The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 15, 1930, Page 4

Page Four Daily Worker 1 Square, at 26 1696-7-8. ¢ New 28 Union DAIWOR York Be Central Organ of the € Daily 52: Worker SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By matl everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. $8; six mons. $4.50 nist Pariy of the U. S, A. NOT ‘MOB LAW COMMISSION’ BUT WORKERS’ SOLIDARITY By CHARLES ALEXANDER. | ERRIFIED by the mighty wave of working class demonstrations and protests against 1 the whole country anner of the International Labor other militant working class or- f the United States their faithful lackey, Representative ne, of Oklahoma, has introduced into gani ntrolled House of Representatives in Washington, a resolution calling for the | creation Mob Law Commission to “in- of a nching threughout the white—bg disil- cter and purpose y a ruse on the d as to Negro or e true ch It is me part of Ameri capitalis to attempt to | stem the mighty growing struggles of the Ne- | gro masses darity with the white work- | ers aga the bloody lynching weapon of oppression the whole barbarous lynch law system. | hing is one of the most vicious forms of oppression utilized by the employing | class of the United States against the Negro It is created ered and maintained class, and fully supported by its executive committee—the government-fed- | eral, state and municipal. It is one of the pil- lars on which capitalism stands, and through which the boss class is able to plunder, rob and divide the working cla Lynch Law. Afraid of the growing unity of Negro and white workers, the capitalist class utilizes the lynch law weapon with all its savagery and sanguinity against the Negro workers in order to justify its special brutal exploitation of the Negro masses in the eyes of the white work- ers, and against the whole working class, Ne- gro and white, when they show their determin- ation to organize, unite and fight for improved economic conditions. Created by the capitalist class, lynching is an integral part of the whole capitalist system, consequently, the capitalist class will never do anything to stop it. The only force capable of abolishing lynching is the organized might and power of the workers —Negro and white. | It is important that we go through the sec- | tions of this resolution in order to expose its true nature to he workers. Section one states that the Commission shall “be composed of five individuals who shall be citizens of the | United States, to be appointed by the Presi- | dent.” It is obvious that there will be no | workers on this commission, and the members of the commission will be “appointed” by the president of the capitalist class—the same class which fosters and maintains lynching. This same section specifies that each member of the commission “shall receive compensation at the rate of $20. a day,” which means the opening of a new avenue of graft for these representatives of the lynching system. More Graft. Section two directs the commission to “study and investigate” lynching. Every worker must fully understand that no commission appoint- ed by the capitalist class or its agents will investigate any case of lynching so as to ex- pose the names of the lynchers—who are al- ways composed of bosses, superintendents, foremen, sheriffs, ministers, and other hang- ers-on of the capitalist class—to the eles of the toiling masses of Negro and white workers. The economic policy of the boss class is always to intimidate, to threaten with imprisonment on the chain gangs, blacklist, ete., workers willing to testify against bosses’ lynch mobs. This was very clearly seen in the lynching of John H. Wilkins, Negro Pullman porter. Not only were the porters and other workers threat- ened with loss of their jobs, but they were also threatened with imprisonment on charges of perjur, if they dared expose the names of the lynchers. It is evident that what the com- thission will do will be to white-wish the lynch- ers, give them a clean slate, and therefore en- | employing clas courage them to continue their campaign of brutal, bloody murder upon the Negro masses. Section three deals with travelling and sub- sistence expenses, which means more graft and fraud. Section four authorizes the commis- sion to hold hearings and administer oaths, which is only the preliminary before giving the lynchers the white-washing, while section five, the last section, calls for the appropria- tion of “such funds as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of this resolution,” which is the beginning of the process toward the reaping of huge sums in graft, fraud and corruption, while the unemployed worker: starve, and the blood-thirsty lynchers continue their murderous terror against the Negro mass- es and the whole working class. It is evident that there is nothing in the sections of this resolution intimating tha: the cap st class intends to do anything to stop lynching. This must be expected. Capital:sm lives and breeds on lynching. Boss Terror. The canid increase of lynching in the United States is an integral par+ of the nation-wide campaign ot terrer, pi cution and murder, conducted egainct the working class by the And it 1 pecially int-nsified in this period oi mass uner ployment, <:eed-up, wage cuts and war preparztions. Since Jan- uary, 1930 i6 Negro waurksers have been bru- tally lynebed by the bos synch mobs, At the same time repressive measures are be'ny util- ‘zed in all sectiou.s «f the c.untry in an a’tempt to suppress the rising struggles of the work- ers for better working ard living conditions. The sentencirg cf 11 workers in Imperial Val- ley, California, to 42 years each in priscn; the determination of the southern bosses and their governments, the Ku Klux Klan and other fascist agencies to murder in the electric chair six militant Negro and white workers in At- lanta, Ga.; the vicious sentence to 117 years imposed upon the seven Gastonia strikers and organizers, the railroading to prison of Foster, Minor, Amter and Raymond, the New York Unemployed Delegation, for three years with- out the semblance of a trial, the imprison- ment of scores of workers under the infamous Criminal Syndicalist and Sedition Laws; the outright murJer of workers, Alfred Levy, Gon- zalo Gonzales, New York; H. Weizenberg, Chicago; the smashing up of workers meet- | ings and demonstrations, and the wholesale imprisonment of hundreds of workers struggl- ing for improved economic conditions, and the growing persecution of foreign-born workers— all these together with lynching are part of the employing class’ frantic attempts to ter. rorize and plunge the toiling masses of Ne- gro and white workers into deeper slavery and oppression—to lay th» full burden of the economic crisis upon the backs of the working class, and are part of their preparations for another imperialist war. Against this virtur and ruthless persecution of lynching and ter. ror, the working class--Negro and white—- must organize, unite, and rallv all its strength for a decisive and rele:ticss struggle. The International Labo: Defense, the only militant workine class defense organization in the United States which defends all workers persecuted because of their activities in behalf of labor, is conducting a ratonal campa:gn against lynching. Protes: «eetings and dem onstrations against lynching have been ani ire being held in all sections of the country. 'Thou- sands of anti-lynching leaflets are bein> dis tributed. The International Labor Defens: calls upon Negro, white, and al’ other worke ‘s. not to be misle.i by the creation of a fake capi- talist “Mob Law Commission” but to increase one hundred fold their strvegle against lynch- ing and/all persecutions of Negro workers, and the whole working class. Not a “Mob Law Commission,” but the orzgumzed might and power of the working class «zn abolish lynch- ing and the whole vile lyneh !2w system. Join the International Labor Defense and let us go forward into the struggle. On the Anthracite Front By BILL LAWRENCE. 'HE thesis of the Central Executive Com- mittee to the Seventh National Convention of our Party correctly points out that, “The growing difficulties of capitalism cause the American capitalist class to recognize in every workers’ struggle a direct attack upon the capitalist system. Therefore, even the smallest strike of workers for decent working condi- tions is met with the whole state force of capi- talism.” | The recent attack by state troopers on the Metichal Miners’ Union and the Communist Party in the Anthracite bares out the correct- ness of the statement of the thesis of the Cen- tral Committee. f Conditions Grow Worse. } In spite of the apologists of the American imperialists, the Lovestone renegades who still speak about the reserve power of American imperialism and who use the New York Times (Monday, July 7) to slander our Party and the Comintern. we find the following fact to- day in America: The Anthracite miners work part time and can hardly make $5.50 a day when working. The Anthracite miners refuse to be starved out and organize in fight for better conditions. The five year agreement which expires Sep- tember Ist, causes the coal operators and their servants, the fascist leaders of the United Mine Workers, to look for “remedies” to pre- vent the revolt of the Anthracite coal min- ers. The coal operators ate not satisfied yet with the present miserable conditions of the miners, and ask for a reduction in wages of 80 per cent. The bosses know they have noth- ing to fear for the Lewis-Boylan-Cappellini gang. Bosses See Fight Coming. The only opposition they expect to their | treacheries, and they openly admit so, is from the National Miners’ Union and the Commu- nist Party. The bosses fear the discontent and rising militancy of the Anthracite miners. ‘They know the National Miners’ Union is in the field and won't allow the selling out of the miners. The bosses realize that the Com- munist Party will and is mobilizing the miners in the struggle for better conditions against the coal operators and the United Mine Work- ers leaders. Thus the coal operators have already, with the help of the state militia and coal and iron police, launched a campaign of terror against the N. M. U. and the leader of the working class, the Communist Party. On June 30, the state troopers arrested and beat up an organizer of the N.M.U. and placed him on $4,000 bail under four different charges including sedition. On July 1 the state troopers raided the headquarters of the Communist Party, seized all the literature and arrested four more or- ganizers, of the N. M. U. and the Communist Party. Later they raided the private houses of the organizers of the above organizations. The district attorney, Owens, pledged to the coal operators to drive the “Reds” out of the country. The capitalist press is calling edi- torially and otherwise on the “public” to fight “the agents of Moscow.” The press is trying to give some “evidence” to the Fish “investi- gation committee” by connecting up the Reds with the Soviet Government. The organizers of the N. M. U. and Commu- nist Party are constantly being watched and followed by thugs and detectives. A real cam- paign sof red scare and terror has been launched against any individual or organiza- tion which dares to attack the coal operators and expose the treacherous role of the U. | M. W. leaders. How did the miners respond to this cam- paign of terror of the bosses? The answer was splendid. As. soon as they heard about the raids and arrests, one after the other the miners came to the office offering assistance to the organizers. The miners were the ones who went to collect money and raise bail for the arrested comrades. At special unit meet- ings the enthusiasm of the miners for the program of the N. M. U. and the continuation of the struggle for legality was very high. The miners have shown a real readiness to fight the bosses. Tasks of Party and League. It is clear from the above that our Party must entirely rely upon the workers. It must heeome clear that the Party in the Anthracite underestimated the bitterness of the bosses and Lewis machine against the revolutionary working class and their organizations, which resulted in lack of preparedness against an at- tack of the bosses. In spite of the tremen- dous favorable objective conditions our Party in the Anthracite is weak organizationally. There are no signs of the Young Communist League in the Anthracite, The Party in the Anthracite made a good start. we must not slacken down in organizing the workers. in the dav to day work. if aur Party is to be “Not a Cent for Your War; Feed the Jobless!” By WM. Z. FOSTER. 'HE tremendous advance of the Soviet Union is a world shaking event. Its importance is emphasized and dramatized by the decay of world capitalism. It profoundly affects ideolo- gically every class in every country. The work- ers are being inspired and stimulated to fresh struggle against capitalism. The capitalists, terrorized by the spectre of victorious socialism, are redoubling their prep- arations for war against the Soviet Union, and are attacking the working class more viciously than ever. The petty-bourgeois intellectuals are sharpening their attitude toward the So- viet Union in varying directions, It is with the American section of these intellectuals that this article has to do, American Intellectuals. Prior to the war there was a*broad streak of radicalism among American intellectuals. The socialist party was full of doctors, law- yers, preachers, writers, and what not. But the war and, above all, the ten years of high “prosperity” following it, almost entirely liquidated this intellectual radicalism. The older generation of intellectuals were silenced into “conservatism” by “good times.” American universities and colleges became utter quagmires of bourgeois complacency and 100 per cent Americanism. Crop after crop of sprouting intellectuals were turned out yearly by these institutions and they slipped into the easy berths provided for them by the flourishing capitalism. Almost unanimously, the intellectuals were blatant, unqualified glori- fiers of American imperialism. The Economic Crisis. with the development of the eco- the situation changes sharply. | The whole city petty-bourgeoisie, including | the intellectuals, feel the pressure of the crisis, through the wave of trustification, the falling off of their business, the decline of stock values, the cutting of salaried employees, etc. The “hotsy-totsy” days for the intel- lectuals are ov The position of those now in active work is being greatly worsened. and | those coming fresh from the hundreds of uni- versities and colleges must accept poorer conditions, or even, in many cases, slip down into the ranks of the proletariat. Two Trends. This economic pressure creates strong cur- rents of discontent among the intellectuals. This flows into two main channels—fascist (and social fascist) and revolutionary, The influence of the Soviet Union is a factor has- tening these developments. First, the fascist trend. This is exempli- fied by innumerable writings in capitalist naners of all kinds. It follows the main course of the petty-bourgeoisie, trying to fin] the solution of its problems, despite its de- the leader of the miners when the agreement expires. and C.E.C. against expectations of spontan- eity, and we must take this warning serious- ly. Unless we, flo the daily Jimmie Higgins work, organize the miners in struggle, ex- pose the U. M. W. officials, build united front conferences from below, mobilize working class organizations,’ we are in danger to re- main isolated from the miners. We cannot expect to neglect these “little” things now and on September 1, when ts anthracite miners revolt against the coal opera- tors and the Lewis machine, we the Commu- nists, will come down and say, “Here we are, the leaders of the working class, won't you vlease miners follow us? We have been warned by the C. L. | By QUIRT mands upon the capitalists, by more militant defense of capitalism and increasing attack upon the awakening working class. To these elements the Soviet Union operates as a red flag to a bull. The social-fascist trend ranges from liberals tinctured with radical phrases to “lefts” of the Scott Nearing type. This new current, al- though primarily in the worsening economic conditions of the petty-bourgeoisie as a class, is being intensified by the influence of the Soviet Union. Naturally, the tremendous reality of the growing socialist system is not lost upon such intellectuals. On the contrary, they are especially coming forward as ardent admirers and “friends” of the Soviet Union. They are also usually advocates of a third or “labor” party. This social-fascist trend becomes more and more manifest in the flood of articles, speeches, ete, from professors, engineers, economists, etc., “favorably” com- menting upon the progress of socialist con- struction in'the Soviet Union. The universi- ties and colleges also begin to show traces of it. While all this general tendency cannot be called social-fascist in the strictest sense of the term, its drift is in that direction. It is erassly opportunist, revisionist, dilettante. These intellectuals almost instinctively real- ize the profound effect that the Russian Revo- lution is exerting upon the working class and they are seeking to distort its great lessons and to utilize its great prestige in the service of their class, the petty-bourgeoisie, which means in the end, the service of the capitalists. They are trying to “adapt” the Russian exper- ience to this country, to bolster up the sickly capitalism, to use it in defense of their petty- bourgeois concepttons, to make it appear that the lesson to be drawn from the Soviet Union is that we must support in this country not a revolutionary but an “evolutionary” pro- gram—that is, engage in a hopeless attempt to remodel capitalism. Finally, there is a revolutionary among the intellectuals. This is very weak as yet, but it will surely grow stronger with the deepening of the economic crisis, the sharp- ening of the class struggle, and ihe continued upsurge of the Soviet Union. We may be certain that a small per cent of these intel- lectuals, especially those with a proletarian background, will become genuinely revolu- tionary and real Commur To these ele- ments, of course, the Russian Revolution is a real inspiration and guide. Now the ques- tion is: what shall the Party do about this whole development. Of course the Party must ager the openly fascist intellectuals. dangerous enemies are those sively fight ut its most the social- of fascist type. Th tural havens of such ele- | ments are the sociali bs the Music srvour and the Lovestone zation, But some will gravitate in and Party. Originators tunist tendencies, 1 ers and natural allies of the in the Party. But as pointed out above, those pos nd the fringes of our ulators of oppor- eur rents among the intelleciuals « ‘ tirely a minus quanti There will also be plus factors, There be some tc ments and the Party must, even in theeraid: of its growing mass campuign among the workers, take the necessary xteps to bring them within the sphere of its iniuence and to make such use of them as may be possible. It would be an error to conclude off-hand tht, the whele runt nhlv ga to the profit of fascisra and social-fascism. ‘The Party must vay more attention to this entire problem Soviet Union and the Intellectuals trend | SOCIALIST ONEAL APPROVES M’DONALD’S INDIA MURDERS By EARL BROWDER, Ape ONEAL is one of the principal -lead- ers of the socialist party, and editor of its official organ, “The New Leader.” In the July 12 issue of that paper, Oneal publishes an article entitled “India, British Labor and So- cialist Policy,” which reveals again and more vividly the foul depths of fascism to which the entire Second International has descended This article should be studied by every worker, in order to be able to feel the hatred and con- tempt against Onéal and his “socialist” party which their social-fascist policy calls for. Oneal takes as the starting point of “so- cialist” policy for “British labor,” the duty to maintain the British Empire as “a matter of life and death for all who live in England.” This he adopts as a basic principle transcend- ing all class divisions; this is his common plat~ form for working class and bourgeoisie. He declares: “No party can hope for success in Great Britain, whether it be capitalist or labor,” that does not squarely face this situation.” This is a 100 per cent imperialist position— imperialist in principle. From this basis, there | can be no disagreement with Baldwin and the | conservative party, or Lloyd George and the liberal party, except disagreements on the best manner of achieving their common aim, the maintenance of the empire at any and all costs. Social-Fascist “Criticism.” Oneal “criticizes” the MacDonald Govern- ment, but his “criticism” is even more reveal- ing of the common social-fascist program of the two leaders. He sees MacDonald’s “errors” only in that he (MacDonald) “missed an op- portunity months ago to make some conces- sions to nationalist views which would have eased the situetion”—in brief, that MacDonald erred only in inefficiency in buying off the Indian bourgeoisie with “concessions” which would then have left him free to smash the mass movement by using the Indian bourg- eoisie. Oneal says bluntly: “It could have re- leased most of the political prisoners which it inherited from the Tory Government, except- ing, possibly, the few who are Communist in- spired.” It is, of course, self-understood that all-uncompromising fighters against British imperialism are “Communist inspired!” And for such (of course), even under the most fa- vorable circumstances for imperialism, a “so- cialist policy” could never think of anything but continued imprisonment and executions! Oneal’s disgusting hypocrisy about “political prisoners inherited from the Tory Govern- ment” is intended to hide the damning fact, well known to Oneal, that most political. pris- .(Press Release of the International .Head- quarters of the Anti-Imperialist League’ HE No-Tax Campaign in India is beginning | to give the political fight in the country a new color. It is leading the peasants in various provinces to develop rapidly class counscious- ness. - Realizing this, the Congress (Indian Nationalist Congress controlled by Gandhi) has already begun to apply the brake to this movement. Not only has the congress ceased placing emphasis on the non-payment of taxes, but at the last meeting of its working com- mittee has actually passed a resolution to the effect that non-payment of taxes is in future not to be even advdeated in areas where the zamindari system (a system of tax collecting landlords established by Britain) of land tenure prevails. This decision refers particularly to Bengal, the United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa and other provinces where the peasant movement is particularly strong. The Indian capitalist press now points out that the slogan of “No Tax” adopted by the Congress under pressure from below and to win the support of the peasants has already created a situation that calls for stronger measures and a firmer policy by the Congress against the No Tax Campaign if the threat to the interests of landlords and the propertied class in the country is to be averted. The Congress is reminded that it can no longer afford to play with the peasants and be sure of its ability to defend the interests of the landlords. In_the course of a two full columned edit- orial the ombay nationalist—liberal organ, The Indian Daily Mail, in its issue of May 17 draws the attention of the Congress to the grave danger offered to the present economic order, which it assumes and maintains that Congress is interested in seeing unaltered, by the militant peasant movement proceeding unexpectedly quickly along class lines, and de- mands that Congress interfere and use its in- fluence to have the movement stopped “before it is too late.” The Indian Daily Mail, displaying a correct estimation of the Congress leadership, writes: “It is to be doubted whether the respectable middle class and aristocratic leaders of the Congress have fully realized what they have done in sponsoring a campaign which is, in effect, the organization of the ‘have-nots’ against the ‘haves’.” After stating that already “much harm” has been done, this being only another way of describing that the oppressed peasants have not been slow at developing class consciousness and are better equipped to free themselves from bourgeois leadership, and emphasizing that the nationalists may be soon called to pay a heavy price for frat- | ernizing with the poor peasants, The Indian Daily Mafl goes on and draws a parallel be- tween what happened in Russia in 1917 and what is happening in Indja today. The paper clearly states that the nationalists in India might after all not find “the vast majority of the people” prepared to accept the Government they are hoping to establish in place of the British. The extend and scope of the Communist propaganda in India, states The ‘Indian Daily Mail is not to be under-esti- mated even at this stage. In this connection it “There foubtedly, if not an active Bolshevik atmosphere in the country, at least some extremely active centers from which » Bolshevik doctrineg are promulgated, From al) over India we have been receiving discon- | certing complaints about the growth of these | influences. Congressmen affect to despise these reports, to deride their validity, but the merest acquaintance with the work of the Youth League (Naujawan Bharat Sabha) or the Workers’ and Peasants’ organizations in Northern India should convince even the great- est doubter that there is a real danger to the future of India. The amiable if somewhat fool- oners in-India are held under the ordinance proclaimed in 1924, under MacDonald’s first government, with the “socialist” Lord Olivier at the head of the Indian office. The present is not MacDonald’s first experience in sup- pressing the Indian revolution in arbitrary im- prisonment and blood. His is a veteran’s hand at the business. They Protect Imperialism. Oneal complains that “the imperialist rela- tion of England and India is the creation of British capitalism,” and not of the Labor gov- ernment. Yes, of course. Did Oneal expect British capitalism to create anything else but “imperialist relations!” Or did he think, per- haps, that capitalism would create “socialist relations” between the metropolis and the col- onies? The destruction of imperialist rela- tions is the business of the working class, the proletariat. But precisely the Labor Party, the MacDonald Government, Oneal, the Amer- ican socialist party, and the whole Second In- ternational, are exerting all their strength to prevent the working class from attacking im- perialism, they are using all their influence and power to protect imperialism, and do not hesitate to shoot, kill, burn, flog, maim, and imprison all who fight against imperialism. The crowning infamy of Oneal’s article, is his attempt to justify the MacDonald murders in India, on the plea that by doing the bloody business in Asia the MacDonald Government is able to keep in office and thus “delay” the coming of fascism in Europe. Not. only is MacDonald and the Second International doing the executioners work of imperialism in Asia, but they are ‘working hand in hand with fas- cism in Europe, in every country busily en- gaged in providing fascism with “bloodless victories,” victories for fascism in which the suppression of the working class is done pri- marily by the Second International itself. In Germany, in Austria, in Poland, in the Bal- kans, in France, in England—everywhere, the parties of the Second International are carry- ing out the first steps of the program of fas- cism, masking their dirty work with the ban- ner of socialism. They are social-fascists. Oneal, by his article, has helped to expose the American socialist party as a true and in- tegral part of the whole international crew of servants of impertalism. Let all workers be made to understand the true nature of the socialist party as a tool of imperialism, as a social-fascist organization. Let the August 1st demonstrations, against war, be at the same time demonstrations against the Oneals and MacDonalds, and against the whole Second International. Peasants Becoming Class-conscious ish gentlemen who have just been meeting in Allahabad (Working Committee of the Indian National Congress) do not seem to realize that the forces they are now unleasing will soon pass out of their control and will be di- rected just as much against themselves as against the present Government.” “The hungry, discontented people of India” concludes The Indian Daily Mail are quickly learning to refuse “to discriminate between the wealth and the position of a Motilal Nehru and the wealth and the position of an unpopular Zamindar.” The most significant aspect of the civil disobedience campaign in India, in the light of the above comments of a well informed organ of moderate nationalist opinion, is the stimulus that it has given to the class war in the country, The spread of the No-Tax Campaign is caus- ing landlords all over India to abandon their passive attitude towards the political struggle in India and rush to the side of the govern- ment with fresh assurances of loyalty and promises to lend support to any measure that the government may find necessary to pre- serve “constitutional authority” in the coun- try. Following such assurances and promises recently given to the government by the land- lords of Bengal and Madras, an Associated Press of India (semi-official news agency) communication of May 14 announces that the landlords of Oudh have informed the Viceroy that the government may depend upon the wholehearted support of the land-owning com- munity in Oudh as well as in other parts of India in crushing non-constitutional agitation in the country. It is also proposed to call a meeting of landlords of various provinces to find out the best ways and means in which the community as a whole can help the govern- ment in preserving “law and order” in the country. Workers’ Camps By H. B. ONE of the great shortcomings of the genu- ine workers’ camps has been that they were organized foreign born workers, conduct their activ in a foreign language and have made little or no appeal to native American workers. Two years ago a group of New York work- ers, organized a new workers’ co-operative came ,Camp Wocolona and established it at Monroe in the Ramapo Hills, only fifty miles from New York. Those who look upon a summer camp as 8. place where they can run away from the struggle, where they can declare a truce wth capitalism and bask in the pleasures of bour- geois life will be disappointed if they come to Camp Wocolona. Yes, there are beautiful sunsets, there is Walton Lake stretching one and a half miles across, but even these natural beauties are made different by the spirit of the place. And the activities of Camp Wecolona, whether cultural or poltical, are defnitely of a workingclass character. * Last year Camp Wocolona contributed $1,500 to various: workingclass campaigns such as Gastonia, the Daily Worker, the International Labor Defense, etc. In 1928, its first year, 23 new members of the Communist Party were secured at the camp. In that year Wocolona participated actively in the Communist elec- tion campaign and this year plans are being made for even more intensive election activity to embrace not only the camp, but surround- ing country. Educational activities, physical activities, cultural—plays, musical shows, mass. singing, all n a revolutionary spirit—a militant. prole- tarian atmosphere, this is indeed a weapon in the strugrle, One looks at Camp Wocolona and our other workers’ co-operative camps and looks forward into the futur