The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 30, 1930, Page 3

ra aa a ILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, MAY 30, 193 Page Three ~ China So Two Outstanding Revolutionary Events| , By T. H. LI |now win for itself the peasant mas- 'HE forthcoming Soviet Congress and give leadership and deepen in China and the increasing and/and broaden the peasant revolts. deepening mass revolts in India are! The intensity of struggle has the outstanding events not only of | broken the iron chain of imperialist the revolutionary movement in the | censorship, The capitalist press now East, but also of the reyolutionary |is compelled to give due attention movement throughout the entire jto the Communist Party of India, world, jand to report that the masses in The heroic young proletariat of |Sholapur did attempt to organize China under the leadership of the|the power of Soviets there. The Communist Party through bloody jworld proletariat and colonial mas- struggles has secured the hegemony |ses must take these fragmentary | Republic, the broad and deep char- | ia the national liberation movement. It has won over to its side the pea- | sant masses and the exploited stratum of the petty-bourgeoisie by its revolutionary program and fighting ability. Only after two years since the defeat of the first revolutidnary wave in China, de-|the independence and liberation of pite the combined attack of foreign |the Indian people. And that only imperialists and native bourgeoisie, |the Soviets of workers, peasants, the revolution now develops rapid- |and soldiers are forms of organiza- ly. The forthcoming First All-China | tion that can lead the arm insurrec- Soviet Congress, on the 30 of May, | tion and realize the Democratic Dic- marks a millestone in the develop-|tatorship of the workers and pea- ment of the struggle for power, for|sants. The strengthening of the the establishment of the Democratic |Communist Party and the establish- Dictatorship of workers and pea-|ment of the hegemony of the sants against the exploiting and/proletariat in the anti-imperialist bloody dictatorship of imperialism, | struggles are the immediate argent bourgeoisie, landgentry, and mili-| tasks of teh Indian Revolution. tarism. ; While the Kuomintang in Cina On ihe other side of the Hima-|now acts,as the direct fascist agen- laya, the revolts in India are as-jcy' of different imperialist powers, eports seriously. Because, as the historical experiences of the Chin- ese Revolution, it is only the Com- munist Party of India—the van- guard of the Indian proletariat.— That will lead the workers and pea- sants to a victorious struggle for suming such a scope and character |the Indian National Congress are | almost as in China. Notwithstand- |maneuvering with British imperial- ing the iron rule of the Social-im- | ism and endeavours to take the sup- perialist MacDonald government | pression of the revolting masses and the circus betraying maneuvers | under its own hands The Con- of Ghandi and the Indian National | gress has long proved itself a poli- Congress, the Indian masses .are|tical prostitute. It always dreams moving forv in gigantic steps. | of Dominion Status. It put up a The Indian proletariat,’ by the great | sham “fight for Swaraj} strikes in Bombay, Calcutta, and in|the masses under increased exploit- other large cities, has shown its|ation begit to fight against imperi- determination and ability in the/alism. Its different schemes and anti-imperialict struggle. It must|cireus only serve the purpose of —— i” only when: viet Congress and the Indian Revolt fglake AY |misleading the masses and prevent- ing the development of a genuine jmass anti-imperialist | movement. |The victorious development of the Indian Revolution presuposes a re- lentless exposure and struggle | against the treacherous Indian Na- tional Congress. The establishment of the regional | Soviet Power in China, which is the |first important step towards the es- |tablishment of an All-China Soviet jacter of the present Indian Revo- lution, which is assuming the stage of a Soviet Revolution of ‘workers |and peasants, acquire international |significance. These world-shaking |events, particularly the establish- iment of the Soviet Power in China, |demonstrate clearly the character, form and outlook of the revolution- lary movement n the colonial and |semi-colonial iountries. They are |also taking placé amidst a period |of the general crisis of world cap- |italism and an upsurge of the pro- {letarian revolutionary movemeft in | the capitalist countries and of rising |anti-ithperialist struggles in Asia, which means that another one-sixth of the area and about one-half of the population of the earth is be- ing conquered by the forces world revolution and socialism from |the world of capitalism. | American imperialism undoubted- ly is greatly concerned with China, | s Si Sa ‘ ere 5 3 | waving a flag, upon which is inscribed the words “prohibit the Shaighui but it is no less interested in In- {dia. At present time the American working class must more than ever give international solidarity and suppgrt to the colonial masses in their struggle for liberation, par- | ticularly those that are under the jdirect iron yoke of American im- perialism. Ricksha Men in Peking Strike By A RICKSHAWAN (Editor Note.—The following an extract from a literal transla-|that we could organize a consumers tion of the strike of ricksha pullers | cooperative society to get our rice, in Peking (Peiping) ‘last October, | flour, oil, salt, etc., cheaper. as related by a ricksha puller who|funds for this purpose, they sug- was a delegate to the national con-| gested, could be raised thru an en- ference of the Chinese Red Aid, held | tertainment. How lively was that in Shanghai last December. It is | entertainment! ‘It was attended by a significant revelation of the state | very m people. A long time of mind of increasingly large groups | afterw nevertheless, the cooper- of the masses). \ative had not yet been organized. Fellow representatives of the Chin-|The several thousands of dollars ese Red Aid! |raised had merely gone into the I am a ricksha.puller. I will tell | pockets of those committeemen. you about the destruction of tram-| Meanwhile winter drew on. Tite | weather got colder and* colder day More Fights to Come remedy, but they had none. Later | by day. It really gets terribly cold ‘in Peking. When the north wind | blew, how we shivered! We had no food nor clothing. All the while the officials at the Kuomintang headquarters and the committeemen of the union had good food and beautiful clothes. We were indig- |nant at such conditions. We de- | manded rice of the Kuomintang and those committeemen chosen by that body. We also asked that the Peking Tramway company pay the subsidy of $50,000 promised upon | its establishment. | Last October the Peking General | Labor Union was being reorganized. This body was originally controlled by the head Kuomintang officials. How could we have known that before They the preparing for more and fiercer battles to overthrow the foreign imperialists and native militarists and establish a Soviet China. Striking tramwaymen the carbarns in Shanghai. there were the so- cars by my fellow-ricksha pullers in Peking. In Peking there are about 150,000 men who pull vehicles-rickshas, wheel-barrows, carts, ete. Most of them have to support a family. Fif- ty cents (about 20 cents gold) is the maximum income a day. After paying rent for the ricksha (or other vehicle) and a license fee there is left only 30 to 40 cents (about 12 to 17 cents gold) for food, clothing and housing for the whole family. In 1928 when the Kuomintang captured Peking it was stated that the Revolution had been completed. ‘Labor unions now had to be or- ganized since the Kuomintang re. presented the cause ofgihe workers Taking these honey words for real we then began the organization of eur union, The Ricksha Pullers All the When the Kuo- Union was thus built up. rickshamen joined. minteng designated ct as our committeemen hamen were surprised and of the in long gowns men?” They answered that they were to help us so we said no more. In this way the union was formed. | The membership dues were paid by us. sed by.. ‘What, we asked oursclves, are our benefits? Very, very few! Moreover, such as these they were secured by our own efforts. Why were our committeemen picked out by the Kuomintang? All they did was to live at our expense, . This year (1929) the number of ricksha pullers in Peking was great- ly increased by the moreover, to the militarist se gles waged by the Kuomintang am the increased extortion practized by that organization, there have been few peonle hiring our rickshas We asked the onhovities and the Kuo- mintang and committeemen for a certain per- | Kuomintang: | “Why must you Kuomintang men | be our committee- | Thuss month after month pas- | ex-soldiers | disbanded by the Kuomintang. Due, | among them | Ching-wei cliques that were com- }peting for territory, for control of |the Peking General Labor Union, ‘for collection of the membership j;dues, and in general for the mono- | poly of ‘exploiting our fellow-work- lers and dividing them against each | | other? i, Tram In order to overcome its Strikers Meet These striking Chinese tramway workers in Shanghai demandec more wages, better living condi- | tions, and release of all workers | previously arrested. rival, each clique utilizes the work- ers as its instruments under the pretext of “reorganization.” Be- cause we were suffering badly from out of our misery we were happy to hear the news of this reorganiza- |tion. We intended, moreover, to seize this occasion for getting rid of the committeemen appointed by |the Kuomintang and putting in their places men of our own choice. The meeting for this reorganiza- tion took place October 20. /.t this meeting the unions with big mem- berships—the ricksha pullers, street icleaners, ete.—declared that the larger a union, the greater should he the proportion of elected (as op- | posed to appointed by the author- ities) committeemen. The Kuomin- it rofured this demand, We with- drew so the conference had to end.’ called Chiang Kai-shek and Wang | hunger and there seemed no way | |The next day we gathered together is|on ,the committeemen informed us/|a great many laborers and marched Second All-C) ‘to the Kuomintang headquarters to ; demand rice. When we saw the The | tramcars passing by the headquar-|{, the middle of 1927, |ters of the General Lahor Union jwe burst to anger and started to destroy them, shouting “Down with {the tramears!” Immediately the }tens of thousands of poor workers— | tickshamen, Wwhealbarrowmen, street |cleaners and scavengers, ditca dig- |gers, etc.—joined together, calling ‘out the slogans: “Down with the | tramcars, the capitalists and the | Kuomintang, but not the tramear Tied Up Shanghai | é Workers on the Shanghai Tran | way Co. who struck April | the International Settlement coni- pletely ticd up transport. One of | their demands was that'no White Russians should be hired. workers who are our brothers in one | family!” Taken by surprise at our out-j break the Kuomintang police and gendarmerie had to hide away while | the well-to-do Jacies and gentlemen who dash to and fro on the streets | of Peking in their motorcars scur- vied away to shelter. Peking thus Lecame our world! After destroy- ing ten or more of the tramcars— a job taking some four hours— {we went home victorious. Ws had an- especially sweet sleep that night! When we awoke the next morn- ning we thought it would be a very busy day for us, the tramcers hav- ing been destroyed. Contrary to | our expectations, when we set forth | with our rickshay the streets were full of police and military. guards, ,armed with sharp, _ glittering |swords and rifles with bayonets jaifixed. They seized us and we | were all arrested. As were then all scattered it was easy for the author- jities to take us. The police and | soldiers abused us while the rich were put in prison at the headquar- j ters of the Public Safety Bureau. | This place was very soon over- crowded. We were then transferred |to an open-air enclosure in the Kuang-Ming pa!:ce. There were ‘some 20,000 prisoners, their ages |running from 14 to 60 years of age. It was, indced, a miserable and | pitable picture—the thousands of us | with but a single and outworn gar- ment, shivering and crying in the bitter north wind! A few days later the Kuomintang officials tried us. We were branded as rioters and outlaws, I'ellow- representatives! We were only struggling for @ little rice to eat! What did we know about, rioters and outlaws! Afterwards a part of:,the rickshamen were released. ° thousand were ing. Three of our leaders were execuicd, In December there were of | | taing over one hundred worker correspondents, ‘oon are shown standing before a wall upor pasted, | and. the officials sneered at us. We | | This cartoon is taken from the published and distributed. Withiu no less than seven times in order t ference. Despite almost insurmou | The workers in the which the “Shanghai Pao” i: the lower left hand corner represe | sao.” | Unions of Pao,” the daily paper of the Shanghai workers. anniversary edition of the Shanghai The paper is illegally one year, it had t ‘0 avoid suppressi ntable difficulti ‘0 change it n and police inter , the pauper main- The few little rats standing ut nt the imperialists and their lackeys Revolutionary Trade China and the R.I.L.U. Congress eee All-China Federation of Trade Unions, embracing all revolution- |ary trade unions in China, was or- ganized on May 1, 1925, at the j hina Trade Union Con- gress. During the course of two | years, from the middle of 1925 u , the Federa- |tion kept increasing its ranks, its |membership going up from 500,000 jin 1925 to 3,000,000, in 1 Tl | Kuomintang, desirous of getting the “support of the proletariat during the time of the Northern | tion, was obliged to.give a certain ; amount of freedom to the labor movement, and this, under the con- | ditions of merciless and brutal ex. | Expedi- ploitation experienced by the Chin- |ese workers, furthered to a great , degree its organizational growth. The Communist Party of China was precisely that force which from the very outset crystallized organi- zutionally the spontaneous move- ment of the Chinese workers for im- | proving their labor and living con- ditions, During the time of the Northern Expedition the trade un- ions, taking advantage of their legal position, lined up large sum- bers of the workers in their ranks, end came to be; under the leader- ship of the Communists, at the head of the developing revolutionary movement., The series of mass strikes and politically armed mani- tations of thai period (three up- still over 200 in jail. The executed most honored leaders. In court how bravely he cried out the slogans Down with the Kuomintang! Down | with imperialism! Workers of all China, unite!” When our leaders | wre executed we had unfortunately nd money for their burial »or for food to their dependents. Our }union was dissolved and our head- | quarters closed. Nobody cared what became of us. We were very worried for we |ricksha pullers have anything but |money! It was not long, however, before a representative from the Tientsin branch of the Red Aid got in touch with us.. He told us that jour fellow-workers in that city sympathized deeply with us. By | their aid we were then able to hold ;@ funeral service for the executed. | We also arranged a reception at | which representatives from both the | Tientsin and Shanghai branches of the Red Aid encouraged us. We | thus came to realize the need of our | | participating in this organization. |So we at once took steps to or- jganize. Within a few days a Red | Aid branch of rickshamen was | formed in Peking with 200 members. | We were asked to send a delegate \to this, the second national confer- lence of the Chinese Red Aid. My |fellow-rickshamen elected me so | this is how I came to be here, | What is my impression? It is | this: “Would it not be good for us ‘workers by united action to over- |throw the tramcar capitalists and \ the Kuomintang in Tientsin, Wu- Han, Shanghai and other places? We must units. just as we dele- | gates-workers, peasants and stud- jents+and the representative of the | International Red Aid are united ‘here in this conference, fot that | purpose, | In. closing, 1 hope that this con- ‘ference may be able to give some |relief to. our 200 rickshamen who elled from Pek- are still incjail in‘Peking. They are | jsuftering from the cruclest oppres- sion, ‘i P| movement and the threat of 2: was Chia Chun-shan, one of our) |risings in Shanghai in 1927, the | seizure of the British concessi, in | Hankow and Chiukiang, ete.) proved |completely the revclutionary spirit (and fine nzilitan) character of the | Chinese proletariat. However, the rapid development of the labor 2 on- |coming agrari.a revolat!+n pushed the Kuemintang into the camp of |the counter-revolution. The first p to be taken by the tempora victorious ‘hovrgec v lhibit all worker-peasant | tions, those wi Ww ; jat all revolutionary: in havacter. And considering the fact ihat in reality there were no other organ- zations in existence at that time Chin: conse. ently practically all trade unions’ peasant unions were closed down. Oo ing to the cruel reign of ter- jrorism which set er the up- rising, the reve’.tionary trale un- jions were comp ‘led to reoiganize themselves and go underground. |The reaction did not limit itself to |merely Gissolving the | organizations; it started the mass extermination of the trade union leaders and active workers. jof diatricts temporarily died out. | The transfer of the movement j from a widespread legal organiza- jtion to a state of illegality, along with the mass extermination of its active revolutionary workers, had a | most severe effect on the organiza- ‘tional state of the revolutionary | trade union movement.” The Fifth Congress of the All- shina Trade Union Federaiion, held n November 7-12, 1929, in Shang- ‘hai, stressed the fact that by now |the revolutiona.» unions have not yet succeeded in establishing powerful organization. The scat- tered state of the trade union in the different enterprises and bran- ches of indvstry, ther u | character, their administrative at- titude, method of appointments, ab- sence of all trade union democracy, ,and in connection with this, isola- | tion from the masses—such are thi principal shortcomings of the Re trade unions. The rather poor or. ganizaticn of the All-China Trade Unoin Federation to a gréat extent protracted the dc. velopment of mass. activities and th~ intensification of militant leadership in the different centres of the country. This ex- plains the fact that in spite of the | growing influence of the Red trade |unions due largely to the sharpen- ing economic conditions in China jand the growth of the vevol:tion- jary inood amonz the » . the (number of members lined up in the | In the background ave two mis { ane y| Sun-Yat-Senism became a center trade union} Mie oo oe = labor movement in a whole rumber | sai Workers Protecting ae pee S u Ch ao J en an d the China Soviet Congress Some Lessons for Negro Workers By J. W. FORD Chairman, Provisional International Trade Union Committee of Negro \ Workers. (COneae Su died in February, 9 For twenty years up to this time he had played a leading role | in the revolutionary movement in China. He was the chairman of the first Chinese Soviet Govern- ment, the Canton | Soviet Government | of 1927. The October Rus- sian Revolution was the first great blow to the shat- tering of imperial- ism. The Chinese Revolution was the next. The Chinese Revolution awak- | ened millions of toilers in the East. | {spent the greater part of his life ers, struggling against imperialism and its Chinese agents. Su spent |20 years of his life on the sea, as a seaman. He travelled all over the world: America, Canada, Eng- land, France, Africa, India, South a Islands, Malay, ete. He there- |fore had intimate contact with the |toilers of other races and countries, which gave him a broad |international outlook. He knew that only his class, the toiling work- ers would fight to a. bitter end against imperialism. This was de- monstrated to him at the Canton uprising. He knevr that the strug- |gles of the Chinese proletariat were inseparably bound up with the struggles of the workers through- out the world. He learned many great lessons in this connection from the Russian Revolution. Comrade Su was chair- J. M. Ford eeapilions, : ‘t-|man of the Canton Soviet. He was | It is influencing the Negro toilers in} also chairman of the All-China jAfrica, It helped to break down | Federation of Trade Union and | the barrier that existed between the oppressed colonial masses and the |struggling proletariat in the impe- |rialist countries. The Chinese Revolution suffered a temporary defeat in 1927. But to- day we are witnessing a new revo- lutionary revival in China. It is in this connection that the coming Chinese Soviet Congress is of great importance to the militant strug- | jgles of the workers throughout the world. The central task of this Congress is the consolidation of the forces in China, particularly basing them on the workers and peasants. We often gain many important lessons from individuals in the struggles of the workers. The work ef Comrade Su has many lessons In the first place Su dif- fered from Sun-Yat-Sen. Sun-Yat- Sen was a petty-bourgeois in out- look. He’ grouped all elements in China without drawing a line be- | tween them on the class basis. He did not see the relation of the strug- gies in China with the struggles of the workers throughout the world. Fundamentally he based the liberation of China solely on re- y principles of race and Na- His idea of race and nationalism made him loose com- pletely the principles of internation- President of the Chinese Seamen’s organization, and although the Canton uprising suffered a defeat, it was the beginning of the estab- lishment of Soviets in China. Comrade Su led the wor the struggle for the preparat the Canton Uprising by a mass de- monstration on October 14, 1927. There were 40,000 Chinese seamen from Canton, Honkong, Swatow, |Kangmeng and Macao. They as- |sembled at Canton and staged a | monster demonstration, directed |mainly against the Kuomintang | government. They carried this |through under the slogan “Down | with the Kuomintang.” It was un- |that this struggle was carried on of Sun-Yan-Sen. This struggle has an important | bearing on the struggles of the Ne- lgro toilers against Negro petty bourgeois class elements, like Garveyism. Garveyism much like Yat-Senism. Yat-Senism in the beginning bore the stamp and ideology of the Ne- |gro toiling masses. But Garveyism |like Sun-Yat-Senism — developed mainly on racial. nationalism. The ga workers and peasants. | capitalist bourgeois state. Garvey- ism still toys with the idea of a Sun- action for the Chinese agents of imperialism inside the Kuomin- | ha: tang par The vacillating and | unclear elements, the intellectuals, the new rising group the “Third |Party” and all the fakers inside China pinned Sun-Yat-Senism to | their banners and heralded him as a national hero. At the same time | |they shot down Chinese workers by | what the Chinese gentry, the Chin- the thousands in the interests of | ese petty bourgeoisie, and the Chin- ‘imperialism. | It is on these questions that Com- rade Su differed from Sun-Yat-Sen. | Su was one of the outstanding lead- |ers of the Chinese Revolution, Su, unlike Sun-Yat-Sen (who was an |intellectual) was a worker, and d on reactionary principles like jionism, Garveyism instead of be- coming a struggle against Amer- ican imperialism became a_hin- |gro masses against imperialism. The Negro middle class intellec- |toilers into the hands of the im- perialists. I first met Comrade Su at the Sixth World Congress of the Com- munist International, a calm dig- intellectuals and middle | Garveyism, like Sun- | Negro state and a Negro kingdom, | drance in the struggles of the Ne-|} se middle class did in the Chinese | | Revolution, will betray the Negro | in the interest of the toiling work- | in other } jder the leadership of Comrade Su | against all the elements of the type | 4 |ses of the colonies as an nified proletarian leader. I met him small committee meetings and had private conversations with him. These personal contacts showed him to be an internationalist. At a meeting where we discussed the question of the organization of ‘colored’ seamen, I laid great em- phasis on the need for the organi- zation of Negro seamen. My em- phasis was based on the fact that Negro workers and particularly Ne- gro Seamen had no organized force to show in their own behalf, let alone to throw on the side of the world proletariat. My emphasis was based on the attitude also of the reformists and the reactionary trade unions towards Negro workers and especially the Negro seamen on ar. international scale. Comrade Su knew this also, but he considered first the organization of an International revolutionary Seamen’s union, embracing all workers of all races. From his long experience he saw clearly the need for such an international organi- zation. He therefore outlined in detail the plans and the first steps to be taken in the organization of such a union, laying great stress on the need of organizing the British Sea- men. He dealt with the struggle against the reformists and their splitting tactics, and advocated the calling of a Seamen’s conference to take up these questions. At this meeting Comrade Su de- monstrated his internationalism. He did not speak as a Chinese seaman, but spoke as an international sea-. man, as an international revolution- ist. Comrade Su thus stands out as a beacon light to the toiling masses of China, to the toiling mas- interna- tional proletarian leader. Comrade Su is an important’ link between the first Canton Soviet and the present Chinese Soviet, which’ is scheduled to meet on May 30: The Chinese Soviet Congress is taking place at a very important period of the struggles of the work- ers throughout the world, at the time of the upward develpoment of the colonial revolutionary movement and the proletarian revolutionary movement in the imperialist coun- tries, at the time of the great In- dian Revolution that is growing and spreading every day, at a time when the Negro workers are beginning to wake up. It is in this connection that the convening of the International Con- ference of Negro workers at Lon- don, on July 1, to take up general class political tasks, must draw les- Ce *°-jsons from the Chinese Revolution, tuals and petty bourgeoisie, like|tne Chinese Soviet Congress, |firm establishment of Soviet power The in a great section of China is of great significance to the toiling masses throughout the world. Lond Live the Memory of Su- Chao-Jen! Hail the Chinese Soviet Congress! Long Live the Indian Revolution! unions are still many angles. ade, unions is very small (accord- ing to-report of the Executive of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions of the R.I.L.U. of January 7, 1930, there are 40,000 members). Besides more than half of the mem- bership is comprised of professional worke This shows clearly that ers, and against their treacherous actions. Time and again the fight between the Red and Yellow active workers is only based on the desire not correct from | The whole struggle | is general limited to a fight against | some of the individual yellow lead-/| whole. number of industries gave rise to a rapid growth of unem- ployment, with the simultaneous growt: of female and-child labor. In accordance with this the work among the unemployed, the women workers and juniors comes to be af great significance, However, the jless dangerous to work among pro- )fessional workers than it is to work By Order of His Imperialist Masters Chiang Kai Shek?s murderers excenting revolutionary workers. is @ show pui on for them by the Chinese War Lords. the All-China Federation of Trade | | Unions has up till now conducted | its work along the line of least | resistance, for it is much easier and| among industrial workers, the latter | being strictly controlled by ‘he fac- | i rations and Kuomin- | Bad organization | also exer influence in the| way of insufficient leadership of | the battles of the workers by the! revolutiona trade union: the | majority of the strikes as a rule broke out spontaneously and were arried on without sufficient revo- utionary leaderchip. Besides the above - mentioned shortcomings, a large draw-back in the work of the revolutionary trade unions were the mistakes permitted in a whole number of localities in| the struggle for winning over the masses from the yellow trade un- lions. Although the time of com- pletely ignoring the yellow trade unions and not wishing to conduct | any work in them is gradually com- | jing to an end, however, the tactics | for the struggle against the yellow ; coeaey ries on & sightsceing tour, This | OO to replace some one ‘eader, while | revolutionary trade unions did very the characted and content of the little in this direction. Only in work in the trade unoin is not sub-|Shinghai the revolutionary active ject to any change even after the! workers are carrying on some sort yellow union had been changed into|of work among the unemployed a red one. In the experience of the | Only in several of the larger cities, revolutionary trade unions cases can! in Shanghai. and Hongkong have be registered when the toiling mas-| women’s and children’s sections at ses themselves drove out some of some of the enterprises been set up. the yellow leaders, while the rvo- This work still lags behind the de- lutionary active workers did not} mands of actual life. The Fifth agree to take their place, fearing; Congress of the All-China Trade repressive measures on the part) Union Federation adopted a resolu- of the Government, and thus re- tion about this question for inten- nouncing the leading places to the|sifying the work among the women Centrists. And also, the chief task | workers and juniors, for organizing is not being carried out sufficient-| sections of women workers and ly—work among the rank and file| juniors and of electing representa- of the yellow unions. tives of the women workers and Thus it happens that the ever-|young workers to all organs of the extending labor movement grows | trade unions. aa me emanate ae ie In spite of a great number of toiling arenes nav districts | Weaknesses nod shorts oer the come to the fore, leaving the leaders | Revolutionary trade unions in China of the Red trade unions to drag|have carried out some fine work, along in the tail end. particularly during the course of. Closely bound up with the strug- | the past two years. A great deal Hie Seat ioe yellow) taedare) ie has already been achieved iending the question of setting up factory | s 4 committees. During the space of to make the All-China Trade Union Federation a militant mass organi-~ two years, since the Fourth R.LL.U. | Congress, at which the necessity zation. The upsurge in the labor for organizing factory committees! movement and the intensifying was stressed, only some insigni-| strike struggles give rise to favor- ficant work was,accomplished. Time | able perspectives for the further and again the comrades inside the development of the revolutionary | trade union movement, for winning Federation and even the Executive of the Federation, under different | over and lining up the majorzy c= come for | the toiling masses. pretenses, would against the organization of factory committees; these evidently failed to realize the significance uf the factory committee as a tool for win- ning over the wide proletarian mas- ses to our cause. The Fifth Con- gress of the All-China Trade Union | Federation put an end to all waver- ings with regard to this question, and stressed the ne ity of organ- izing factory comm s at all en- terprises, like bodies elected by the workers themsely 2s. The sharpening of the economic crisis and the capitalist rationali- zation processes introduced into a ThE An tar on t am concerned, I clzim to have discovered Istence of classes in moderp scaled 0" co described the evolution of the clase strogles, und political economist omie phyatol i sarily to the dictatoral proletariat; 3) that is but the transition to the aboli- tiom of all classes and to the ere- ee ot # society of free and equal. —Marx, \