaganda, the combatting of the sabateurs and counter-revolutionists among the “scientists,” the expulsion of Bessedovsky, Solomon, Dimitrievsky, and their like. This is truly curious. The Soviet order does not please them. But on the other hand the capitalist order does not please us. (Laughter. Ap- plause.) It does not please us that in those countties dozens of millions of unemployed are abandoned to starvation, whilst a small hand- ful of capitalists possess millions. But since we have agreed not to interfere in the affairs of other countries, it is not worth while to refer to this question, The collectivization, the struggle against the kulaks, the combat- ting of sabotage, the anti-religious propa- How the Socialist Party Fought Lenin to Betray Mooney By SAM DARCY. THE socialist party from the very begining, did everything it could to throw obstacles in the way of developing a real mass move- ment of protest against the attempt to railroad Mooney and Billings. This was especially ob- vious in its insidious attacks upon Comrade Lenin as a “German propagandist” when he organized the first demonstrations in Russia for the freeing of these two class war victims. On April 26, 1917, at a crucial point in the world war, the New York Call, the then chief organ o° the socialist party, carried a heading: “Propagandist From Germany Said U. S. Opposed Socialism and Had Hanged Mooney.” The “propagandist from Germany” was none other than Comrade Lenin. The slanderous title was that given to Lenin by the czar and the imperialists. For the New York Call, Lenin was not the world leader and defender of the working class heroically fighting for Mooney’s life, but “a propagandist from Germany.” Und.r the chief heading of: “Radical Starts Russia’s Anti-American Trouble.” This foul sheet tried to undermine the dem- onstration of Russian workers under Lenin’s person ' leadership to save the lives of the two American fighters, Mooney and Billings, by charac’erizing it as German propaganda. We reprint the story from the Call verbatim: LONDON, April 25, 1917.—Petrograd re- ports today laid DEMONSTRATION AGAINST THE AMERICAN EMBASSY IN THAT CITY SATURDAY NIGHT AT THE DOOR OF GERMAN PROPAGAN- DISTS. Nikolai Lenin, a Russian radical, who re- turner recently from exile in Switzerland, through: Germany, is said to have roused a mob ‘» frenzy by declaring that America was a enemy to Socialism and that Thomas J. Mooney, the San Francisco labor leader, at present under sentence of death, with every likelihood of getting a new trial, had already been executed. United States Ambassador Francis armed the embassy when the mob arrived. Quick work by officials and soldiers, in contra- dicti: Lenin’s statements, averted an actual atta * This story was not the accidental work of some reporter on the paper. It was the policy of the socialist party. The very next day, in a leading editorial, the Cal! quiets its readers against any alarm in the Mooney case. The Call says, in part: “Naturally the news reached these people in a garbled form. Mooney has not been hange 1, and he will not be hanged.” So no one need worry. “These people” were two imperialist powers which flows out of the attempt of one country trying to undersell the other at the expense of the workers of both countries, Only now, the campaign is being started by the T.U.U.L. The National Textile Workers’ Union and the Workers International Relief set aside Saturday, July 19, as International Solidarity Day. The Fifth Congress of the Red International Labor Unions is examining the Wool workers strike in England, will also examine the ac- tivities of the R.I.L.U. adherents in the U.S.A, in support of the English Wool strike. To effectively support the R.I.L.U. we must sup- port all of its sections in all of its struggles. | | not respect our constitution must leave us ar ganda, etc., these are the incontestable righ of the workers and peasants of the Sovi Union, laid down in our constitution. W must and will adhere perfectly consistently the constitution of the Soviet Union. It therefore comprehensible that anyone who w at go wherever he likes. The Bessedovskys, Sol, mons, Dimitrievskys, ete., we shall continue } sweep out of the country, as rubbish, usele: and detrimental to the revolution. Anyor fond of such waste goods may sweep them v again. (Laughter.) The milestones of ov revolution work well. They let every usefy element through, but reject the waste. W hear that in France, among the Parisian bou: geoisie, there is a great demand for thes waste goods. Good; they may import as man) as they want. To be sure they will influenc France’s trade balance unfavorably, and thi is something against which the gentlemen c the bourgeoisie generally raise objections. Bu) that is their own affair. We shall not, j you please, interfere in the '~ --nal affairs o France. (Laughter. Applause.) This is the truth ut tue “obstacles” i the way of the resun tion of “normal” rela tions to other countries. It turns out that these “obstacles” are mere ly presumptive ones, adduced to form a pre text for anti-Soviet propaganda. Our policy is the policy of peace and o the development of economic relations with al countries. The result of this policy is the im provement of our relations with a number o countries and the conclusion of a number o trade agreements, of contracts for technica aid, etc. A further result is our joining ir the Kellogg Pact with Poland, Rumania, Lith uania, ete., the signing of the protocol on the prolongation of the validity of the friendshiy and neutrality with Turkey. And a final re- sult of this policy is the fact that we have suc- ceeded in keeping the peace, and that we have not allowed ourselves to be involved in any conflict by our foes, in spite of the many provocative actions and adventurous assaults of the war-mongers. We shall continue to pursue this policy of peace to the utmost of our power and with all the means at our dis- posal. We do not want one hand’s breadth of foreign soil. But we shall not grant one inch, of our land to anyone. (Applause.) This is our foreign policy. It is our task to continue to pursue this) policy, with all the tenacity peculiar to the Bolsheviks. (To be continued.) alarmed over nothing. Mooney “will not be hanged!” Almost simultaneously with she ap- pearance of this editorial attempting to quiet the alarm aroused by the Petrograd workers who carried through their demonstration in the face of Kerensky’s and Francis’ machine guns, there took place in the Petrograd Duma building a touching scene of love between the imperialist ambassador and the Russian “so- cialis”? shaky government. The news dis- patch on the Mooney story in the New York Call of the 26th also informs us that two days after the Mooney demonstration: “4 public exhibition of the cordial rela- tions existing between Russia and the United _ Stat was given Monday night when Am- / bassacor Francis and Prof. Paul N. Miliu- — koff, Minister of Foreign Affairs, shook hands in the city Duma before an immense throng.” These disgusting felicitations between the “socialist” Kerensky government, with the aid of the American “socialist” party and the open impericlists, did not succeed in defeating the heroic work of our Russian comrades. The Nev York Globe, one of the leading New York paper. of the time, now out of existence, re- flectei the aroused sentiment among the masses. In commenting on the demonstration, | it acse: | “Remarkable is it that no inconsiderable nuinber of Americans will learn of Thomas J. Mooney because radicals in far-off Petro- grad attempted a demonstration in front of the American embassy in protest against his execution which the Petrograd agitators mis- takenly assumed had occurred.” his comment forced from the editorial lips of a bourgeois paper lights up the whole scene and reveals the socialist party’s miserable de- sertion of Mooney and Billings. The socialist party had at this moment about 100,000 mem- bers, yet Americans learned of the Mooney ease because Comrade Lenin showed its portance. And even after this demonstratio these shameless traitors had the temerity tof throw their poisonous “socialist” party torch into tie face of heroic revolutionary workers in or..r to blind the masses to the bloody deed which was to be performed by their masters! But this comment only tells part of the story. The United States government, headed by that “famous peacemaker,” Wilson, was desperately trying to keep Russia from making a separate peace with Germany. The masses of the Soviet Unio: demanded peace. Kerensky promised peace to the masses, but continued to fight on the side of the allies. Following the demon- stra.ie in front of the American embassy in Petrograd, Ambassaor Francis sent a panicky cableg:am to Wilson informing him of the growin; hostility of the Russian revolutionary masse. to the reactionary American govern- ment. The opportunist ‘Wilson was shrewd enou - to see that the United States govern- ment \ ould lose face even more with the Rus- sian masses if the executions were carried through. It was too dear a price to pay. forts t have them executed were then dropp entirely and their sentence definitely com- muted to life imprisonment. 5 Following these events, one looks in vain thro the “socialist” pre's and activities for any word in defense of Mooney and Billings. That is, until its recent efforts to appear as the Messiah to the two victims of the most atrecious frame-up in history. In fact, every effort was made by the socialist party, Ameri- can Federation of Labor and other similar friends of Mooney and Billings to send them to their death’ as soon as possible, But this is for another telling in the near future,