The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 17, 1930, Page 6

¢ Ry mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of * Maahattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year §8; six months $4.50 Oras plished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Onior @ Square. Now York City, N. Y¥. Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8, Cable: “DAIWORK. od Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. Daily Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. = THE MINORITY MOVEMENT IN GREAT BRITAIN By L. ZOOBOCK. INCE the IV. Congress of R.LL.U. many important changes e in the labor movement of G most important event, of course, is the coming to power of the second MacDonald government with its open policy of imperialism, war prep- aration, capitalist rationalization, arbitration and. wage-cutting. The labor government has already provided the workers with suf cient The proof of its real social-fascist character. nd: as the most cl cotton dispute s' example. The soc scist government forcec 500,000 workers to accept a wage reductior of 6% per and now comes the Ma Millan report, another attempt of the govern ment to force tipon 200,000 woolen workers reduction in wages i o an important we:pon the | rnment to force upon workers wag ové of the impertant weapc st rationa’ for the cafryiny: out of ¢: tien. In work of the trade uijion bureaucracy takes the most active participation. At no other time e history of the labor movement of Great Britain was there such a complete merging of the trade unions with the state apparatus. The trade unions ‘are at present mere agencies of the “Labor” government through d which it carries out its policy of r: arbitration and wage-cutting. Th of the complete capitulation of the trade unio! buréaucracy- to the employers and the “Labor” government. labor govert Sell Out Workers. Arbitration clauses are being at present in- troduced in many agreements. The reactionary Tailors and Garment Workers Union concluded an agreement which provides for arbitr: machinery for settlement of all disputes the steel industry and many other trade: ilar agreements between the social- i trade union leaders and the employers were arrived-at. In brief, the trade union bureau- eracy is-lined up with the government and the employers against the working class. This combined pressure of the state, em- ployers and trade union apparatus upon the working class has led to a rapid development of militancy among tHe workers. This mili- tancy expressed itself in the rapidly growing wave of strikes of the strike-breaking bureau- cracy and the police measures of the “Labor” government. During the last year strikes have taken place in the mining, textile, railway, metal working industry, in the shipyards, the building trades, etc. These strikes are sympto- matic of the growing radicalization of the masses; they are the expression of the grow- ing revolt of the masses against the govern- ment of capitalist rationalization and its obe- dient tools, the social-fascist trade union lead- ers. Organization of Minority Movement. Under these conditions it is interesting to examine the organization of the Minority Move- ment, to ascertain why the Minority Move- ment under these favorable conditions failed to establish itself as the only leader cf the ra- dicalized workers in the trade union field. The answer to this serious question is very simple: the leadership of the nority Move- ment until very recently failed to apply the new line of the Red International Labor Unions as laid down in the resolutions of the Fourth Congress. This failure expressed itself in the following: (1) Failure to reorgan the Minovi: Movement on the ba: of factory and pit Committees. (2) Inability to initiate strikes which is the result of the underestimation of the workers to fight capitalist rationalization. (8) The continuation of old policies and tactics which were, condemned by the R.I.L. U,, such as legalism, constitutionalism, “make the reformist leaders fight” policy, under- estimation of the role of the unorganized, ete. Reorganization. The problem of reorganizing the Minority Movement on the basis of factory and pit com- mittees-is not a new one. It has been raised many times. The main thesis of the Fourth Congress of the R.I.L.U. called upon all sec- tions to concentrate their activities in the fac- tories, shops, among the masses. “Every work- shop, every factory,” states the main thesis, “must” become our fort ” The resolution “On the Tasks of th rity Movement” stated that “there sha! the maximum ef- fort to organize the indiviual membership on a pit, shop or factory group basis, which is the basic unit of the organization.” Two years have passed since the Fourth Congress of the R.I.L.U. was held and very little was accomplished in this field. Only recently (January, 1930) did the Minority Movement realize the absolute need of recon- structing the Minority Movement on the fac- tory basis thus transforming it into an organ- feation having its roots in the factories, and able to develop on a wide scale the united front from below in order to mobilize the work- ers in the factories, organized and unorganized, against the alliance of social-fascist “Labor” government, the trade union bureaucracy and the employers. It is this organizational weakness of the Minority Movement that accounts also for an- other fundamental weakness, which is the in- ability to initiate (prepare and call out) and lead strikes independently. While it is true that the Minority Movement has made very serious efforts to lead strikes independently, Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New. York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- hist’ Party. Send me more information. Name .. ‘Address on PIRTOT 5056. 0,0'u's 6.6 $50 0:9 a. n.¥ea's,e'sle seomeree Ultyereseeeee Age...ss. Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Pariy, 43 Eest 125th St.. New los N.Y. } it must be admitted that with the exception of very few cases (Rego, Polikoff, etc.) it lagged behind the workers. In many cases the Minor- ity Movement came into the field only when strikes broke out spontaneously, in other words, it failed to feel the pulse of the mas: it underestimated the readiness of the worker to fight capital rationalization; and as a result, the Minor Movement made no pre- paration for these strikes by setting up real functioning committees of action, elected by all workers, organized and unorganized. In he field of strike tactics and independent lead- rship many other serious S nitted, which show per of ve orms of the tactic, “make the reformist lead- rs fight.” This found its expression in the likoff strike (needle trade, May, 1929) when 1r comrades appealed to the General Council o investigate into the strike-breaking activ. ties of the reformist union. In the Austin dis- pute (March-April, 1929) the Minority Mov nent not only failed to lead the struggle in- ependently, but even agreed not to issue trike bulletins, ause some individuals on trike committee raised their objection to bee: he Why They Failed. But what is more important is the fact that en when the Minority Movement did suc- ed in leading strikes independently (Dawdon, nley, the recent seamen’s strike, etc.) it failed to lead them successfully to the very end. In many cases, the existing social fascist trade unions managed to either break the strike or to conclude some patched-up settle- ment and thus wrest the leadership from the Minority Movement. This is the best proof that our comrades in Britain, while seriously endeavoring to carry out the new line, have not yet learned how to correctly apply it. This wrong application by the Minori Movement of revolutionary strike tactics as laid down by the decisions of the Strassburg Conference and the R.I.L.U., is also connected with the underestimation of the role of the unorganized. Very little has been done by the | | Minority Movement to draw the unorganized into membership. There is still a tendency among our comrades to limit the fight to the confines of the trade union machinery, a scep- ticism with regard to the unorganized workers, a desire te limit membership in the Minority Movement to only those who possess a trade union card, there ll a real disinclination to overcome the barriers of trade union legal- ism. These tendencies really prevent the or- ganizations of the Minority Movement from drawing in the unorganized into all organs of struggle as well as retard in general ihe drive of the Minority Movement towards the factories. Serious Mistakes. Finally, it must be pointed out that during the period following the Fourth Congress of the R.LL.U. very serious mistakes were com- mitted by the Minority Movement, which were due to the mechanical continuation of old right wing policies condemned more than once by the Executive of the R.LL.U. To prove this point it is sufficient to mention some impor- tant cases: (1) In the formation of the U. M. S. our comrades failed to carry out the correct line as laid down by the R.LL.U., and for a long time persisted in their policy of inde on, tradi- sm, legalism and constitutionalism; this effect upon the organization of the U. M. S. which could, considering the objective | situation then existing in Scotland, much better start and a broader base; | (2) In relation to Cook and other so-called | lefts, an incorrect policy was carried out by the leadership of the Minority Movement. late as November-December, 1928, when it was already clear that Cook had become a traitor, round table negotiations were still carried on with him; this is the most glaring example of the wrong understanding of the united front tactic, which was understood by many of our comrades as reducing itself to agreements with trade union leade: the failure to understand that “the united front can only then have a strong basis if it is the result of intensive work among the masses, ete.” (Second R.I.L.U. Congress decision) ; (3) In regard to the building of a seamen’s union, the leadership of the Minprity Move- ment, in spite of the decisions of the R.I.L.U., failed to carry out the necessary preparatory, campaigns in this direction. Instead, it con- tinued for a long time the policy of appealing to Bevin “to act,” “to organize the seamen,” ete. These are some of the fundamental errors of the Minority Movement which undoubtedly had some influence in preventing the develop- ment and growth of the Minority Movement in accordance with the tremendous tasks and responsibilities which the movement in Britain places upon it. At present our comrades in Britain not only recognize these mistakes, but take serious steps in order to overcome them. The last plenum of the Minority Movement, held in January, passed a number of important resolutions which lay the basis for transform- ing the Minority Movement into a real revolu- tionary trade union organization with a mass base, and able to ensure solidarity and the greatest striking power. Fake Eight-Hour Bill. LONDON.—A fake eight-hour bill has been introduced into Parliament by Miss Margaret Bonfield, minister of labor, so that it can be gracefully killed. The wording of the measure is done so trickily that even if it passes the bosses can force the workers to stay on the job any number of hours. Millions of workers are not even included in the bill. The whole pro- ject is just another step of the Labor Gov- ernment to hide its open imperialist charac- ter under a flood of phrases. Margaret Bon- field has repeatedly led the attacks of the bosses against the great mass of British un- employed workers. Like the rest of the social- fascists in the “labor” government, she heart- ily backs the Mond plan to speed up the work- ers left on the job, so that the employers can reap greater profits. The Daily Werker is the Party's hest instrument to make contacts umong tke masses of workers, to | Luild a mass Communist Party- have a | the R. By I. YUZEFOVICH, (The Tenth Anniversary of RILU.) ULY, 1950, marks ten y mation of the Red Intert Unions. This new revolution world trade w July 1920, wit the C.C.T.U. taking dir tive and a most lively part in its or; at fitst went under the national T: Union rds, at its F ened on July International of In its appeal i g International Trade Union Council d unconciliatory war upon all op mer within the trade union mo marked down its principle line and_polic “The new General Headquarters of the revol tionary union movement,” the a reads, cing about 8,000,000 workers, which is now t to begin its i upon the trade to put an end to and i connection with those elements wh e carrying on criminal policy of conci with the be relent the geoisie, and rally to the bann struggle for the lib ed peoples the world over. on of ‘Op From the very beginning of its activity the International Trade Union Council came out sharply against the Amsterdam Trade International, waging a bitter fight ag “The International Council declares stead of peace, against the Council of and Industrial Unions of the bourgeoisie, thereby defines the substance of its activity. Our program stands for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie by force and the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat; for the waging of a merciless class struggle on an in- ternational scale; and the maintainence of close, unbreakable connections with the Com- munist International. Slander and Hatred, The leaders of the reformist trade unions, lined up under the banner of the Amsterdam Trade Union International responded to the formation of the revolutionary center of the world trade union motement by means of slan- der and hatred. While on the other hand, all foremost revolutionary class-conscious elements of the labor movement throughout the world rallied to and closed up their ranks around the militant banner of the Red International of Labor Unions. Ten years of the R.I.L.U.—are years of con- tinuous struggle for the masses and against the policy and practice of class peace and col- laboration with the bourgeoisie, against the policy of “industrial peace’ and “economic democracy” advocated by the reformists, against world reformism. Ten years of the R.I.L.U.—a period of de- termined, relentless struggle against the anti- labor, anti-class policy, against class betrayals of the reformist leaders, decayed to the bone, who have sold themselves to the bourgeoisie and are merging to ever greater degrees with the bourgeois state- apparatus and employers associations, and making rapidly for the camp of reformis Ten years of the existence of the R.ILL.U.— are ten years of stubborn, educational activ- ities, aiming at freeing the masses from under the influence of world reformism; ten years of long: imbuing the consciousness of the wide strata of the proletarian masses with the idea of the inevitability of the fall of capitalism and the necessity of overthrowing the bour- geoisie by ay We of a socialist revolution and uv Under the Mih BUILD THE DAILY WORKER IN THE FACTORIES NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, MAY 14, 1930 tant Banner of | of capital | | \ SHES Charge Ala. FRED ELLIS ais of contin- all deviation union procitarian revou- of thé vast bulk by the revolutionary of Labor Unions dur- rid economic crisis which the period of the capi- ull along the front, pired to do away with nined during the rge by the proletariat, ism by means of rds of the working ion set in among | when its militant stance declined. ee 5 ry of the Red Interna- tional ef Labor Unions coincides with the h powerful upsurge evidenced in the revo- y labor movement. This forward move- avolved not only the more advanced { but also the toiling masses and semi-colonial countries. is practically no corner of the globe where now and again some bright revolutionary fires do not flash up, where wild roars of thunder should not reach from the economic bgttlefield or from the revolting op- pressed peoples, groaning under the heavy yoke t exploitation and struggling for their liberation. The revolutionary trade unions and the Revo- lutionary Trade Union Oppositions must start immediately through preparation activities for the tenth anniversary of the Red International of Labor Unions. The whole revolutionary trade union press, the factory papers as well as all cultural edu- cational organizations must do everything in their power that the tenth celebration of the Red International of Labor Unions involve the wide working masses, and that these celebra- tions become af important factor for their international educational activities. All preparatory activities for the Tenth R.J. L.U. Anniversary must be begun immediately. There is, indeed, very little time left, and we cannot afford to lose even one day,one hour. fr Peasants Military in Austria VIENNA, (IPS).—The official organ of the Land League, the “Extra Blatt” reports that a “Peasant Defense League” has been formed in Carinthia and affiliated to the As- sociation of Austrian Peasant Defense Leagues. The Peasant League in Carinthia intends to raise mounted detachments, sharp- shooters detachments, engineering and tele- phone companies, etc, The burial of the mem- ber of the Peasant League in Lower Styria who was stabbed to death by a member of the fas- cist Heimwehr, was made the occasion of a display of strength on the part of the peasant league and peasant detachments and delega- The Language Press and General Party Campaigns By LOUIS KOV . N examination of our language papers pro- vides us with a sufficient number of facts proving that there is a basic shortcoming in the relation of the language p: of our Party to the general Party campaigns. Compared to the Lovestonian past, when our language pr were organs of semi-independent bodies, we miles ahead. Still, these organs did a not keep pace sufficiently with the sw ward stride of our Party, as a whole. soil of deepening capitalist crises and sharp- ening class antagonism arises a more and more unified working-class action, under the leader- ship of the only Party of the wurking class, the Communist Party, and the revolutionary unions, But in the field of foreign language propaganda and organization we still witness the many “special language campaigns” sepa- rated from the general problems and strug- gles of the American working cla: The same mistake is repeated in other forms, when prop- aganda and organization is separated. Many of our papers treat the growing num- ber of arrests as a proof of the growing class terror of the state power as one thing and the campaign to draw the workers into the Inter- national Labor Defense as another thing. How could it otherwise be explained, that, although every day brings news of mass ar- rests, there are papers which do not even men- tion the name of the I. L, D.? Lack of Attention. In four issues of the “Eteenpain” only one had anything to say about the I. L. D. In three issues of Tribuna Robotniczi only one, in three of “Amerikas Zhina,” one; four Freiheit,” one; five is: of “Vilnis issues of “Toveri, 23 five issues of “Radnik,” one; four i of “Rovnost Ludu,” one contained an article news item connecting events with the role the I. L. D. “Novi Mir” in three issues had nothing to say on the I. L. D, The rest of the papers did somewhat better. For winning the majority of the American working class for revolutionary struggle against the capitalist system, for establishing the independent leadership of the revolution- ary forces in the economic struggles, which are at this period political struggles as well, it is necessary to organize even greater masses to the revolutionary unions affiliated to the Trade Union Unity League. The campaign for 50,000 new members is going on. There is really no workers’ problem today which could not be closely linked up with the building of the T, U. U. L. Even the smallest inner so- ciety question, like raising the dues payment of the members, or cutting down sick benefits, are very closely related with this task. Rais- ing dues payment and unemployment, cutting sick benefits and rationalization, wage cuts, ete., and the necessity of the new unions, shop corsmittees unemployment councils, are all links in the same chain. If correctly connected together, this chain leads the readers of our language press from national seclusiveness and isolation into the main channels of work- ing-class action, Their social outlook is thus widened into class outlook. T. U. U. L. Campaign. But when we come to the question of the L. campaign, we see that at the time of the campaign Novy Mir in three issues has nothing on it. Amerikas Zhina in two ues out of three has nothing to say about Vilnis in four out of five, Laisve in five out of six, Ny Tid in two out of three, Tover- itar- in two, Uus Elm in three out of four, it. Saznanie in 2 out of three is silent about the . L. Freiheit, Uj Elore, Tyomis, Em- s better than the others in this respect. When we come to the campaign of the Daily Worker, the central organ of our Party, the picture is still worse. The irrefutable facts prove and no talk can contradict it, that most of the leading comrades of the language bu- reaus and papers even today think that a language paper has as its task only to keep up itself and widen its own bases. So far as keeping up these papers and widening their bases is concerned, this is correct. But at the same time every language organ of the Com- munist Party must be an effective instrument in widening the bases of the Daily Worker. The campaign of the Daily Worker is a major campaign for the whole langue press also, At the time of the Daily Worker circulation drive jn the following number of issues there was not » single word printed on this drive: Freiheit, 4; Uj Elore, 3; Novy Mir, 3; Vilnis, 5; Il Lavoratore, 2; Avangardia, 1; Der Ar- beiter, 2; Obrana, ‘ e, 3; Tyomis, Radnik, Uus Im and Ukrainian Daily News showed more interest in the Daily Worker campaign. The rest of the papers paid very little attention to it. Most of the papers participated in the Weekly Young Worker campaign, since the material sent out needed no translation. The column is printed in Eng! But independent of this, there was no effort to intensify this important campaign worth mentioning. On the Southern Weekly drive the Tyomis, Punikki, Eteenpain and Uus Elm did good work. The others are more or less good, but ; rather more lagging behind. For instance, the breaking into the South with a Communist paper, as a great factor in the struggles of the Southern workers generally and of the Ne- groes particularly, did not impress very much many editors. On Elections. On the congressional and state election cam- paign few papers printed the few articles sent out by the Congressional Election Campaign Committee of the Central Committee, There is a tendency again to wait with the election campaign up to the last months and to print only the articles sent out by the Center. Both is incorrect, The election campaign is a polit- ical unificaton of all our struggles (and there is many of them) in all problems affecting the working class. Therefore, there is no need , to wait for ready-made articles but lead every | campaign as to a central point, to the election} campaign. The struggles within the ruling | classes, the grafts, the ‘anti-working-class ac-_ tions of the social fascists and the Musteites must be exposed in the language press in the } light of the election campaign. ‘ About half of our language press did not }{ print as yet the theses prepared for the Party. j convention. It is explained only by the wrong conception, that documents like this is only for the central organ. But there are many, | comrades who do not understand sufficiently } English. And, besides this consideration, aj Party thesis is not only for Party members, It is an important document for a wide circle | of “mpathizers and for the whole working | clas: In all the issues of the different language. papers critically reviewed there was none which 1 published the articles and news items sent out j by the Workers’ International Relief. The} more serious it is when not only these articles | should be published, but many events. shouldy be connected up with the function and role of the W. I. R. | The Friends of the Soviet Union is only oc«; casionally mentioned in a very few papers, | The struggle against imperialist war and the «| defense of the Soviet Union is not sufficiently | reflected in the pages of our language papers. { They are measured according to their “news value,” which is wrong. Statement of our in« ternational bodies (Communist . International, | Red International of Labor Unions, West Eu<’ ropean Secretariat, Balkan Federation, ete.)}, are rarely printed in our papers, It must be, understood that, without the publication of these important documents, we fail to develop | the international solidarity of the working. class to the extent necessary. A few papers still show some similarities to club papers, The Language Bureaus must urgently and: thoroughly discuss all these shorteomings, ar- range editorial conferences and examine these | shortcomings as soon as they arise. i tions were present from all parts of the coun- try. India and the Negro Workers By JAMES W, FORD. Tae power and swing of the colonial revolu- tionary movement is centered today in India. Here the great colonial upsurge which sweeps from Africa to Aisa and Latin Amer- ica in the struggle for liberation from imper- jalist exploitation and oppression, is expressed in the sharpest form. The economic crisis which broke loose last fall is now seen involving the whole world. The price of material of the colonies are de- preciating. Unemployment is reaching un- heard of proportions. Untold poverty exists in all the colonies, particularly in the Negro colonies, and amongst the Negro masses in general. The imperialists are in a life and death struggle, both between themselves and against local native capitalists for the already limited colonial markets. Speed-up methods are put into effect in the colonies as in the capitalist countries. Squeezing the Workers. As a result of all this, we see greater ex- ploitation in the colonies, the cutting of wages, the extending of the work day, the general low- ering of the already low standard of living and the driving of natives from the best lands. Against the effects of this, the colonial mass- es are in revolt, The workers in the industries are leading—uniting and giving direction to the whole revolutionary movement, including great peasant revolts. Significance of India. It is in this connection that India today is of such great significance for the world revo- lutionary movement and particularly the Negro workers. The Indian workers have been the leaders and the initiators of the great wave of revolt against British imperialism, which has been shown by a great number of strikes that have taken place in India, and are thus giv- ing leadership and direction for the whole revolutionary wave of the peasants and the most exploited masses of India, pushing the movement forward with great militancy, on past the bounds of Gandhi’s passive resist- ance philosophy. | 1 The Role of the “Labor” Government, | The imperialists, through the British “La- bor” (chauvinist) government are using the! mest brutal and repressive measures against! the Indian toiling masses. Each day’s dispatch-| es report hundreds killed and wounded, shot down by the soldiers of the British “labor” government, but the revolting Indian masses continue to move forward, they are leading) a militant attack directed against world im-! perialism. Besides guns and airplanes, tear gas and bombs the imperialists find other means to attempt to check this growing revolt of the Indian toilers. Already Gandhi stands in the road of this great Indian upsurge, attempting to block it. He tries to lead the Indian masses from militant struggle into the road of “pas« sive resistance,” for this the British imperial+ ists are glad and thankful, Gandhi plays his role as a petty-bourgeois lawyer and middle class leader, betraying the great masses of Indian toilers. For the Negro toilers this In- dian revolutionary movement has the greatest lessons, Already the eceonomie crisis, and the result« ant intensified speed-up has produced mass unemployment amongst Negroes. Thousands are working part time, at least a half million are unemployed, and wages are being slashed right and left. In the South millions of Ne- groes on the farms are being pushed down to greater poverty as a result of the farm crisis, lynch-law and mob vengeance is on the up grade, 3 The American Negro petty-bourgeoisie are erying, “We need a Gandhi in America,” but for every Gandhi in India there are a hundred Negro petty-bourgeois betrayers of the Negro toilers in America. What the Negro toilers need is the leadership of and participation in a powerful revolutionary trade union movement . + 2