The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 19, 1930, Page 6

Peaenssins * Sipe ON eSTUELy caofished py tne Comprod Souare. New York City, Page Six ly Publishing Co., Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Inc. dails Y. Telephone Stuyvesant 16: Cable: tak RENEGADES UNDRESS THEMSELVES By EARL BROWDER. hie renegade cliques of Lovestone and Can- non, fulfilling their function of official slande*ers of the Communist Party, and upon whose offusions all enemies of the workers now depend for their ammunition, have ad- dressed documents to the Seventh National Convention of the C.P.U.S.A. These docu- ments mark a further stage in the crystalliza- tion of a complete social-democratic line by the Lovestone group, and a further ntifica- tion in program between it and the Cannon group. The renegades expose even more their opportunist nakedness. The Thesis of the self-styl Group” (majority of what?) is pe eir the face of the catastri it still sings hymns to “the growth in American im- perialist strength,” to the id develop- ment of American capita t is still upward,” still “progressive.” But the eco- nomic. ¢} has further deepened the ideolo- gical of the opportunists, and their comic wrigglings to reconcile the “upward de- velopment” with the present crisis, produce a most marvelous dialectical exhibition. The Thesis is examining the relations be- tween U. S. and world economy, and their in- teraction in the development of the world It assures us that the causes of the “are international in char- acter.” Does this mean that the crisis began abroad and then spread by contagion to the otherwise “healthy” U. S. capitalism? No, not even that! Just as it is “the very strength” of U. S. economy that throws it into a crisis (!), so also it “the very sta- bility” of the capitalist world as a whole which has caused an “instability” in the U. S.! This wonderful, brilliant, profound, eso- teric thought is elaborated in thousands of words! Listen, o ignorant workers, to the wisdom of these “Marxist-Leninist” horse- doctors! “Capitalist economy = the United States is becoming fundamentally less stable than be- fore the war, precisely because of the very advance in stabilization on a world scale.” Well, well, well! World capitalism is be- coming more stable than before the war, with the result that U. S. capitalism is becoming less. stable! That must mean that “world capitalism” is stabilizing itself at the expense of U. S. capitalism (England, France and Germany growing more stable than before the war by making the U. S. less stable!). But even for the unfortunate U. S. the “general trend” is “still upward’! Therefore, for “world capitalism” the situation begins to look rosy indeed! What is the meaning of all this nonsense? The explanation is simple. Lovestone has simply applied to the whole capitalist world his no‘orious formula of “the very strength of U. S. capitalism” bringing about a “cris of “growth.” And after all, what is logic among charlatans? The Trotskyites, in their “Manifesto,” es- cape a swamp similar to Lovestone’s, on the ouestion of the crisis, by a very simple expe- dient. They just say nothing about it! Bet- ter safe than sor - What They Think of the Communist Party. The renegades wail and weep about the “terror” which drove them out of the ranks of the Communist Party. They demand re- admittance into this Party. Why do they want to be inside the Party? Do they think so highly of the Party that they cannot live without it? No, not at all. Their opinion of the Party is very low, much lower indeed than that of Congressman Fish. Here is Love- stone’s description of the Party: “It has been many years since the Commu- nist Party has been so divided and shattered, had such weak roots in the ranks of the workers, had such a false line... .The tac- - ties.and policies of the Party no longer have any connection with the actual conditions and class relations in this country. The Party is fast declining into an impotent sect.” Cannon paints a similarly dismal picture of disintegration and decay but is equally anxious with Lovestone to get back into this Party which is so rotten and wrecked. It happens, however, that never before has the Party been so completely unified. For the first time in years, every district conven- tion in the country has been unanimous in sup- port of the Thesis of the Central Committee. Never before has the Party had such mass sympathy among the workers, never before } . has it been able to mobilize in action such hun- dreds of thousands. Never before has the Party been such an immediate moving force in the political life of the country. Never before did it have such a firm and correct line of policy. The fundamental condition for these achieve- ments: of our Party was, precisely the driving out of the opportunists of the Lovestone and Cannon breeds. And they want to re-enter the Party, precisely for the purpose of again creating the old factional struggles, and breed- ing the old opportunist corruption. But today the Party and the workers generally know them for what they are—miserable agents of the bourgeoisie, slimy scabs upon the working class. Re-writing of History. In his latest Thesis, Lovestone re-writes the from the Comint iticism.” All of which is structive. one had maintained that ghting for the th World Congress those who had organized a { history of his split he indulges in “self esting and ce Now he n. Also | except Sunday, at 26-28 Union 8 WORK." Square, New York. N ¥ revolution” within the Comintern. must drop this camouflage, because his cronies Brandler and Roy have alw ought against the Sixth Congr line, as against the Fourth R.LL Congress and the Ninth E.C.C.! Plenum. So Lovestone must re-write his his- tory, confess that his line was one of conci tion before our Sixth Party Convention, | changed to “militant conciliation” (active fight th Convention, and ation of this Thesis vy as a frank and unashamed Right Wing ortunist. Lovestone’s conf ons should be used as texts for the training of a Bolshevik leadershi» in the necessity of mistrusting words until they are backed up by deeds. He says, for example: under a mask) at the only now, with the pub | “In spite of all the ‘endor: and ‘condemnation’ and ‘acceptances’ and ‘ ments’ in the resolutions of the C. ity, the new leadership in the have no confidence in the old Pa ship to carry out the new ultra-left line. And correctly so—for the new line was en- tirely opposed to the political ideas and tradi- tions of the old leading group in the Party.” Making allowances for Lovestone’s special tional vocabulary, this is an excellent des- cription of how he attempted, by hook ani by crook, to deceive the Comintern, by agreeinz to anything and everything but carrying out nothing. Opportunism Expands in Freedom. For years Lovestone has felt “stifled” in the atmosphere of the Comintern. Always his style was cramped by the calculation of “What will the E.C.C.I, say?,” so that he was never able to develop his opportunist line in freedom to its full flower. Now,.in his “self-critici he sets as the major task for him and h ciates, to get rid of all thought of “What w the E.C.C.I. say?” or “What will the Daily Worker si No restraining influence is longer to be recognized in any form! He say “While the remnants of this ideology have not yet been entirely liquidated, considerable progress in this direction has unquestionably been made.” Yes, unquestionably, great progress has been made by Lovestone upon the path of complete departure from all relationship of any kind with the Communist International. So much progress, that he is openly aligned with the most bitter enemies of Communism and the working class. The Lovestone-Cannon Program. It is not only in their common language of slander against the Party that Lovestone and Cannon find themselves at one. In their whole political orientation, both approach the Party from the sam~ angle, finding its policies “ultra left.” Both place as the first point in their program of action the slogan: “Intransigeant struggle against the Party-leadership.” Both agree upon all practical issues before the work- ing class. Thus we may list a few outstand- ing points: Revolutionary Unions: These, they think are a mistake which should be abandoned as quickly as possible, in favor of a quick retreat back into the A. F. of L., there to organize nice comfortable “left wings” without any embar- rassing responsibilities of independent leader- ship. Organizing the Unorganized: This slogan must be raised in the old A. F. of L. unions, | | which will be the principal instrument for | carrying it out. Work in the A. F. of L.: This should be done | in a united front with the “progressives,” the | Musteites, who are the natural leaders of the leftward moving workers. Unemploye Workers: The unemployed riust not be organized around and under the leader- ship of the T.U.U.L.; that is sectarianism. We must bring the unemployed into the A, F. of L., who will be able to get something “practi- cal” for them, such as a soup kitchen or open- ing of the jails for them to sleep in! Struggle Against War: The slogans in this struggle must be such as to play upon the cupidity and greed of the capitalists, and fool them into thinking that tney can make more | profits by trading with the Soviet Union. The slogans are “Persuade the MacDonald Govern- ment to arrange large credits for the Soviet Union” (Trotsky); “Billion dollars credit by the U. S. Government for the Soviet Union” (Lovestone), etc. Show the capitalists how they can solve their own crisis by trading with. they Soviet Union. For God’s sake, don’t talk so much about the class struggle. Labor Party: “The struggle for Labor Party is a next stage in the advance of the Ameri- can workers towards full class consciousness.” (Lovestone). “The struggle for a Labor Party is part of the struggle for the development of a class movement of the American workers” (Cannon). - And so on and so on! So do the renegades undress themselves, dis- playing their opportunist nakedness before the world. Let the contempt of the workers be their | reward! India in Flames By L. HELLER. * (Continued) The importance of the present moment consists in the fact that, finally after the work- ing class and the revolutionary urban petty bourgeoisie, the peasantry, of a number of prov- “inces, have started to come out. The basic “masses of the Indian population—the peas- antry, have come to the help of the working class vanguard,which has moved far forward. ~ The hegemony in the movement will be that ~ section which has the peasantry on its side. + ' Up to the present, in the main, the movement “has been under the leadership of the National Congress, i. e., under the leadership of the bourgeoisie. The struggle fcr hegemony, how- ever, has already commenced between the bourgeoisie and the vanguard of the working class. The further development of the Indian Revolution will depend upon the class conscious- the ates af nroanization of the working Basis For British Imperialism, Flimsy. The social basis of British imperialism in India is extremely narrow. This basis, as has already been pointed out, consists of the na- tive princes, the feudals, the big landowners and the narrow stratum of compradore bourg- eoisie (commercial middlemen). The overwhelm- ing majority of the Indian ropulation, in the person of the workers, the peasants, and the urban poor, are against British imperialism. On the side of British imperialism, however, there is the vast power of its military and po- lice apparatus, and those commanding heights which British capital has gained in Indian economy. Necessity For Crystallized Communist Party. On the other hand, the chief weakness and source of danger for the further development of the Indian revolution is the lack of a crys- tallized Commenist Part Tt is because of | this that the central problem—the agrarian Ry mail everywhere: One /year $6; six months $3; Maubetian and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8: six months $4.50 SUBSCRIPTION RATES: two months $1; excepting Boroughs of ‘; DEFLATIN G “LABOR” IMPERIALISM By WEXLER Struggle of Chicago Masses and Transportation Franchise By BACKALL. 'HE 19th of May the City Council of Chicago accepted all conditions of the franchise that the street car and elevated companies sug- gested. The franchise was drawn up by a group of engineers that represented the Insull bank and industrial interests of the city, The franchise was also endorsed by the so-called “Citizen’s Committee,” which consists of mem- bers who are in many ways associated with the same bank, industrial, department store, finance interests that are parties to the fran- chise. The City Council’s acerca of this fran- chise is an additional proof of the merger of the Thompson administration of Chicago with the finance industrial capital. The franchise states that the present com- pany of the city transportation that consists of the owners of the gas, electric, telephone and all other public utilities, who are also the most important officers of the banking busi- ness, that they can own the streets of Chi- cago and all the transportation facilities until the city gives them six months notice that they are ready to buy the street car and ele- vated facilities, or when a different company is willing to buy them out with a ten per cent increase of their capital value. But it is a known fact that the city of Chi- cago after it will accept this franchise will never be in a position, or care, to buy out the company. The franchise allows the street car and ele- vated company to value its property at $260,- 000,000. A year ago a group of very reliable engineers after investigating the present transportation facilities of the city of Chicago valued its property in more than $130,000,000, minus the depreciation. This means that the franchise allows the street and elevated com- panies to overvalue its property in more than $130,000,000. They value a single line per mile $161, when Detroit values it only $60 and some cities $73. In the franchise of 1907 the conipanies in- cluded an item of $33,000 for horses that were dead 25 years ago, and $240,000 for ve- hicles that were not in use for over a genera- tion. The present franchise includes tens of millions of dollars of property that is already out of existence, that decayed many, many years ago. But, of course, they do not fail to charge for property that is erected instead of the old ones, which are out of existence. It is there, very clear that the franchise is a perpetual franchise, which the transportation interests are seeking for the last seventy years since the first day that a street car was ever built in our city. The supreme court in the case of Baltimore declared that the transportation company may charge seven and one-half to eight per cent on its capital value. It is very evident that we may expect in the near future another raise in fares on the street car and elevated lines. In the franchise is also stated that the transportation companies will seek to improve and enlarge their lines, both surface and éle- vated, and invest the fantastic sum of $200,- 000,000. It is understood that when the trans- portation facilities will carry the value $460,- 000,000 they will seek to raise the fares on both lines. It is clear now that finance capital, the gas, electric, telephone magnates, the owners of the department stores, merge together with the City Council and Thompson administration to create a monopoly of the transportation system of Chicago with a capital valuation of $460,000,000 including the the future in order to be able once for all to own the streets of Chicago forever, without being bothered about conditions and have the improvements of | full control of raising the fares, raising taxes, which will mean higher rent for the working men and poor population of the city of Chicago. The present franchise also has a clause that the 55 per cent that the city of Chicago re- ceived for the last 20 years from the gross income of the transportation companies, which accumulated into a sum of $60,000, should be used for the purpose of building subways for the ownership benefit of the transportation company. These subways will also be used only by the elevated riders with the charge of three cents per transfer. The capital raised by the street car riders, and it will be used only by elevated riders now, out of which the transportation company will benefit. ‘These subways will improve the value of the prop- erty of the rich landlords but it will increase the taxes of the city and it will ‘again in- crease the rent and the indirect taxes of the poor population of the working class. Twenty-five years ago the street car com- panies tried to rush through a _ perpetual franchise through the city council of Chicago. The aldermen were ready to carry through the orders of the financiers, but the people of Chicago organized and surrounded the City Hall with hatchets and ropes and scared the life out of the city administration, so they | then passed a twenty year franchise with the clause giving the city 55 per cent of the gross ' income of the company, to make it + possible | for the city to establish municipal ownership of the transportation system. The present franchise not only provides that the $60,000,- 000 should be used for the transportation in- terests by investing it in the subways, but it practically does away with the entire matter of the city getting any revenues out of the transportation company. It provides for a 3 per ce™* net income, but at the same time it allows the companies to make profits in the form of dividends to the share holders, that will never allow anythtng to be left over for the city at all. The mere fact that the newspapers of Chi- cago are favorable to the franchise shows that the complete merger between the finance capi- tal, industrial magnates, wealthy property owners and the city administration of the Thompson machine, are united in an open at- tack on the poor population and the workers of Chicago. The liberals of Chicago are divided in dif- ferent camps; a very small group is dissatis- fied with this franchise, but its fight agatnst it is so weak that it really has no value. The Chicago Federation of Labor with the street car unions, openly endorse the present fran- chise, which is detrimental to the interests of the workers as a whole and especially to the carmen and mechanics of the companies. It is very clear that, if the franchise passes through on the 1st of July, this gigantic in- terest of finance in industry that constitute the transportation directors will establish a method of rationalization that will increase unemployment and will create a system of speed-up among the transportation workers of Chicago unequaled in the country. The Communist Party calls upon the work- ers not only to vote against this franchise, but to demand free street car and elevated rides for the unemployed, free riding for children that go to school, five cents carfare. The Communist Party is the only party that exposes the true nature of the new traction ordinance. The traction ordinance is another line in the growing merger of the city hall with the bank traction interest and further fascization of the Thompson administration. All workers must vote No in the July first referendum and Vote Communist in the No- vember election. revolution—has not yet been brought before the masses with the required clearness. The programs of the worker-peasant parties which exist in some provinces and of the Agrarian League, gloss over and suppress this funda- mental question of the Indian Revolution. Another danger not to be ignored is the parti- cipation of the nationalist elements in the revo- lutionary movement, who are ready to set up a united front with reformism, and the isola- tion of the Indian labor movement from the world revolutionary labor movement. In these circumstances an imperative neces- sity is that the international proletariat extend assistance to the Indian Revolution. All the sections of the revolutionary trade union move-. ment, and in particular, the British working class, are confronted with the task of extend- ing real assistance to the Indian Revolution. On the order of the day must be put the task of drawing the serious attention of the broad masses in all capitalist countries to the Indian Revolution explaining the significance of the events, setting up bodies for assistance to the Indian revolution, setting up a fund to help the fighting working class of India—and this must Struggle Against War and Our Work in the Factory By PH. BART. if IS only necessary to contrast the figures of employment in the basic industries with the numerical strength of our shop nuclei in order to evaluate-our activity in mobilizing the masses to fight against imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union. Recent employment figures in the metal industries (steel, metal, machinery) show approximately one million workers. Add to this the more than two million employed in chemical and textile (of which rayon can be used in chem- ical warfare) not to mention the importance of transportation, auto, food, etc., and it is easily discernable the phenomenal task facing us. Comparing the above figures of the millions of workers employed in industries that are vital for capitalist war, with the eleven hun- dred membership in our shop nuclei as re- ported in the Plenum Resolution on this ques- tion it becomes clear that our main task in this campaign is the building of shop nuclei in war industries. No amount of writing can be convincing proof of our seriousness to mobilize the masses, until we have utilized our forces to overcome this discrepancy. Choosing Work in War Industries. The incoming District Committees must give careful attention towards strengthening nuclei already in existence and making plans of building nuclei in important plants directly connected with war preparations (ship yards, ammunition, etc.) and in industries that can be converted for war purposes (auto, rayon, etc.). The cruiser building program recently approved by congress necessitates counter ac- tion by us in organizing a nucleus in every ship yard that builds cruisers, even where we have no contacts. We have mentioned many times the im- portance of aeroplanes as part of the auto industry. However to our knowledge we can- not record a single nucleus in an aeroplane factory. Here it is interesting to note, while we have Ford nuclei in existence for many years, at no time has the question been dis- cussed of organizing the aeroplane factories that are connected with the Ford Company. Similar mention must also be made in the chemical industry, where our work so far has been negligible. Fighting the Double-Headed Serpent of Pacifism and Jingoism. In conducting the campaign against imperi- alist war preparations we must expose all pacifist illusions created by the bourgeoisie and also not neglect the jingo propaganda. Every occasion must be utilized for teaching the workers through concrete examples the reasqn for fostering pacifist thought. In ex- posing the Kellogg “peace” pact or the London Naval Conference, we can show the masses similar actions by.the bourgeoisie prior to the last war (world peace court in Amsterdam, Wilson slogan “he kept us out of war”). Also not failing to expoSe the treacherous part of the social-fascists in the last war as well as their part today. Not only must we fight against pacifist il- lusions, but against the jingoist war program put forward by the various fascist organiza- tions. Here is our opportunity to expose the Wools and Greens “solution” for unemploy- ment by building more battle ships. The “so- cial organizations” in the factories, which are harnessing the workers for imperialist war must be fought and made impotent through our activity, Internationalizing Our Work. Our shop papers deal only casually with the working class movement internationally. Where this is done it is haphazard. Serious attention ntust therefore be given to link up the work in the factory with the danger of war. For example, in Ford’s we can point out that in the last war the plant was used for making shells, Similar incidents can be mentioned elsewhere. In the campaign for the defense of the So- viet Union concrete incidents as to why the bosses want to attack the workers’ fatherland are necessary. In this respect comparisons should be made of conditions in a particular industry in this country as compared with that in the Soviet Union. A steel mill shop bulletin should contrast conditions here with those in the Soviet Union, and a similar procedure can be followed in other factories. * The experiences of the struggles of the American workers against bosses’ war prepa- rations as well as thbse internationally cam be a further aid in this work. The splendi@ achievements of the Seattle workers in re- fusing to load ammunition for the counter-rev- olutionary hirelings of the United States and the other imperialist powers as well as the intervention of the English workers in frust- rating similar attempts by the British are splendid lessons for all workers. It is also advantageous to point out the heroic struggles of the Russian workers against czarism and the historic role played by such factories as Putilov and others. These expeeriences will benefit the workers and help them to understand our cam- © paigns. Organizing Committees in Factories. Both shop committees of the revolutionary trade unions and special committees set up for definite purposes (May Day, war danger) are the best guarantee that we are earnestly mob- ilizing the workers to fight against U. S. im- perialism. This is the task especially of the shop nuclei. They must become the initiators around which such committees are organized. Only through systematic work; distribution of leaflets and shop papers inside the factory; individual propoganda; calling together of | groups of workers who have already been in- fluenced by our propaganda, will we succeed in building a net work in the factories that will make it possible to rally the masses. There is no “royal road” to supplant the Leninist method of organization. Ours is not a haphazard task, but persistent day to day work in a systematic manner. It requires a thorough understanding of the present econo- mic crisis and the imminent war danger by our comrades, so as to be fully. aware of their tasks and the problems facing us. The seven million workers who have been forced into idleness by the capitalists as a result of the econoic crisis which may bring about another war is an important part of our cam- paign. In organizing the unemployed, in the preparations for the July 4th convention in Chicago, this problem must be kept in the foreground. It is also necessary to frustrate the unemployed, always remembering the Bol- shevik attitude on militarism. The whole cam- paign against unemployment must be linked with the fight against the war preparations. Preparations for August First. The International Day of Struggle Against War is only two months away. Serious atten- tion must be given immediately towards mob- ilizing the masses for this occasion. Factories having shop nuclei should discuss methods of setting up committees and popularize August First. These committees must link their work with other campaigns such as building the Trade Union Unity League. In-this connection it is also necessary to link this task with the campaign for the sup- port of the Indian and Chinese revolutions and convince the masses that the attacks against the colonial peoples will mean a low- ering of the living standards in home coun. tries. Considerable laxity has existed in our worl heretofore. At the present time such negli- gence can lead to social democratic prating about fighting against imperialist war, but actually not doing anything. Let us not for- get that while social democracy prepared re- solutions for general strikes prior to the war it did nothing to prepare the workers. There is no such danger of our Party’s lead- ing in this direction, Howeyer we must em- phasize that a laxity to carry out decisions does not strengthen the working class. It is therefore our duty to examine our weak spots and strengthen them, to build shop nuclei ‘in all important plants, to give more attention to those already in existence and thereby mob- ilize the workers to defeat our enemy and make it possible to carry out the Leninist program of turning the imperialist war into civil war. the army and navy recruiting drives cet Fight the Deportation of Foreign-Born Workers By RICHARD DAVIES. Not content with clubbing and jailing work- ers who participate in struggle for better conditions, the United States government hand in hand with the bosses has started a mass drive against the foreign-born workers and are holding them responsible for the rising revolutionary spirit of the American working class. Thousands of dollars have been appro- priated by the government for investigating of the so-called “red menace.” Hundreds of the most militant workingclass fighters throughout the country are. being held for deportation for no other reason than being class conscious workers, By this attack on the foreign-born workers the U. S. government thinks it can antagonize the native born American workers against the foreign born and divide the ranks of the work- ing class. But they forget that the American born are fast losing their illusions about the so-called democracy. They are learning that the foreign born workers are not responsible for their own miserable conditions, that in order to obtain better conditions they must fight side by side with their brothers of other nationalities against their common enemies— the boss-class and, the fake labor unions. Massachusetts Workers Held for Deportation. In Massachusetts a number of workers are being held for deportation. August G. Pinto, a militant fighter and captain of the picket line in the New Bedford strike is being held be carried out in the very immediate future. Not the slightest doubt exists that the Indian and the Chinese revolutions will have stupen- dous influence on each other, mutually stimu- lating one another and drawing into the move- ment Indo-China which lies between them. The largest countries of the world, which are inhabited by half of humanity, have become the scene of a gigantic revolutionary movement the like of which has not yet been seen in the his- tory of the world for deportation to Portugal where the fascist + government will put him to his death. Myself, a member of the Young Communist League, am also being held for deportation to or | My case is the outcome of the demonstration before the State House in Boston, Mass., | manding relief from unemployment. Also for my activity amongst the textile workers of Rhode Island, as a result of which the Rhode Island’ Textile Manufacturing Association asked the U. S. authorities to take deportation pro- ceedings against me. Why did the Rhode Island Textile Manufac- turers’ Association ask for such action against me? Because I am a member of the Young Communist League. Because the Young Com- munist League is leading the struggle of .the young workers. Because as a member. of the Y.C.L. I attempted to organize the young workers of Rhode Island into the Nation Textile Workers Union, the only textile uni of that is fighting for the economic hettermen ae of the workers. For this crime I was sent toy jail, and now being held for deportation as al undesirable alien, Workers Sick of Bosses’ Jargon. But the workers of United States will judge who really are the “undesirables.” Under the auspices of the International Labor Defense, with the help of all working class organiza- tions, the Trade Union Unity League, Young Communist League and Communist. Party, they will reply to the government by a mass campaign—a canipaign of fight and. struggle that will not only become a national protest, but a protest of world-wide action on’ the part of the working class against the persecution of our comrades. And also, & mobilization of the workers to abolish the tyranny of imperial- ism and to establish Soviet republics, where workers will not suffer persecutions, ings, executions—and where the words “ born” will never be heard, i 1 : 1 ‘ ie iat TR ies rt | I t v x i 0 _ D