The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 20, 1930, Page 6

yubiishea by the Co: Seuare New York Adirer# anc all omprodai! City. N By LEON PL. ATT. pictu believer even as a rev imperialism. The true in the present revolutionary situ must be made clear to the w f 1 The task of eV and the Indian } perialist nt and the entire role of ues to exist t’ and that nment ervative. The role of Gandhi and the Indiz not yet completely c! Ss, yet we can alr proletariat and peasantr themselves. from the uence of bourgeoisie and are putting up a str hegemony in-the National Independe ment. It would be even incorrect Gandhi is a principled paci see that the Indian freeing are rapidly to Historical facts don’t show this. only a “non: nd pacif: in case revolutionary ‘struggle of the masses again capitalist and feudal exploitation. In insta of capitalist attacks upon the work Gandhi is in complete accord with the use of force and violence on the part of the bourg- treachery eoisie. A few examples of Gand will prove that, In the Zulu u ing and in the Boer War of 1899-1901 Ga i participated actively in the service of imperialism and |} native gentry. He then organized sanitary de- tachments of Indian coolies to help defeat the struggles of the Boers. During the last world war, Gandhi one of the most ve recruiting agents for British imperialism to supply ‘cannon fodder in order that Great Britain may win the war. In his book “The Story of My Life With Truth” Gandhi stat “I recognize that in this hour of its dan- ger, we must give... ungrudging and un- equivocal support to the Empire. .. . If I could make my countrymen retrace their steps I would make them withdraw all con- gress resolutions, and not whisper Home Rule, or responsible government during pendency of war. I would make India offer all her able-bodied sons as a sacrifice to the Empire at this critical moment.” In 1921, during the upr ig of the Mofly peasants against their landlords, during whic one landlord was killed, Gandhi forgot his credo of non-resistance and said: “The Mofly insurrection gives us another lesson, namely that every man must learn the art of self-de fense.” Of course, here was the question of the defense of the feudal landlords against the insurrection of this pauperized peasantry Today when Gandhi advances his policy of non-violence, it is because he knows that the native bourgeoisie whom he represents cannot rule and exploit the Indian masses without the support of British imperialism, and consequen' ly does not want to drive out British imperial- ism completely. In numerous instances Gandhi very closely cooperated with the Indian Government in sup- pressing the struggle of the masses again: imperialist exploitation. In the uprisings cf 1920-21 which took place in the various par’ of India, Gandhi worked hand in glove with the British Government against the revolution- ary masses. In 1921, Gandhi and his National Congress adopted a resolution in which he actually con- | demned the revolutionary struggle in the dis- trict of Chauri-Chaura in which some Briti policemen were killed and expressed his s pathy with the henchmen of ish imperia! ism. They stated: The working committee of the Congress is in great grief over the inhuman conduct of the mob (read thé revolutionary masses) of Chauri-Chaura who bastardly have killed po- licemen and burned the police headquarters.” Prior to his campaign of civil disobedience | and violation of the salt tax laws, Gandhi has presented to the Indian Viceroy Lord Ir- | win, a memorandum with eleven demands. An analysis of these demands will prove conclu- sively that these are demands of the native bourgeoisie and not of the exploited Indian masses. Among his eleven demands there is one which ealls for higher tariff rates on im- ported textile products. This demand is put forward with the sole purpose of giving the native textile capitalist the monopoly over the home market. His campaign against foreign cloth is a policy of enrichment of the native textile interests unable to compete with Man- chester, cloaked in the mantel of nationalism. The demand for the abolition of the salt tax is made not with the view of lightening the burden of the masses but of giving to the native bourgeoisie another source of revenue for their capitalist enrichment. The character of Gandhi’s demands is best being character- ized by the official organ of the Indian large sourgeoisie Bombay Chronicle which writes on Feb. 10, 1930 the following: “Do we require further proof of unity, when political leaders and practical business- men equally recognize as many as seven points out of the eleven demands put forward by Mahatma Gandhi, while not a single prac- tical buisness man will object to the remain- der.” (Quoted by Safaroff, Communist Inter- national). ‘The present struggle of Gandhi and the Na- tional Congress against British imperialism is precisely a struggle between the Indian native bourgeoisie for more concessions from British mperialism. (Independence. Because of this the Indian courgeoisie is unwillingly put in a position of struggle against imperialism. “The interests of the struggle for the Clade rule of the. national bourgeoisie compel the most important bourgeois parties in India and Egypt (Swarajists, Waldists) still to demonstrate their opposition to the ruling im- perialist-feudal bloc..” (Colonial Thesis 6th Congress). Gandhi and the native bourgeoisie are cx- IS GANDHI DOES HE RE! It is not a struggle for compiete | 7, at le 1 Sauare D the workers and peas mperiali for its ects upon the devel- tionary mass movement. s the development of the zle of the masses, whose in- revolutionary struggle expl and on the other w forces of na- ourgeoisie nd also aches utionary st concrete ¢ bour of the na- imperial- e in them- th ashing of actions.” mass were r sed which are Gandhi and the National iggle in India is assuming a c rev é directed nt only aga nperialism but also | ‘ n ests of the native bourg- | s tion Gandhi is assuming the re revolutionary force at- te the revolutionary struggle n safe channels and prevent the of the bourgeois democratic een British imperialism struggle of the masses two, Gandhi is def- z the former. hat the non-revolutionary, like ess of the violent revo- full suspension of his ac- » admit that I dread him Lord Irwin’s wrath.” 30, 1930). r to the Viceroy, Gandhi hemselves nst British imper- a revolutionary char- in order to prevent this he is enter- pres sent struggle. lence is gaining ground felt. Having an unques- vable faith in the efficiency on-violence, it would be sinful on my part to wait longer. Ge snout decided to HE se his civil disobedi- > ign with breaking the salt mono- vecause this is the most burning pro- In workers and peasants, tho part of imperialist exploitation. The nt problem before the majority exploited masses is the agrarian Of the 319 million Indian popula- me reve tion, peasants total only 10 million, on peasants are so poor that not even in a position of supporting th more than one meal a day. cation of the land and the agrarian revolu- problem of the Indian many s. In 1921 the executive al congress adopted a s stated: nittee to the organ- ion of the congress that the non-payment rs is contrary to the congress and is against “ange and the which would immedi- sm off their major source of Gandhi consciously began his cam- mperiali | paign to br the salt monopoly, ji. cae t we must also understand the a andh nhi was arrested not because B: h Imperialism considerd him to ore dangerous when being outside than in 1.” British Imperialism and the native bourgeoisie had to save Gandhi’s prestige in e ponies continue to serve their in- be rmined his influence doubts of his sincerity when thousands of workers e are being killed and left to rot in ils, when the Meerut prisoners are being tor- sd, and Gandhi not being touched at all. The Renegade United Front with Gandhi We have seen the role of Gandhi. Gandhi himself made it clear in his statement quoted above. His role is the role of a counter-revolu- tionary who tries “to impede the progress of the violent revolutionary.” However, in spite reated gr among the ma at tu of this, Lovestone was ready to declare: “But it equally clear that today Gandhi (irrespec of his own desire) is the symbol of the revolutionary upsurge in India—the | arrest of Gandhi is the symbol of the oppres- sive hand of British Imperialism. That is why the Communists and all revolutionary forces the world over must protest against the arrest and demand the liberation of Gandhi.” (Revolutionary Age No. 14). Gandhi is the symbol of the revolutionary upsurge in India—not the heroic fighters of the Great Indian Peninsular Railroad, not the leaders of the Meerut struggles, not the heroic fighters of Peshawar, but Gandhi! Such an estimation of the role of Ganhi does not only hinder the exposure of the treacherous role of Gandhi, but in its essence, actually means to turn over the hegemony of the revolutionary struggle for national independence to the bour- geoisie and to such enemies of the working class as Gandhi. Such, however is the course of renegades. Their perspective of the forms *f struggle in India we shall discuss in another article. | Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! | Communist Party U.S. A. 43 Kast 125th Street, New gYork City. 1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name | | AAGESS oi icccepeie views (at MEP ese aes \ | Occupation | Mail this to the Central Office Communist } Party, 43 Bost 1ooth St. New York, N. ¥. 16-28 Unton DAIWORS.* New York OM N ¥ Baily [Qs Morker Central Organ of the Communist ca. By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $2: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Machettan and Bronx. New York City. and foreicn, which are: One year $8: six months $4.50 Lot PSS A Let’s Ram Jt Down His Throat! By BARD New Fake Solution of Negro Problems By I. AMTER. fee latest slogan for emancipation of the Negroes is to turn Mohammedan. James Lummax of Detroit, now parading the Turkish name of Ali Mehmed Bey, proposes that the Negroes shall emigrate to Anatolia, secure Turkish citizenship and thus begin life anew under Mohammedan rule. Ali Mahmed Bey, a Moslem from Detroit, de- clares that eighty-three Moslem Negro families will leave Detroit for Angora, provided the Turkish government grants them farm lands and citizenship. It was while in Detroit that Lummax, alias Ali Mohmed Bey, apparently worked out his “racket.” Farm lands will be given to the Negroes—that is, to him, Lummax. The Ne- groes will require machinery and equipment to operate the farms, and Lummax and his friends unquestionably will organize the company to supply them. Steamers for transportation wili have to be furnished; it is Lummax who will accommodate them—a la Garvy. Communities will be established in the “new home.” Lum- max and his friends will be willing “servants to the people”—like President King of Liberia. And then the “racket” will be complete. These are the concoctions of self seekers and frauds taking advantage of the misery of the race, and mentally, morally and physically afraid of facing the real problem in all its nakedness. Negroes in Anatolia will be subjects to Turk- ish laws, which are not known to be favorable to workers and farmers. Rather, being capi- talist laws, in a country just emerging into modern capitalist forms, they fall hard on the working class. communities, they have “their own” leaders and rulers, it will be a duplication of the situa- | tion in Harlem—Negro landlords and real es- tate sharks exploiting the Negroes even worse than the white landlords (by taking advantage of common racial origin), ov it will be like Chicago, where the mass vf Negro voters is considered “entitled to representation through one of their own race”—and as a result, Mr. De Priest—one of the corrupt political gang— If, on the establishing of Negro | | is selected by the political machine to represent the Negroes. This will inevitably be duplicated in Ana- tolia, as everywhere else in the capitalist world. The Negroes have had sad experience with that messiah, Garvey. They gave their pos- sessions, their enthusiasm, their energy to the building of a zionist movement; back to Africa. | The movement collapsed through its failure to consider that capitalism means exploitation— that capitalists want Negroes in the United States because they represent cheaper labor power; and that even if they had been allowed to emigrate to Africa the same relations of canitalist exploitation would have been estab- | the tariff was defined as the policy of ‘the Moreover, exactly this has happened with the Jewish zionist movement in Palestine. Garvey taught the Negro a lesson—and the experience of the Soviet Union, particularly the splendid achievements of the Five-Year Plan, have taught another significant lesson: only by destroying the capitalist system with its inhuman, brutal exploitation, with its sep- eration of the masses, its pitting of race, creed, nationality and color against one another, can the problems confronting the masses of colored and white workers be solved. “Color prejudice,” will be eliminated in Anatolia, is a capitalist phenomenon which is being continued and in tensified for capitalist exploitation purposes against both white and colored workers and farmers. Recognizing these basic facts, the Communist Party is organizing the workers, colored and white, men and women, for common struggle against capitalism; raising the issue of equal social, economic and political rights for the | Negroes and for the right of self-determina- tion. This latter slogan can become a reality | only when the workers ana poor farmers de- | stroy capitalism and establish a Workers and | Farmers—a Soviet government in the United | States. | No fantastic, utopian and swindling program | 4 of a Garvy or a Lummax, but only revolution- ary struggle will settle the Negro and all work- ing class problems. which Lummax, thinks | The Tariff and the War Danger By R. DOONPING. woe the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Bill becom- ing law, unusually sharpened contradic- tions between British and American imperial ism are rushing the two countries into the long-predicted imperialist war at neck-break- ing speed. The ‘tariff law, which in itself is a clear expression of the contradictions of America: imperialism, signifies the determined and des- perate effort of American finance capital to conquer an increasingly larger share of the markets of the world at all costs. It amounts to a declaration of war of American imperia! ism to the other imperialist powers, and p marily to its greatest rival and competitor, the British Empire. British imperialism has accepted the chal- lenge. In flaming language, the London Morning Post, one of the outstanding mouth- pieces of Lombard Street, sounds the war trumpet against America. It openly declares that even the American tariff of 1922 was directed chiefly against Britain. Now the new jaw has “reinforced that blow.” “But,” it says, “it would be con temptible to squeal or scold. Our duty is te take measures for our own defense. All men of British blood, wherever they may live. to unite against this peril as they united against the German peril in 1914.” The London Financial News, one of the most important organs of the City (the London Wall St.), also doesn’t hesitate to conceal its wrath. It says: “As the final product of tariff mongering in the United States has now been sent to President Hoover, the citizens of that country may rejoice in the possession of the latest and greatest example of fiscal folly the world has yet seen.” These are not words, words of war! Belgium, close ally of British imperialism, has already lodged an official protest, Sug- gestions for using the war debt for purposes of reprisal have. already been made in several countries. The European press overflows with protests against the American tariff and sug- gestions for retaliation. News from Paris carries tidings of French preparations for re- prisal. Despatches from Rome report that Britain’s “friend and ally,” fascist Italy, has also joined the chorus aga'nst the American (ariff. The Trvsuna raised the ery for a “bai- tie of grain” at (ue cost of any sacrifice in idle cursings, but fighting | order to free Italy from the importation of American wheat. The Giornale d'Italia pub- lished an article by its editor, urging Italy to import as few American products as possible and also strongly suggests that Italy should intensify her efforts to gain South American and Far Eastern markets. The press attacks are not empty words. They foreshadow actual retaliation, and they mean tariff war. The tariff war represents a tong stride toward the conflict of arms. The ‘mperialist war clouds already bank the horizon, | A FEW REMARKS ON T HE TARIFF By A. LANDY, RESIDE. IOOVER has signed the Smoot- Hawley iff Bill, The capitalist sponsors | of the tarifi have attempted to “popularize” it as a tariff of “blessings” for the working class and the farming masses. The millions of workers, poor farmers and small shop- keepers who are carrying the terrific burden of the economic crisis are now being told to place their faith in the Smoot-Hawley Tariff as the magic weapon which cannot fail to dispel the crisis, All the capitalist parties are preparing to carry the tariff into the coming j election as a vital “issue.” In what way is the tariff an issue for the working class and its revolutionary party? The entire question of the tariff moves within the bounds of the capitalist system. For us Communists who are organizing the workers for a revolutionary struggle to abolish this system, the tariff is only of indirect and subordinate interest. This does not mean that it is not of importance to us or that we can afford to ignore it. It merely meang that the tariff must be related to the general class struggle of the workers; that it must be ap- proached as an immediate means of drawing the working class into the wider, more fun- damental and more comprehensive struggle against the entire capitalist system as such. The basic tasks of Communists in this re- spect is to peal out the class issue involved and to present it to the working class in the sharpest form. Ve must not only peal it out for ourselves, but primarily for those work- ers who are enmeshed in a thousand and one illusions which the capitalist class, through its various political parties, is systematically at- tempting to create, particularly at this time. Our task is to supply a living class analysis that will leave the workers more class con- scious and more enlightened as to the role of the various strata and their political parties in this respect. We cannot explain to the workers the full significance of the Smoot-Hawley tariff; we cannot develop the class lines sharply and | adequately enough if we content ourselves with adequate generalizations and careless statements and fail to characterize its funda- mental features. We had an example of this in a recent discussion in New York at which bourgeoisie which used to adhere to a policy of free trade but which in the present period has changed to a policy of protection. This, of course, is entirely wrong. as the policy of the bourgeoisie without point- ing out that it is the policy of the bourgeoisie in the period of imperialism. But this does not mean that the bourgeoisie, having devel- oped from a progressive industrial bourgeoisie into a reactionary finance-capitalist bour- geoisie, has substituted a policy of protection for a policy of free trade. This formulation is not only incorrect, but tends to ignore the real change that has occurred, that is, dis- tracts attention from the basic fact that ‘capi- talism has become capitalist imperialism, and has changed its tariff policy accordingly. Generally speaking, one might have ex- pected the course of development in the United States to have been from a policy of the pro- tection of “infant” industries to one of free trade on the part of a country that has be- come industrially mature. But just the op- posite happened, and the reason for this is precisely the fact that industrial capitalism in America developed into finance capital with giant trusts carrying on production, In We can- | not merely refer to the Smoot-Hawley tariff | other words, the protectionism of the bour- geoisie during the period of industrial capital developed into an entirely different . protec- tionism with the transition of capitalism: into its final stage of imperialism. Thus, it is entirely inadequate and incor- rect to speak of the tariff today as the pro- tective policy of the bourgeoisie as contrasted with its previous free trade policy. Protec- tive tariff was also the policy of the American bourgéoisie ‘when it: was ‘esséntially ‘an indus- trial bourgeoisie, that is, during the périod of progressive capitalism. Protection at that time actually helped to develop “infant” in- dustries; in other words, it- helped to develop the productive forces. Friedrich Engels drew attention to this many years ago; Writing of! protection in America’ immediately after the Civil War of 1861-65, Engels says: ‘Protection, being a means of artificially manufacturing manufac- turers, may, therefore, appear useful not only to an incompletely developed capitalist class still struggling with feudalism; it may also give a lift to the rising capitalist. class of a country which, like America, has never known feudalism, but which has arrived at that stage of development where the passage from agri- culture to manufactures becomes a necessity.” Thus, by speaking of protection as the pol- icy of ‘the bourgeoisie, you actually help the monopolists in their claim that protection is an historical necessity, is a’ progressive policy. We may not necessarily have in mind the bourgeoisie when capitalism was still pro- gressive. But, precisely because the mono- polist bourgeoisie today tries to hide under the cloak of the progressive bourgeoisie of the middle of the 19th century, is it our duty as Marxists to clarify and expose this for the workers. And. what about the protective tariff to- day? Today, the protective tariff is the pol- icy not of a progressive bourgeoisie but.of a yeactionary, finance-capitalist bourgeoisie. To- day capitalism is not progressive capitalism, but reactionary. capitalism in its final stage, that is, imperialism. This is the fundamental difference. The tariff policy of the monopolists today does not develop the productive forces, but it is a means of still further enriching the capi- talists, while retarding the development of the productive forces. If, in the period of progres. sive capitalism, it served as a defensive weapon to artificially manufacture manufactures, to al- low the home industries to get on their feet, today it serves as an offensive weapon, to enable the finance capitalists of America, at the expense of the American masses, to carry on a more effective struggle for world mar- kets, for imperialist hegemony. Today the tariff “protects” essentially export articles, a fact which already Engels noted in a note to the third volume of Marx’s Capital. We are dealing here with a fundamental qualitative - change. Protective tariff has turned into its opposite. From the policy of a progressive bourgeoisie it has become the policy of the reactionary, imperialist bour- geoisie, The United States is the classical country of trusts and of the tariff policy of the trusts, or more precisely, of finance capital. The new tariff policy of the United States may be d from 1883. This broadly coincides with thé transition of capitalism into its final stage of imperialism. It must be repeated: It is absolutely necessary to understand clearly that the tariff today is the policy of reaction- ary finance capital, and not of the bourgeoisie in the abstract. Organization of Sympathizers T is true that the demonstrations of March 6th and May 1st aroused many workers to the Communist Party. Every one of them are sympathizers with the present Communist movement, but their sympathy is so soluble that it is apt to dissolve any minute. The re- sults gained will vanish and will prevent ihe Communist Party to become a mass Party. The active workers of the Party are com- itting a crime by neglecting organization and education of sympathizers derived from the above mentioned demonstrations. The ieaders of the Party should endeavor to do their utmost to organize the newly gained sympathizers, which would strengthen and crystalize their solidarity. The Communist Party should train, educate and prepare more active workers. Sympath- izers alone cannot promote the Communist Party into a mass Party. The Party could be built only by active, energetic and conscienti- ous work. It seems to me that since the arrest of the five main leaders on March 6th our forces were greatly affected. Sympathizers can not be or- ganized without efficient leaders. These short- comings and gaps must be corrected as soon as possible. The economic crisis is intensified daily, which makes the time ripe and instrumental for active work. Tear off the mask of the demagogues and open the eyes of the sympath- izers. Distribute and spread propaganda; sus- tain them with your literature. Uncover the truth to them then results are bound to come, Sympathizer, D. M. HOLLANDER. The Indian Revolution and the Negro Toilers, struggle against the British .im- perialists but to struggle as well against their agents like Gandhi and the fake nationalists, bourgeois elements. a fake “salt” parade to try to dis- | tract the workers from their strug- gle for better wages, for better con- These fakers are trying to get control of the mass move- ment for their own selfish ends. It is in this connection that the struggle is of significance to the Negro workers of America. under the leadership of the revo- lutionary trade union organizations that the Negro toilers in America and the different parts of the world must struggle for liberation and for self-determination, By J. W. FORD. lee present Indian Revolution is | “a tremendous anti-imperialist struggle—a struggle against Brit- h imperialism, a struggle for the complete and unconditional indepen- sence of the Indian masses from Svitish imperialism. Essentially what is the basis of ‘ye Indian revolution? The Indian evolution is being pushed forward ry the movements of the workers in the industrial centers, in the shops and factories of India against imperialism, for better working con- \ ditions, for higher wages, for the general betterment of the working ' population, and at the same time is giving initiative to the great mas- ses of peasants in the countryside of India, in the struggle for inde pendence, The left wing of the trade unions} has, during the last few years gained more and more control in the trade union movement kicking out the reformists, the petty-bour- zeois lawyers and fakers, and plac- ‘Ing the movement in the hands of the workers for struggle for the ‘ettering of their conditions. Under these conditions the trade inions have led a number of strikes n India; Bombay, Calcutta (textile snd railroad workers). This is what s giving a force and the revolu ionary direction to the movement in India. The workers have not only to ditions. ence. We must struggle against the Negro trade union reformists and fakers, such as Professor William Pickens who supported the propo- sition at the Second World Congress of the League Against Imperialism, that there is no class struggle in India. Mr. Pickens was also against the withdrawal of imperialist troops from Africa. We must also struggle against the trade union reformist tactics of A. Philip Randolph, of the Brother- {hood of Sleeping Car Porters, who has lead the movement of the work- ers into the fa: eration of Labo strumental in the arresting of petty Gandhi leads lynching. It is for independ: } jalism, dia. peasants. This majority of mass move the t American Ved} 6| the organizers at Atlanta, Georgia, in- cluding 2 Negro organizers, who face the electric chair. dolph also was instrumental in hay- ing a Negro organizer imprisoned in New York, for his activities in leading a militant struggle against We must struggle against all of the petty-bourgeois fakers, intellec- tuals, who are today more and more going over to the side of the big white capitalists, in this country, in the suppression of the rising mil- itancy of the Negro toilers. The same is true ir South Africa, in the West Indies and in all parts of the world where the Negro toil- ers are being oppressed by imper- The Indian revolution is also be- ing pushed forward by the growing number of peasant revolts in In- The Indian masses are largely Of the over 300,000,000 people in India, over 70% are at the point of starvation and death, impoverished by the exploit- ing British imperialists. This revolt of the peasants jointly with the; workers movement is giving the di- rection and initiative to the move: ment for the complete independence of India from the British Empire. mt of yVan’ pecyle that has been in-! against British imperialism, against reformists—of the type of Gandhi—against the petty ‘aitpe and intellectual. fakers, is a move- ment for the complete: and -uncon- ditional independence, of India. The Negro toilers in'South’ Africa are also struggling for ‘a’ native republic for the workers and ‘pea- sants. In the West Indies, the vari- ous republics are putting forward the slogan of unconditional inde- pendence, for the rule of the work- ers and peasants. In ‘the United States the Negro workers are turning more and more to the revolutionary trade unions, that are struggling for the sélf- determination of the Negro masses in the South, where they constitute the majority of the most eapliag section ofthe peasantry. The Negro toilers in order ‘to free themselves from capitalist and imperialist exploitation and oppres- sion must join: in the international struggle against imperialism, must struggle against such reactionary principles like Garveyism (similar to the principles of Gandhism in In-’ dia), which, is a Negro nationalist capitalist scheme for the further ex- ploitation of the Negro masses. ‘The International Conference of ; Negro workers, which takes place {on the first of July, must. give the basis for the organization of the Negro toilers to lead their struggle for liberation and for independence, iter! Mr, Ran- of them th