The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 17, 1930, Page 3

gy VV VvVvErr we VV Ty ww ev wee ™ pAfLy WoRKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY. MAY 17, ey) NEWS AND VIEWS ON SPORTS AND LABOR the much touted welterweight champion, lost his title to “Young” Jack Thompson, a Negro, in a fifteen-round bout May 8} Detroit. The writer predicted in aprevious-article that the only! way Thompson could win is by a knockout route, This opinion was ade on the basis of discrimination im sports age inst the Negroes, Well, {Thompson did not knock Fields out,® mae f t read this from the New von! ‘Hungry? Have a War’, es: fase nn battered Fields aa Ponvincingly that Referee Elmer| ee McLelland, one of the coun- | 's foremost ring arbiters, had no | ther course (emph: mine) than | Bo raise aloft the -right hand of | Bhompson in token of victory.” | If there had been any other course | SB claim of foul, imaginery or other- the referee would have yaeeee to use it. Thompson had to be very carecull| With his dukes, By beating Fields | isively with these handicaps he’s proven to be in a class by | Piscrimination in boss fgainst the Negro profes: onal or) amateur sportsmen is a part of the} general discrimination of Negroes. Wip best way to fight is to build} aryl support workers’ sports, where | orker sportsmen are equal, gardless of race or color. ACKIE FIELDS, ’ not Hoover’s game—keep lying to the jobless and telling them they can find work, and get the coun- try into imperialist war so they will be drafted before they find out there are no chances for work. LET US ALL INVESTIGATE On several occasions in the past | BY HARRISON GEORGE the writer has contended in his ar-| The House of Representatives of ticles that the ‘ious state boxing | the capitalist congress has before it i 2 nothing less thanja proposal, in fact several propos- committees of the | als to “investigate” the Commun- Here is definite proof | i Now, it stands to reason that We quote the|if the capitalists, your bosses, take “Jacobs (man- | the Communists seriously enough to Boxing Commissions Executives of Trusts. the executive boxing trust. of this contention. New York Telegram: ager of Schmeling) upon learning | “investigate” them, it is because the| that the Boxing Commission had or- | said bosses are getting afraid that ign a contract | you, yes, YOU! are not safe to run) the first de-|loose in the same shop as the Com- | for fear you would catch dered Schmeling to with the Garden for fense of his title if he wins it, sig. ' niinists, nified his willingness to the ar-| Communism and then something bad rangements.” The } Y. State |for the boss but good for you would | Boxing Commission d the man-!happen. Therefore, these moves to- agement of the ) 1 Garden are | ward the aim of outlawing the Com- practically the same. 1f Schmeling |munist Party. wins the title it will 1 remain! This being the case, don’t you the property of Madison Square | {think it’s a good idea for the workers Garden. | themselves to “ tigate the Com- |munists?” Fortunately, the Com- Paul Ahola and Bill Kuosman | munists are right willing to be in- vestigated by workers, in fact they {have offered all workers a chance aul pla, the anding track . : : i er ee eee to investigate the Communist Party and field athlete a SMSO) | nidtte progeniny another well-known L. S. U. athlete, |°" Oe ee ; eet hoon selected by the Labor|, The Communist Party has nothing i 4, to hide from the workers. It pub- Union to represent it at the |; ne oee Du 2 |lishes its opinions, its programs, its International Meet in /* pase acuee eerie Paul Ahola is resolutions, so every worker can au ae 7 find out just what the Communists Go to Berlin. the holder « the high and broad! stand for by consulting the Commun- ump L. 8. U. records as well as|its and z ne He he 110 yard hurdles, He is also|8t8 and not some anti-Communist ee of several L, S. U. indoor’ Sucker of the bosses. AHISEanie ane a enn Gaetan ;.__ It is going to hold a national con- aril known fon his ability in the|Yention next month, and being a well known for his ability in the really democratic organization it the mile : yaaa ae e ; ee consults its members on the Thesis gation, along with a (the statement or proposal) drawn up by the Central Committee on the Economic and Political Situation. | But, more! It even invites all workers who are earnestly desirous of advancing the interests of the working cl: to participate with the members of the Communist Party in discussing its Thesis, .to attend its meetings where the cor. rectness of the Thesis is being ued, to write for its paper, the ily Worker” on their opinion- whether they are members of the sresentativé of the Canadian Sports Ass’n and another t from the opposition group of the rican Lucerne section should up well in the rela well in the individual even All workers organizati contribute funds to help f i s Send ns should ance this contribu- Ave. 96 Fifth w York City. ; 304, N .. §, U. National Instructors | Training School. Party or not. A five weeks course of physical] The Communist Party’ publishes—| instruction and education of leader-| just off the press—a pamphlet of | ship of the workers sports move-|96 pages that sells for 25c, which ment will be held in Detroit from} gives not only the general “Thesis”, | July 1 till August 7. The courses|but seven resolutions dealing with will include elements of political{ particular tasks and problems which education, theory and practice of | grow out of the viewpoint and pro- gymnastics and various sports as! posals of the Thesis. well as leadership of workers sports., For if a worker might think that Workers defense will also be a big|he couldn’t begin to dispute points item on the school’s agenda. The fee,in the main Thesis, he certainly for the five weeks course, includ-| would be fully able and deeply inter- ing tuition, room and board is only | ested in discussing the points of the 1$50.00. | “Resolution on Building the Trade Union Unity League”, for example; or the Resolution on the work of the The national convention of the| work of the Communists in Chicago \G. S. U. will be held in Detroit this | (No. 8) District, where the practic- ‘year, on August 1, 2 and 3. Work- }al application of the policies is shown ‘ing class organizations should pre-|in detail and how they worked out pare to send in delegates. Delegates |in mines, shops, etc., gives anybody | should be elected from the trade|an interesting picture of how a nipns and factory committees. All|;Communist Party district is run, «fker sportsmen in the factories, the difficulties it meets and over-, ri mines should send a representa-| comes, the way some make mistakes | ive to this convention. ‘on policy and how the Party corrects | such mistakes. Eastern District of L. S. U. Another Resolution which all the} The second indoor swimming meet textile mill bosses at least will! f the L. S. U. will be held in New, read—will be the Resolution on Our ork on May 23, in the evening, at ‘Tasks in the South. If the bosses | he West 28th Street Bath House. read Communist programs in order | Il workers wanting to enter should to fight them, why shouldn't all) end in their entry to the Eastern; Workers read them to see what, istrict L.S.U. at 2 West 15th St.,makes the bosses so sore? Certain- | |ly every Southern worker who has | MORENO LORDRe |heard about Gastonia, and many Northern workers also can free themselves only by aiding their) southern comrades, certainly all! these will be interested in finding out just what this Communist Reso- | dution on the South says. There are four other resolutions, | one on the “Organization of Fac- tory Nuclei”—which is one of the) chief tasks of the Communists. | Another is on Communist “Frac- tions”, which explains so that any- one can understand, just why, and how and what for, the Communist Party has its members organized in other organizations, such as trade unions. This has been a cause for labor fakers to howl their heads off, | but here the Communists tell just. why it is necessary for workers’ in- terests, », just how it is done. The last owe resolutions give the Communist policy on revolutionary work of agitation and organization L.S.U. National Convention. The Workers’ Soccer Associa- tion of the Labor Sports Union has scheduled four fine soccer zames at the Dyckman Oval for this Sunday. The teams of the S. A. have shown on many asions that they can supply as ood and in some cases better soccer entertainment that U. S, Ff, A. amateur and pro teams. This Sunday will mark the ending of the regular soccer sea- son. Starting May 25 the W. S. A, begins its national cup elim- ination games, which will wind ap July 4, 5 and 6 in Detroit in} the semi-finals and finals. The schedule for this Sunday is: Italian F. C. vs. Rangers. Prospect Unity vs. Spartacus. Polish Americans vs. Bronx F.C. vs. Italian F. C, “B.” Directions to the field are: ‘fake Seventh Ave. Broadway ubway and get off at Dyckman stop. Field is one block off. *Thesis and Resolutions for the Seventh National Convention of the, Central Committee Plenum March Bl--April 4 1930, 96 p. 250 TROTSKY’S ESTIMATE of TROISKY BY EARL BROWDER y Life” by Leon Trotsky, bner’s, N. Y., 583 pp.) VIVID self- portrait by Trotsky, much more revealing, surely, than its author intended, is given jin this book. It is primarily a po- litical platform of struggle against | the Communist Party of the Soviet |Union and the Communist Interna- | tional, written in all the terms of | entirely too modest, or he is an out- | “literature” and with all the skill of | a trained journalist. It will be| highly praised by the bourgeois critics for its literary qualities. | Revolutionary workers will examine | ‘it for its political implications, for \the book is a political weapon dir: jected against the world party of the | pro} Netariat. The theme of the book Trotsky happened to become sub- ordinated politically to Lenin, al- political superior; though Lenin’s how he then planned to “come into ae own” when Lenin died; and how ie “degenerate” leadership of. the Coainene movement entered into |a conspiracy to despoil the great} ly | Trotsky of his inheritance this rather trite yah the book is built up. A “Complex” of Shoes Rallies Trotsky’s own hint that |he found psychoanalysi cinating”, our eyes are caught by} @ paragraph which seems to give |a psychoanalytic clue to Trotsky’s ; “complex”; by the use of Freud’s ble to understand why a trivial incident of Trotsky’s | youth, soon after he met Lenin. method it is p related on page 149, remained fixed so long in his mind, acquired the force of a symbol, and finally was lembodied in his autobiography | The incident, as related by Trotsky, is as follows: “An utterly unmusical reminis- cence is always associated ins my mind with this visit to the opera. In Paris Lenin had bought him- self a pair of shoes that had turned out to be too tight. As fate would have it, I badly needed 1 a new pair of shoes just then. was given Lenin’s, and at firs thought they fitted me perfectly. The trip to the opera was all right. But in the theatre I began to have pains. On the way home I suf- fered agonies, while Lenin twitted me all the more mercilessly be- cause he had gone through the same thing for several hours in those very shoes.” Let each amateur Freudian give his own detailed analysis of this most interesting paragraph. For us it is sufficient that Trotsky’s rul- ing idea, from the time he met Lenin, was connected in one way or occupying Lenin’s | another with shoes, that is his position as the leader of the Russian ists. Trotsky the Menshevik. Shortly after the incident of the shoes came the split of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party into *This review is reprinted here with the permission of the “New M. a for which it was originally written. It will also be published in the June | issue of the “New Masses”.—Ed. is how Around | detective-story | as revolution- the Bolsheviks led by Lenin and the' ates—Trotsky’s contemptuous Mensheviks under Martoy. Trot- for the overwhelming majority of sky went with the Mensheviks. the Bolshevik leade This char- From that time on he was engaged acteristic trait finds its adverse ex- in political struggle against Lenin almost continuously until 1917., Most of that period he was either a! member of the Mensheviks or in a bloc with them against the Bolshev- pression in Trotsky’s recurring re- cital of various incidents in which he generously and with high-minded condescension rewards his faithful vants, like an aristocrat to the manor born, Where Is the Working Class? Speaking of his early days in Nikolayev—1896 — Trotsky unwill- ingly gives further insight into his petty-bourgeois mental processes, precisely when he is trying to show how well he understands the working telass. He says: “Never in my later life it seems, did I come into such intimate contact with the plain workers as in Nikolayev. At that time I had no ‘name’, and there was With these facts in mind, it be- comes obvious that Trotsky is either |rageous political charlatan. For on jone hand he disclaims the existence of “Trotskyism”, that is dis@laims | any distinctive political line, while on |the other hand he claims to have! | been correct in all his. principle poli- ‘ical positions at that time. He says: ‘In all conscientiousness, I cannot, \in the appreciation of the political situation as a whole and of its revo- nothing to stand between us.” In lutionary perspectives, accuse my-' this sentence can be found the full ‘self of any serious errors of judge- of the ab: between a ment.” (Page 185, Further he Lenin and a Tro quotes Joffe approvingly to the As a matter of fact is almost effect that: “Politically, you (Trot- j:;possible to find any hint of the sky) were always right, beginning existence of the working-class in with 1905, and I told you repeated- this book. It exists only to provide that with my own ears [ had \a dark background which throws into heard Lenin admit that even in 1905 ‘higher relief the brilliant exploits of |you, and not he was right.” (Page Trotsky, and the deep virtue of loyal 5 If these and a hundred other se;vice to Trotsky. As for the Party |elaims of Trotsky were true, then jt fares even worse; it really seems jit is a historical forgery to speak of at times as if the revolution was |Leninism, for Trotsky, if he himself jade not by but in spite of the very, EE to be relied upon, was Lenin’s Bolshevik party. Not even the Red leader. Upon that question every-' Army, which provided Trot with one must form his own judgment; but Trotsky himself, by his false! much better, humility before a Leninism which | he secretly scorns, demonstrates knowledge that very few: indeed will believe it. Never in his reader see or feel that Army; it is completely obscured by the dram- atic figure of Trotsky strutting in the front, or sitting at his telephone giving “historic” order: x up the whole perspective of the picture. For Trotsky it is evident that the Army éxisted only as an extension of his own personality. “How Th* height of vulgarity y Trotsky, however, when in chap ter 41 he explains “How I lc power”! The-very formulation is a petty bourgeois, anti-Bolshevik for- mulation. “I, Trots had power his was taken away fr conspiracy of the degenerate leader- ship of the Party headed by Stalin. Stalin seized power, because he was the outstanding medioc: “More Imagination Than Truth According to the picture Trotsky ives us, Lenin really did not in- fluence the course of the revolution at decisive moments very much, ex- cepting to that extent in which he supportetl_ Trotsky and protected him against his natural .enemies, the members of the Central Com- mittee of the: Bolshevik Par That is about the only important function assigned to Lenin >y Trot- sky. For that he expressed much lgratitude. This gratitude, however, lis accompanied by such an arrogant condescencion as would be unbe- jlievable to one who does not read Trotsky’s lines with his own eyes. He thinks it important to record for party of mediocrities,” example, that Lenin was “greatly substance of his whole app , pleased” and even “somewhat em- and view of the conflict which led barrassgd” when Trotsky compli- to his ejection from the Soviet Union mented him on “the enormous) by the dictatorship of the proletar- amount of statistical data analyzed |jat. Every worker will understand in Lenin’s book on Russian capital-| by this formulation alone, why it ism” (page 144). Perhaps Lenis| was necessary for the dictatorship really was “somewhat embarrassed” | to remove Trotsky from all positions by such a compliment, but if so, who! where he could menace its stability. can blame him? The incident is| |The dictatorship of the proletaria typical. Usually Trotsky relies upon’ can have no more dangerous or in, intimate gossip to create an at- dious enemy than a leader inside mosphere of close relations between himself and Lenin, contrasting that | with a picture of perpetual weal | between Lenin and the Central Com- mittee of which he was the leader-| health first showed signs of failing, Two Categories | Trotsky already s “conspiracy” For Trotsky there were only two |to cheat him out of his “legacy” categories of men in the leading | Lenin’s shoes. He lets Lenin know positions in the Revolution: First, | that he is preparing to fight the there were his own “loyal” and per- | Central Committee. Lenin’s -fforts |sonal followers, and+ second there to prevent this fight, Trotsky with were the , cpigones” , the degener-| the most elaborate reports of private I Lost Power” is reacl of personal power. The Shoes Again At the moment when i | his chief claim to fame, comes off, whole } tory is Trotsky able to make the} its apparatus who thinks in terms ,, Lenin’s and of | label! conversations and intimate thoughts, builds up into “the campaign that Lenin, opened”, which “had its immediate object,the creation of the best conditions for my work of dir- ection, either side by side with him if he regained* his health, or in his place if he succumbed to his illness.” After this unblushing exposure of his own inner mental workings at this period, of his conception of Lenin’s authority as something akin to the divine right of kingship which should be transmitted to Trotsky upon Lenin’s death, of his i maneuverings and struggle to s ordinate the enti leadership to his individual will, culminating in his organization of a fraction throughout the Party, a seperate party organization and hostile street demonstrations, 1 ky still has the enormous efirontery “conspirac “Criticism by Weapons” Trotsky does not ‘report that al- dy in 1926, a year before he was expelled from the Central Committec is followers and agents boast- ing that the t v coaching when “our weapon of criticism be turned into a criticism by weap- ons.” The writer of this review cg nine months in Mos: t and had the opport t hand, nity to that ly engaged in preparing phere of an armed att the Soviet regime. The Great Man Limitations of space forbid attempt to deal with the } political issues involved in the ig struggle between Trotsky and the Bolshevik Party. Those interested in this question are referred to the columns of The Communist. Here any we have confined ourselves largely toa ing the c¢ al microscope to certair eristie angles of Trotsky’s portrait of himself. This is, certainly example of painting the 1 for no expo- ure of can be quite so ef- fective y Trotsky himself, especially as he us ages to do a job of which we here can only give int reflection in a few hundred words. A true touch of Trotskyism, the reat man” hurling his scorn and defiance at the “mediocre” ma. 2 finishes off this volume of counter- revolutionary Trot- , for his last word, quetes from the anarchist, Proudhon, the follow- vituperation. 1 laugh at it; and at are too ignorant, ne to feel annoyed at. for men, th too enslaved for them.” To which Trptsky responds: “Those are fine i scribe to them.” After such a book, onger be surprised that Trotsky finds such a lucrative market for his writings in the capitalist press among the publishers? And who can doubt that the book will have a wide circulation among the bourgeoisie, to revive their fading hopes for the downfall of the Soviet Union? But the workers will have for it nothing but the contempt which is especially reserved for renegad words. sub- who should NEW PAMPHLETS Thesis and Resolutions for the Sev- enth National Convention of the Communist Party of U. S. A. By Central Committee Plenum, March 31-April 4, 1930; 25 cenis. The Trade Union Unity League American Section of the R. I. L. U.), its Program, Structure, Meth- ods and History. |Published by the T. U. U. L., New York; 29 p. Finance Capital in Papel Robes. A Challenge. , By N. Bukharin. Friends of the Soviet Union, y 23p.; 10¢. Sedition! To Protest and Organize Against War, Hunger and Unem- ployment. By J. Louis Engdahl; 31 p.; dc. uage groups of workers in the nited States, and—a “Resolution on Keeping New Members”. You see, just these last few months, over six thousand woykers joined the Communist Party, 85% ot them industrial workers and 15% of these industrial workers being Negroes. The Communist Party is very much aware of the fact that sometimes the Party doesn’t make the new member feel “at home”, that the local organization where | the new member comes in doesn’t work right and gets the worker who comes to the Party full of enthusi, asm and fight, all upset end “dis- gusted. Such a condition is not the wish of the Central Committee, and so | its resolution in this pamphlet, tells | not only what’s wrong with some of its subordinate organizations and} members that drives away workers | who join the Communist Party, but ‘how to correct wrong attitudes de- the Ukraine Social veloped from past methods and! forms that are now all out of date. It is most necessary that every; | Party members read this and all the other resolutions. Still more nec- essary that they discuss them in the Party meetings and press. And it} will be highly valuable for both) Party members and workers, if these non-party workers among the many millions of lang- give the Party their opinion on the correspondence |“Thesis and Resolutions” Get) Seventh National Convention. that 96-page pamphlet for \Communist Party of U. S. A. by | through any orgenization of the| living. Communist investigate! Party; and let's all! non-party | for the! |THE AMERICAN WORKERS national Miabor Defense and | Union of Socialist Soviet Repu Comrades write to us: r Com On May 1 we are sending to you | demonstrations your solidarity with | | Truda. the land of the Soviets, and w' prove to the social-fascists and s cial traitors that the hour of their destruction and the hour of the rev- | olution is drawing near. | | We know that in many capitalist countries blood will flow of our comrades. but we also know very! )well that the capitalist terror shall not scare you; it jvill only hasten ‘the proletariat for the final battle ae against capitalism. | The May Day demonstration in Remember! Comrades! |Grand Rapids had more than 3,500 Our slogan is: “Fulfill the Five | Present in spite of rain. Pat Vrary, Year Pan in Four Yea | Organizer of the Trade Union Unity The workers of the Soviet Union League, delivered the strongest initiated a new industrial loan which attack on the city administration jis called “Five Year Plan in four ever made. A Red banner was years, | carried proudly over the demonstra- Our city, Kharkovy the capital of ‘tion. ist’ Republics, is| Two hundred workers came to the being transformed into a gigantic evening mass meeting and made a industrial city. ' strong protest against the terror in | The latest achievement of tech- the schools. Kowalski, from Detroit, | made the speech of the evening. Penalize Youth The day following the demonstra- tion saw members of the Young VUK de Esperantistoj. Write as you fight! bE: worker correspondent. ome a nique are applied in construction in this city. In this city the workers will not only have social nutrition, but also social education of the chil- dren, Comrades, on May 1 remember the importance of international League of Union High kept out of ‘classes. They were sent first to the school principal and then sent to the Comrade:, friends, the workers! Superintendent of Schools, who took now construct a new world, where them into his office and grilled them yor joy, where life is worth | one at a time, trying to get informa- tion out of them and scare them, Inter- | Long live the Communist Inter- | inational, Red ‘Trade Unions, to act as stoolpigeons, our warm comradely greetings from | Pshkinskaja_ 24. “Komsomolec the many millions of Ukrainian |Ukrainy.” Kharkov, | placo en. la workers. jnomo Teveleva 3. “Kharkovo Pro- | leto.” Kharkov, St. K. Libknehta, | On May you will show with your 31, “pluganin” Kharkov, Dvorce MAY DAY GREETINGS TO. if Conditions Become a Write About Your for The Daily Worker. _fage T! Three _ YOUNG WORKER ON. JAIL EX LINE with capitalist “justice”, Young Communist League, were eI they were distributing leaflets, the workers in the Keyser factory ir tile Workers Union and to strike ¢ on May D: Quick With Club or Pen Grover Whalen, who had th obless clubbed, fight t fares, won't let yo across the sinocte if yout want to, does ake one awful hash of « forgery. By By MIRRTA} BONNER. For some days before March 18, ellow placards on the kiosks pro- claimed in red letters to the inhabi- tants of Berlin that on March 18 at 7:30 o’clock, there would be in the orts Palace, a meeting of “der Roten Hilfe” (the Red Aid). On March 17 at 3:30 in the after- noon the Communists had planned to have a funeral march and burial for the two comrades who had died from the injuries they received in the demonstration of the unemployed n March At midday I read in! ie Welt am Abend” that the pol- had prevented the procession by € er taking the bodies to the mor- tuary in the cemetery. Many Com- munists thronged to the cemetery to honor their dead and to show th police and the society they pr that against them they have one more score to settle. On March 18 in the-Reichstag wa. passed Republikschutzges which aims to crush the revoluti ary movement by making any “in- sult” to the government, to the flag, or to the officials of the government a criminal offense. New ammuni- tion was furnished for the war | against the fascist government. | On the night of March +8 when we got off the subway near the Sports Palace, we saw a policeman ‘guarding the platform (It was the first time that I had seen a police- man stationed on the subway plat- form in Berlin). In the street were many policemen: some walking in threes and some marching up and down in larger groups; some on horse; some in automobiles—all with pistol, or sword, minknuppel” (clubs). Thousands of men and women were already seated. People moved about calling, selling papers of the Communist Party. Young Commu nists shaking the money in their |boxes appealed for the support of various activities. I read the slogans around the bal- cony: “Tear to tatters the Severing Penal Law (das Republikschutz ge- sez); “The World October Breaks the Chains;” “Read and Spread Abroad ‘The Red Flag’” (the Com- munist newspaper); ‘Full Pardon for All Our Prisoners,” and “Against | the Blue Insult; for the Red Aid. | When the orchestra began to play {a march, the crowd stopped talking, looking, reading, and stood—expec- | tant. and a “gum- holdi t | »| working ¢ From one corner canfe a pro-| PERIENCES 14 young workers, members of thé arrested on flimsy charges, because ing open air meetings, and agitating,’ n Fieeea to join the National Tex ay. Judge Sabbatinni, the loud-mouthed watch dog of the ‘bosses, took a look at the workers and put their bail at $500 each for |the most of them, and $1000 for the rest of them. When the International Labor De- fense came down to get all of the information, and get the workers out on bail, at first, they wére told that there were no such prisoners. Thén the jail heads told the Inter- national Labor Defense, that they only had 3 of those pulled in. Final- ly, Buitenkant, of the ILD, went to the Gates Ave. Court to protest the high bail. Sabbatinni answered that he would do the same to every Communist arrested, and would like to beat them up, in a dark room just as he threatened once before to a Young Communist. Throughout the entire seven days that the workers spent in Raymond Street jail, the courts continually refused to accept bail on various “legal” grounds Wthen money was sent to the jail to‘ the Communists, most of it was never received and ll hasn’t been recovered by the ILD. | All the Commun arrested, even if you were only 16 years old, as was the case with one, were put in cells together with the gangsters and hardened criminals. The thieves jand murderers like Rockefeller, Morgan, Doheny, ‘Sinclair, Whalen, the Kayser Corp.. eete., pull off their tricks because they stand for the highest symbol of the capitalist state. But the petty criminals, those who were not hand in hand with the politicians and financiers are the ones who go to jail. A sailor, by the name of Robinson, honorably dis- charged from the navy, had been tramping the streets for 3 months looking for a job as a longshoreman, was pulled in and given 3 months for vagranc; Two shoe strikers daring to defend themselves against the boss, were arrested. The minute the keeper finds out that you are a Communist, you get 5 or 10 days extra. When the criminals swear and curse and use the filthiest lan- guage imaginable, it is O. K. When a keeper hears a Commun- ist defend the rights of the working and try to explain to the other oners, he gets 5 extra days. When a girl Communist dares to protest against the rotten “food”, she is put into a padded cell. In spite of all this, the 14 Communists in the Raymond Street Jail show all the other prisoners a wonderful ex- ample of Communists. They always spread propaganda on the walks. They always carry on discussions from their various cells. The Young ‘Communist League even held a class, one morning for an hour on the subject of “Communism and the Working Class’. Every night, the prisoners called for the “Bolsheviki” to talk or sing their rebel songs. When the Com- mufists left Raymond Street Jail th sang the “Internationale,” to which many prisoners tried join in singing, and even to the extent of raising their fists in the manner of the Young Communist League. ;Many of the Negro working class | prisoners left their names with the Communists and promised to come to Union Square when they left jail. The prisoners in the jail now know in what manner the Commune ists fight and as one Communist. | shouted as he was leaving, “The lonly way out to freedom for the class, #& through the over- throw of this boss*government, and s the establishment of a workers and | |farmers government.” ee cession of boys and girls, men and, ania, Greece, Mexico, Poland carried women, some holding red flags and | all speaking solemnly, determinedly | their* intention to free the proleta- riat. With the right hand uplifted, from time to time at pauses in the Pictures of the two men who had} | died from the injuries received on ‘March 6 hung at each side of the stage. The flag bearers divided, half standing by one picture and) ‘tra played the Russian Funeral | March and the audience stood. Speeches of comrades from Lithu- music, they shouted the forbidden “Red Front.” The crowd standing, | immediately shouted back “Red Front.” jhalf by the other, while the orches- | the same meaning: the overthrow of the capitalist system, the freeing of | the class war prisoners, and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. At the announce- ment of the death of a third work- er from injuries received on March 6, once more the crowd stood while | the orchestra played for a second time the Russian Funeral March. After hearing a letter from one of the prisoners, we left, but there was |no movement of restlessness, no ap- parent desire in the crowd to leave We went out of the building intc a street crowded with policemen waiting for the Communists to come out of the Sports Palace. MAY DAY’ IN GRAND RAPIDS To protest and fight against bru-|taken out of seuigela in the midst of|only told the boys to go home. tolity in the schools and the expul- sion of militant workers’ children, mass meetings and demonstrations are being arranged. Threaten Negro Girl Wednesday morning, April signs saying, “Out of Schools, May First,” were found on the sidewalks in front of Union and South High © Schools, Grand Rapids, Mich. A veign of terror was started by the agents of the bosses in charge of the schools. The superintendent of Schools, Butler, issued a statement) to be read in all the classes, which said that anyone who was out of school on May First without a good Pioneers and Young Communist | They refused either to be scaved or sidewalk. excyse would be school, One young Negro girl was threat- ened with the reform school because she said she was going to the May Day demonstratién, Three student: at South High were accused of being | the ones who had painted up the They had nothing to do ith it, but just the same they wo expelled from classes by a foolish gang of petted | football “stars” and members of the Reserve Officer’s Training Corps! out of uniform. One of the boys, ‘head with clubs and thrown under a scalding hot shower with his clothes on. The boy’s face is now |swollen way out of its usual shape. | Then the boys were taken outside jand forced to sit in water full of ‘acid and scrape at the paint on the sidewalk. Donald Ford, a member | of the Young Communist League, was also beaten up in an alley by |the same* gang of petty bourgeois | | halfwits. Some of the teachers, especially Danny Rose, physical director, in- \cited the gang to the attack. Also, | while the boys were being forced to sit in the acid water and scrape the paint, teachers stood all around | smiling among themselves. The pu- (RE were called to the scene, but) sefuend tm atom tha » and | Art Kramer, resisted their attacks | yand was brutally beaten about the! | Abe Sompolinsky who also goee to South High, was taken to school, Friday Morning by the Workers’ De- fense Corps, which waited out: the school until Abe was expelled and sent home. The cowards who | felt so patriotic and brave two days |before with “the backing of the | teachers and with the clubs in their hands, showed their yellow before the Defense Corps altho ‘hey out- | numbered it ten to one. The R. O. | T. C. was called out with fixed ba; onets and a special squad of police | was sent out. The Grand Rapids Herald seeir that the teachers and petty-bou' geois-minded students of South High were backing down, rushed to stif- fen their courage with an editorial vicious in its attack on Communist pringiples, and praising the petted ignorant bullies for their clubbing and roasting the teachers of South High for not having courage enough to admit that they did incite the [oe Sa REE O