The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 21, 1930, Page 6

Page Six Souare, New York City, Published by tne Comprofaffy, Publishing Co. Inc., Wally, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union ¥. Telephone Stuy 1) checks to the Daily Worker, 6-7-8, Cable: nin Square. “1 1WORK.” New York. * Maily [Qe Worker By mail “everywhere! Mavbettan and Bronx, Onie"year $6; six months $2: OES: ES: two months $1; excepting Boroughs of — New York Gity, and foreign, which are: One year $8: six months $4.50 svenke Organ ot the Commuaist warty of the U.S, A. The N.T.W.LU. and the Young Needle Trades Workers nvention of Unques- important FEW the tionably revolutio: thus far. 1 the past period. The prograr that t N.T.W.I. it industrial tov and in the So Kansas, ¢ up in Missouri, ecure still cheaper noved to the \vania where cannot mills However, tt mdid all the proper con ms from the f t the pur- pose of my brief article to point out a number nportant effects of the moving of the try. needle indi The needle trade industry cording to the figures of 1927, ploys 547,000 workers. Of the following sections employ a majority young worke 40,000; cotton . (about), pproximately 1 of whom is of the needle trades industry, young workers who dis: srs in the other section of the indus- s out of the big industrial ci e wage in 1927 wi de workers; for the wor! ns it was only $13.00 a week. have taken place, th ands of work it mov brought ; are young egro wor in the far West and South- young Mexican workers. In Kansas City of thousand: in Denver, work for in San Antc ers in the needle trade shops wo for the average wage of $5.00 ‘oung worke .0 for fifty hours. io, Texas, the young Mexican work « for sixty hours a wee 0 to $8.00. In 1929 there wa strike of 800 needle workers in Denver, Colorado. What conclusion must we from th It is clear t one of the m important ke; to the organ n of the needle trade worke is the young workers. W ing them ii ly impossi militant Do we find meception in our Union? We do posed of highly skilled ively good wages, does y of organ- ig shops. Opport- clear cut right the leadership of J , where upward of 8,900 mostly young in large needle trade shops work, employing on the average of ps. ps. two or three hundred workers, and many of them employ as high as 800, the Union is not based on the s in these shops, but is still the old craft union of the silk dress work- ers and furrie Is it any wonder then that a real determined opposition exists in the Union to the introduc- tio of a sliding dues system and a low initia- tion fee? Is there any wonder that our Union has not organized the young worker der to ob: lead cure their resistance to youth p (including the youth com- adva the idea that the shipping clerks, the office workers, and assistant cut- ters make up the needle trades youth, Thus they lude that the needle trades young workers are not a section of the needle trades industry, of any great importance. After a sharp struggle, a series of youth mands was adopted at the previous conven- tion, but youth demands on paper and real determined struggles for them are two differ- ent things. One, although more difficult, leads to the drawing in of youth into militant shop locals, the other leads to opportunist isolation and degeneration to the A.F. of L. Unionism. Our Union was in danger of taking the second path so far. Only very recently a change be- gan to be made, it is enough to give a few examples, There was a strike a few months ago in a shop employing one hundred worke: A number of them went to continuation school. The Youth Section advanced the demand for pay for Continuation School. This demand was accepted by the Union. It was even fought for, and WON—for one year from the date of the settlement. Is there any wonder than that now the shop has been locked out; that we lost the young workers. In strike after strike the settlements left out the shipping clerks, and many times the Negro workers and the other low paid workers. Settlements were made for the skilled. We lost these workers. Opportun- ist policies can only lead to giving up of strug- gle and to the defeat at the hands of the facists. One Speaker—10 Minutes At the convention, the good (?) attitude to the youth was manifested by the fact that there was one youth speaker who received ten min- utes time. Very few, if any delegates, discussed the probiem of the young worker. And why should they? They were delegates mostly from highly paid skilled workers who were with us for years and whom we have not yet led to the organization of the unskilled workers. Many problems face the Needle Trade Work- ers Industrial Union. If it is to march forward it must devote much more attention to the organization of the young unorganized, un- skilled workers, and particularly to the young Negro workers, Dues must be graded according to wages; in- itiation fees must be lowered; new young forces must be brought into leadership. The T.U.U.L. school must train a number of young needle trade workers for leadership. In each struggle, these new forces must be advanced and de- veloped. Each shop employing over five y: ers. must have a youth section. B “ tions where shops are too small, must be organ- ized. A system of youth delegates must be developed. All of these must the struggle for the special youth demands, and direct the whole Union to the struggle for them. Not by placing full time youth organ- izers will the Union organize the young work ers, but only if a thorough understanding pre- vails throughout the membership that it is im- possible to build revolutionary unions if the young workers are left unorganized. The struggle for more attention on the part of the union for the organization of the young workers is insolubly tied up with the struggle against opportunism in the Needle Trades Industrial Union as well as in all T.U.U.L. unions. The Young workers can and must be organized if the Revolutionary Trade Unions are to fulfill their duty. Role of the Language Fractions W ANDREWS. 'T is not necessary to prove that the majority: of our Party is still fo n born workers-~ Americanized to a greater extent, nevertheless, still foreign born. Some of our Language Fractions, for in- stance, Finnish, Jewish, Lithuanian and others control many halls—workers’ centers in small nd large cities; have large educational organ ions and great influence in various fraternal organizations. These organizations give considerable support to our Party now, but with better work in the fractions, having them closer to the Party line, it would-be possible to have much better support. It seems to me there are two, contrary to each other, tende s that need correction now and then. In the Language Fractions them- selves there are comrades that still cling to tne “federation system.” In the fraction meet- ings they do not discuss and make plans on how to hetter apply Party policies and carry them in the language organizations, but rather dis- cuss policies themselves as if Language Frac- tions were the direct units of the Party. Some of these comrades, also, instead of doing their best to explain to the workers why it is neces- sary and very important for them to support Party work, capitulate before the non-Party worl and try to justify their actions brand ing the Party policies as “inapplicable.” There is also a “lefti tendency among tany comrades in this respect. They class the organizations in two w radical, or sym- pathetic, and reactionary; and do nothing in the so-called reactionary organizations although there are workers organizations. On the other hand, there is the tendency among many Party members to do away with language fractions. Such comrades sneer at mentioning any work in any language organ- ization. To them every language organization, even mass organizations, is “singing society,” ete. Influenced by this wrong approach to language work many comrades abandon the work with the result that the social-fascists and the fascists gain much influence. Wher- ever language fractions are neglected, reac- tionary elements gain influence even in this period of radicalization of workers, Fascism and Socialism. Social-fascists among foreign speaking, just like the A. F. of L. and socialist party, tom- pletely join hands with the police Department of Justice. There are case for instances in Cicero, Ill., where a soc member of Lithuanian organizations refused to carry out the decisions of the organization and openly stated in the focial-fascist paper that he carries out the instructions of the chief of police. Fascists and social-fascists inform the police about Communist meetings, ete. the Some time ago there were quite a few groups that fought among themselves too, na- tionalists, socialists, clericals, ete. There are no such groups now except on paper. They are all in one camp—the fascist camp. The radicalization of the workers, the rising influence of our Party, drives all reactionary and even liberal elements, into one camp. And they are fighting with their backs to the wall. Had the language fractions applied them- selves better to this period, had they not only accepted but also carried out in full the Party new line and its policies, our influence and numerical strength among the foreign speak- ing workers would have been much greater. What Is to Be Done? 1. Our language papers must improve still more (they have considerably improved lately). To do this, all editors must participate in ac- tual Party work and follow closely the Party literature. More comrades should be drawn into di- arty work, More self-criticism and reading of the rty literature. 4. More attention to the youth. There are even whole youth organizations in the control of some of our language fractions and yet very little is done to make these organizations a recruiting camp for the Y.C.L. 5. Many thass meetings arranged by the language organizations should have both the language and the English speakers, as young people prefer English, English sections, in our papers should also be improved. Demand the release of Fos- ter, Minor, Amter and Ray- mond, in prison for fighting for unemployment insurance, ‘Chaff Seatters Before the Tread of the Job! —By GROPPER ! On to Chicago By JAY SINGER { Ap aeOuGH the Building Industry is not con- | sidered a basic industry, nevertheless the | present econontic crisis affected the building industry to such an extent that more than half of the workers employed in this industry are unemployed and have long since lost the label of labor aristocracy. | The crisis has hit the Building Trades to | such an extent that the workers employed in this industry are the worst affected of any. A statistical note appearing in the New ‘ork Times of January 7, 1930, states that nearly two thirds of the workers are unemployed. The investment in the building industry for May, 1929 is estimated at $541,343,313. In the same month for 1930 it was $210,411,881 a drop to almost two thirds from the year 1929. Those workers who are employed at the pres ent time are working under the most te’ conditions. Union wages are non-existent. 1 | workers are forced to work very much below the scale, the 8-hour day is becoming a thing of the past for a large section of the building trades, the speed-up is continuously increasing. This crisis and the constant betrayal of the workers by their officials has created a situa- tion where a large section of the Building Trades workers are beginning to lose the litile confidence that they had in their leaders, are refusing to pay dues and are leaving the unions. We must severely criticise the mem! Party for not utilizing this mass discontent for the Building of the T.U.U.L. In many cases | where the Pay comrades did initiate some ‘gan , the workers were ready not only for our pr oparanae but were looking to us for leadership in these struggles, which we did not give them, s of the The unorganized Building Trades workers are having, to a large extent conditions, worse than the members of the other A.F. of L. unions. These workers were always left to the mercy of the bosses,, Even during the so-called “boom” period they were working for small wages. These Workers according to Comrade Fisher’s article in the Daily Worker of June 9. cannot be organized. Comrade Fisher states that because these workers are working for small bosses they can- not be organized. It is precisely because of the fact that they are working for small bosses, and that their wages are ‘small, that these workers are more ready for our organization than the others. An opinion of this kind would lead us to abandoning our entire base among | the unorganized workers and turn our face only towards the A.F. of L. facist unions, and leave out the majority of the Building Trades workers. If we recognize the fact that we must organ- ze the unorganized and at the same time in- crease and strengthen our position within the A. F. of L., also the fact that the present sit- uation leads the workers to sharper class wars, we must also recognize the fact that the Party and the T.U.U.L. must be the driving force that gives expression and leadership to these strug- gles against the present existing conditions. | What then remains for us as Communists to \ do in this period that does not only demand | general agitation, but systematic organization and leadership? 1. To strengthen our T.U.U.L. groups with in the fascist unions, to build such groups around the everyday struggles of the workers and connected up with the aims and tasks of the T.U.U.L. Such demands as the 7-hour day, 5-day week, against the speed-up, for unem- ployment insurance, for job and shop commit- tees. We must also carry on a struggle against the expulsion policy of the fascist leaders, against capitalist wars and for the defense of the Soviet Union, This work demands the utmost activity of our comrades, and a clear perspective towards the realization of these tasks, It is true thpt T.U.U.L. Policy for the ae Trades we have a general program for all the locals of A. F, of L. building trades. It is equally true that as Bolsheviks we must adjust our tactic accordingly. Communists are dialecticians and not straight line scholasties. We must fit in our tacties to the specific con- ditions existing in this or that local in order to realize our program. In certain locals where we have followers for the line of the T.U.U.L. we should not hesitate to come out with our program. This does not however, apply to those lo where we have not as yet organ- ized T.U.U.L. groups. It is in these locals where we have little or no contact that we must systematically agitate; not for progres- sive groups as Comrades Fisher and Severino believe, but on the contrary, for the program of the T.U.U.L. and for T.U.U.L. groups. All the campaigns of the Party (such a Election Campaign, Daily Worker, etc.) must be brought forth in the locals of the A. F. of L. The time is ripe. We cannot be satisfied with agitation only. The time demands ac- The workers are waiting for our leader- . The government and the fakirs of the A. F. of L. are becoming more fascist from day to day and the workers aresbecoming more Certainly ex- We will certainly be ized and! ‘blacklisted on the job. Should a reason why we should hide the pro- gram of the T.U.U.L. from the workers who belong to the fascist union as some comrades expressed themselves? The line of these com- rades if taken seriously would lead to capitula- tion before th fakirs of the A. F. of L., and would discredit us in the eyes of the great masses of the building trades workers. Com- rades Fisher’s and Taylor’s articles that ap- peared in th. Daily Worker on Monday, June 9, prove conclusively that these Comrades have not as yet stepped out from the second period, and ‘annot orientate themselves to the demands of the present period. They hesitate to apply the line of the T.U.U.L., they cannot see be- yond the American Federation of Labor. The unorganized workers do not count “Since they cannot be organized.” As a matter of principle they accept the line of the Party, but to apply it—that’s a different matter. They attach a string of buts to it and accept a line which leads away from correct line to a right opportunist line. This line of these comrades must be fought bitterly. We must activize the members of the Party on the basis of the correct application of the Party line. Those that cannot follow must be swept aside because they will only mislead and dis- turb the work of the Party. Comrades! Let us unify our ranks, let us take more responsibility on our shoulders. The period demands it, and we cannot afford to wait and hesitate. Forward to a mass T.U. U.L. movement in the building industry. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. NAME ..ccsesccvcceeccemsceseasevesevansres AddreSS ..cecccsocccccemerees UitVrcereeees Occupation ..... yy, ae Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 Kost 125th St.. New York, N. ¥. FAKE AND REAL ISSUES IN NEW JERSEY ELECTIONS HE industrial centers of New Jersey are of the results of the great eco- is now shaking America and the en- scene: nomie tire world. A quarter of a million able- bodied men walk the streets searching in vain for work. The plants now operating have turned the screw of speed-up several more turns and workers are having their life burned out. The conditions of the past few years are now a memory, with the bosses savagely cut~ ting wages, lengthening the hours of work, taking on young workers and women to re- place adult male workers. Still. more agely do the bosses prepare to suppress any symp- tom of revolt—organization. Fascism with the guise of bourgeois democracy is an every day reality. There is frenzied activity in the few shipyards that are working and in the airplane and munition factories scattered throughout New Jersey—the contribution of to preparations for the speedily approaching imperialist war. Industrial New Jersey Important to Wall St. An election coming at this time means a great deal—to the ruling capitalist class and ‘ing class. The bosses—the Wall St. bankers—know the importance of in- dustrial New Jersey in their plans for fascist suppression of the workers and for war prep- aration. Hence they are confronted by two problems—-the need of fake issues to hide the real issues, and direct executive control of the political posts. If in the past the bankers were content to have a “sniveling prof,” as they dubbed Wil- son, run their government apparatus for them even during such a major critical period as a war period, now they feel the need for more direct governmental control. And their choice, Morrow, combines ideally all the necessary qualities of an imperialist-fascist statesman who hails from their top ranks. His banker imperialist qualities are being proudly enu- merated in his campaign. His part in the | world war was so considerable that wrote about him: “Dwight Morrow wa: who without accepting a military commis performed work of great military and_eco- nomic value to the A. E. F, and to the Allie In 1925 he was elected chairman of the Air- craft Board and drafted the mili aircraft policy for American imperialism. As ambas- sador to Mexico he firmly cemented the rele- tionship between Wall St. and the petty- bourgeois fascist government and tried to smash the Mexican working class and organ- ized peasantry whose fight was menacing the profits of Wall St. in Mexico, Then to re- ward him for his imperialist ices he was among the delegation sent the London se- to Naval Conference, where amid alliances, cret treaties and jockeying for position in the coming imperialist war his skill and training as an imperialist served him well. Last but not least, the gentleman from Wall! Street was and still is a partner in the House of Mor- gan—the chief imperialist group. Prohibition Is Good Fake Issue. Havigg the ideal candidate, how do the capitalists go about concealing the real issues vital to the workers? When the eighteenth amend in the early post-war years it was part and parcel of their early ration: schemes. It was designed to make the work- ers more “efficient” and wipe out the Mon- day mornings. Several years after the sage of the Volstead act it was disc Imperialism’ S By H. RAYMOND. (Written in Jail.) APITALISM is a swindle, the biggest dle; and like all swindles it is based o1 Truth has no place under capitalism. There- fore, the staunchest supporters of capitalism are naturally the world’s biggest lia Not only are they but cheat pigeons, and murde: Take for instance the defenders of who have been most conspicuous in the public eye during the last few months. First, the clergy. The barbar these fellows is too well known to need ing. A few months ago, seeing their old frie capitalism weak and wobbly, in the m a deepening economic crisis, these black tionaries rushed to the aid of the big business burglars with prayers of hate against the So- viet Union and vague babblings about mythical religious persecutions. The Soviet Union, at that time forging ahead, building So and rapidly realizing her Five-Year Plan, swered these prayers by absorbing m ers into her industries and completing ir time the Turksib railroad, the first So railroad in the world. The militant yo all over the world, in answer to the prayer a capitalist clergy declared their solida: the Seviet workers and pledged themselves defend the Soviet Union. liars, This gave considerable worry to the ists, who were busily engaged building cruisers and preparing an armed attack against the Soviet Union. The clergy having failed them, they began to scout for new agents, Whalen, Forger, on the Job, : They did not have to scout long. VY, and his band of forgers were soon on the j Whalen, who is famous in capitalist chiefly for the murder of Steve Katovis and the clubbing of thousands of workers who dared to protest against unemployment, was to produce forged documents against the Soviet Union. These documents, however, were quick- ly proved false; and from the Soviet Union came reports of increased production of com- modities in the U.S.S.R. at the time capitalist trade showed a decline of 20 to 30 per cent. Fascist Fish Takes Stand Against Workers. Fascist Fish, noting the rapid realization of the Five-Year Plan by the Soviet workers, then stepped before the limelight. A liar and a scoundrel of the first stripe, Fish propozed to solve ecapitalism’s difficulties either by deport- ing all militant workers or throwing them in jaik The result of the campaign started by this uneaught grafter remains to be seen. The militant workers, however, will not be intim- i viet Union that as a paramount fake issue, prohibition} promised great potentialities. Through the length and width of industrial New Jersey, Morrow proclaimed that the great/ 4 j issue facing the workers is no less than pro-/ hibition. And to dramatize the farce, two of the three-cornered republican candidates are “drys,” with Morrow the apostle of “mild wetness.” It was not until he made his third important speech at Atlantic City that Mor- row made known his position on issues other than prohibition and the refusal to kiss babies to get the vote. Morrow’s position on unemployment? Yes, Morgan’s partner recognizes that capitalise rationalization is an actuality and that mil- lions of workers are to be pushed out of in- dustry permanently, “Old processes go and new processes come in their places; this ren- ders a certain amount of unemployment un- avoidable.” And for a “solution” of the prob- lem he goes back to the crisis of 1921 and Harding’s.method of handling it which was the calling of bosses’ conferences and lower- ing of the standard of living of the masses, And now Hoover is “saving” the country by doing the same thing and Morrow acknowl- edges that Hoover is his political guide. But suddenly Morrow sees the light of his own in- spiration. After all is said and done the most effec- tive cure for bad times rests with” business men themselves. Translated into the day-to- day lives of the workers it means that Morrow will be in the front ranks of the capitalist class in their vast campaign to basically lower the traditional standard of life of the great masses of Americas workers and poor farm- er: This Wall Street man declares in no minced words that he understands and will lead the attack on the working class, especial- ly of New Jersey, by utilization of the gov- enmental power to force the workers to ac- cept wage-cuts, longer hours of work, speed- up, unemployment, starvation and attendant miseries. Morrow Praises Ameri Federation of Labor. Morrow has a word of praise for the Amer- n Federation of Labor unions of New Jer- sey. In his Atlantic City speech he made known to his fellow Wall Street imperialists that the A. F. of L. officials are invaluable allies. “Trade unions and labor generally have cooperated by increasing productivity in a manner and to a degree never before thought possible.” Already a terrific drive against the work- ers of New Jersey has started with a frontal attack against the Communist Party and the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League. On February 11th nine workers rested at an Unemployed Council meeting and charged with “ One of the un- employed leaders, Dominick Flaiani, New Jer- sey organizer of*the Communist Party, has al- ready been sentenced to up to 17 years in prison for his part in organizing the jobless. Arrests of speakers, distributors of literature is a daily occurrence. The machinery of capi- talist state government is geared for action against the workers. It is under such circumstances that the Com- munist Party of New Jersey is organizing the workers for the state and congressional elec- tions and to utilize to the full the parlia- mental fight to bring to the workers the real issues confronting them. were ar- ’s Lyin g Lackeys idated by any second edition of the Spanish Social-Fascists Join Combination Against Soviet Russia. Now comes the social-fascists—the Second International—who are undercover men of cap- italism. Calling themselves socialists and friends of the working class, their chief object. is to destroy socialism and defend capitalism everywhere. They have issued a manifesto to the Soviet workers, appealing to them to line up with the Second International and “save the revolution.” Social-Fascists Would Save Revolution For Bosses. “Save the revolution” for’ what? For fas- cism, of course. They would “save” the Rus- sian Revolution the same as they “saved” the Bavarian and Hungarian Communes—by de- stroying them, by the murder of the best pro- letarian eléments in Europe. They would “save” the revolution like they “saved” the; German and /ustrian revolutions—for capital-' ist exploitation. They would do with the Rus- sian Revolution what MacDonald, a “socialist” is doing with the Indian Revolution. In Soviet Russia the workers are destroy- ing (liquidating) the last remnants of capital- ism, the kulaks. And now the Second Inter- national comes to the defense of these rem- nants. But the black records of these social democrats—the MacDonalds, the Vanderveldes, the Comptons, the Wells’ and the Norman Thomas’—are well known to the workers of the U.S.S.R. Backed by Workers and Red Army Russia Moves Ahead. The workers of the U.S.S.R., backed by the ted Army and Navy, will continue to build C Socialism and will not be fooled by these be-_ trayers, liars and undercovermen. The fal: anpeals of the social fascists will not be heed- ed by the Soviet workers. Werkers Must Rally to Defense of Soviet Union, ‘The workers of America end all other capi- talist countrics must rally to the defense of the Soviet Union. These attacks of the clergy, the Whalens, the Fishes and the social fascists against the Sovict Union are preliminaries for an armed attack. The capitalist economic erisis is deepening. The Soviet Union is forging ahead. The hate- ful eyes of capitalistic envy are now on the So- viet Union. Capitalism is building eruisers, enlarging armics. We must defeat this com- _ine imnerialist war against the Soviet Union. We mngt diseredit these liars and undercover. men of the bosses. The workers of the world must unite in the defense of the first workers’ republic, the So- \