The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 29, 1930, Page 6

{ YF Jee New York City, N ’ Page Four Squar Adare and mail all chec Published by the Comprodaity u MAY DAY GROWN TO MANHOOD AUERBACH. International May Day took a wavering and faltering chests be forward in full form f the international prole a By SOL at. As far back as 1 the workers of tralia had already created a May Day out of their struggles. cept that their May Day did not fall on May First, but on April 2 was on April 21, 1856, t ers of Victoria, Austre day, under the banne “8 hours wor “8 hou: “8 hours rest. April 21st became a Australia but it took but a f for it worke ew years untarnished working cla: char- acter t was taken out of the hands of the worke y the reformists and the government and by 1890—when there was a real interna- tional May Day to celebrate—it had become the day of the reformists and the betrayers, States similar to Labor Day in the United Another hint at May Day let slightly in San Francisco On February 9 of that 5 the cabin ers of San Francisco decided to s fight for the 9-hour day on “Moving Day” of the same year. “Moving Day” was the popu- lar term given to May First. They won their strike and the work at Los Angeles won But these struggles left just born and that’s theirs a year later. no aftermath—they were all. It was on a wave of intense conflict and the rebirth and growth of international working class solidarity that International May Day rose and developed to the meaning which it holds for us today. It sprung from the valiant struggle for the 8-hour day, carried on, not only in the United States, but also in France, England and Ger- many. This too often overlooked by labor historians, who, anxious to gather the full credit for the American working c and its brave struggle typified in “Haymarket,” are too ready to forget the international scope of the 8-hour fight. To forget that is to forget the international solidarity inherent in May Day from its very inception. By 1886 rumblings of the 8-hour fight were already heard thruout thi The fight needed direction and uni’ The Federation of Organized Trade and Labor Unions made an effort in that direction. It set aside May 1, 1886, as the day on which no one was to work more than 8 hours. The Federation did not call upon the workers to “Down Tools!” but to work only 8 hours on that day. That was their way of fighting. That was also clear- ing the ground for May Day. It was the “Chicago Anarchists,” howeve who really made the strike effective. By ag tation at the factories in Chicago, by calling upon the workers to “Down Tools!” they suc- ceeded in leading a strike of over 40,000 wor! ers in Chicago alone for the 8-hour day. The were made to pay for it. An agent provoca- teur was set to work, a bomb exploded at a mass protest meeting May 4, and Parsons, Spies and their companions were hung or given long prison terms. But on May 1, 1886, in Chicago, May Day struck its first clear note. In the heat of the 8-hour movement, whitened by -the political slogans of the anarchists, it first strode forth, as a day of struggle—not yet international but having its political as weil as its economic demands. It remained for it to become a recognized child of proletarian struggle, inter- nationally honored and developed in its poli- tical meaning. At the convention of the recently formed American Federation of Labor at St. Louis in 1888, May First, 1890, was chosen as the day from which to start the new 8-hour movement That fact is significant in the history of Day, only because it showed that American labor remembered Haymarket, altho Samuel Gompers had remained distant and aloof, and because it influenced a much more important decision. The American Federation of Labor never decided. upon or accepted May Day as an international working class day of struggle. Instead it accepted the Labor Day, first Mon- day in September, decided upon by the Central Labor Union in 1885 as a day for a holiday and a parade. The bosses and the government made that day a legal holiday so the A. F. esels in Aug lead to this very governor, pi down t welcome government toiling masses be pi corted an. bourgeois the This same body sent out a call for an in- ternational socialist workers’ congress to meet July 14, 1889, one hu dined y y the storming of the Bastille, torconsider and give guidance to the struggles of the inte ernational proletariat, especially for the 8-hour was the F 5 club workers on New forces c conscious worker 10, 18 delegatior country were ship of ‘ie Coop: rative Group which we struggle for as May led upon at similarity, In its whole c upon by the Cc different from t convention at saw May national solid nd economic de set ie pelt gress May First, 1890, was economic demands, w nd, as it proved in p ited to certain unions wh the 8-hour day until they won it, were then to be followed by other conception nd they consciot was not— tion and I The f proved to be so great a Belgium, France and Austria, that < Socialist ty Congress at Lille, where one of the largest demor place—decided to year. There were sions of this sort 1 scond Inter st, 1891. At th the Ma in lepend fore the Second Con- ional met in Brus- s congress, May gress of the Day was decided an international holiday of the pr to be observed every year. “Down on May Day!” first rang out clarion-cl con, However, the reformist wing of the International Bri , at the Secor Congress, insisted that could not call upon the workers to “Down Tools!” on any day at all, and wanted to have May Day come on the first Sunday every Ma: tions were taken by some ates from Ger many and other countries at later but these opportunists were fo the congress decision on the one } with the “Down Tools!”—until tunism of a more criminal type Second International to desert International May Day in its true meaning entirely, and make out of it a second A. F. of L. Labor Day. 1 to accept Day and great oppor- caused the At the Amsterdam Congress of the ational in August, 1904, the anti-war of May Day officially added as of its observation—only to be wiped ° in by the very same Second Interi 1 of the work t wa too much to workers ily Y tuted and then 1 with its complete be ers at the outbreak of the g But M Day meant to allow it to be so deserted. May Day typified all the struggles of the toiling masses against capitalism. It already had a history of mighty demonstra- tions, brutal police attac hundrec of ar- rests. As the struggle ne workers grew in scope and power, so did the meaning and significance of International May Day grow. The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia significance to International May Day. The Communist International now offered a true revolutionary fleadership to the international working class and May gave an added y Day could again be honored in the fighting spirit of the class-conscious proletariat. A Farcical Boss Trial By CECIL S. HOPE. --(Foreman of Labor Jury.) The farcical trial of the 5 workers of the unemployed delegation came to an end on the morning of April 21, when the three spokesmen of American capitalism, who presided as judges, pronounced sentence of three years in prison upon four of the defendants and 30 days upon the fifth. We say that the “trial” came to an end, reservedly, because the work- ers of the country, are still to be heard from. The workers know that these defendants were imprisoned for no other crime but that of de- manding work or wages for the unemployed. No one in that courtroom, packed with uni- formed and plain clothes thugs, could have failed to observe the embarrassment of the Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. _ I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. UNO od bhai arse cecomecscs Ut¥irsecvene Occupation . . Age. Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party “" 7-~+ 19%) St Now York. N Vv hoe judges as they wilted - under seathing indict- ments of Foster and Minor. Evidently in great pain, from the fearl denunciation of the de- fendants who exposed the courts as agencies of working class suppression, and openly and directly connected the judges with Vitale, Mos- covitz, and all the other henchmen of the cor- rupt Tammany institution. e guilty-face | defenders of Wall Street played with their ears, winced, and writhed in agony as four of the defendants, one after another, piled up their accusations. But for the fact that the three judges were on the bench and the de- fendants on the floor, one would have thought that the judges were the ones to be led away to prison. When Comrade Minor, of a pre-arranged verdict, pointe! out that Judge Salomon had the decision without consulting the other judges, one of the judges shrieked that he could not sit there to be insulted by the defendants. The defenders of capitalism were now crying “fowl.” in making the point announced No sooner did Amter begin to speak, but what the brave stalwarts blushing with rage, and being able to stand no more, promptly stoppel him, uttered a few words about the necessity of maintaining law and order, pro- nounced sentence and hastily left the court room. The “trial” is ended, but the fight goes on. Still ringing in our ears, is the echo of Fos- ter’s voice saying: “You may send us to jail, but you will not prevent the movement from going 01 Yes, the fight foes on. The fight for work or wages, for unemployment insur- ance, for the right to the streets, for the im- mediate release of the imprisoned delegation, for the release of all class war prisoners, for mighty s' and demonstrations May Ist. The capitalists have spoken. Let the workers af tho eanntey Similar posi- | congresses, The Importance of the May Issue of the Communist’ | more and more of a polit e r 1930 | MAY IST coe Orman of the Communist | Waray of the Uz s. AS Maoli ’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Ry mail everywhere: One year $6; six months two mo: tan and Bronx. New York City, and foreign, which a nths $1; excepting Boroughs of re: One year §8; six months $4.50 FRED ELLIS 4 eee COMMUNIST of the Month of M special May Day issue in which leading com- rades have prepared special articles. In addi- tion to the notes of the month where an edi- torial review of all political questions during the last month is made, there are such impor- tant articles as The Political Significance of May Ist, 1930, which reviews the present poli- tical situation in the United States, and in a clear Marxist analytical manner presents the tasks facing the American workers on May Ist. J. Olgin in a special article entitled From March 6th to May Ist, points out the political character 6f the present struggles of the work- ers and the great changes that are now taking place in the American working class, the work- ers are hecoming radicalized and a under the jership of the Communist Party and the revolutionary trade unions. May First as a traditional day of proletarian political action is discussed in a very valuable study made by Alexander Trachtenberg, where he points out the historical development of May First in the United States from 1886 to the present day. William F. Dunne of the Trade Union, Unity League makes a special analysis on the present tasks of the labor movement in his article on May Firs. and The American Labor Movement. Louis Kovess discusses in a very interesting manner the attitude of the Socialist Party to May First. His article and study point out how traditionally the Socialist Party tried to turn May First into a bourgeois festival up to the present period, when the Socialist Party be- y is al came a tool of capitalism and was shooting down workers in the of 19: Samuel Darcy, the istant-director of the Workers ool has an article on May Day and Science. This article particular impor- tant reference to the a ies of Comrade’ C. E. Ruthenberg and ‘the great historical demon- ations which he led in Cleveland on May First in the past. | In addition to these special articles on May , which no cla$s-conscious worker should Earl Browder has a special article ana- lyzing the Plenum of the Central Committee and the Tasks of our Party. The COMM is also devoting its pages to a special article dealing with the activities and problems of the Communist Party of \ ico. This artic! y clear manner pre- sents the tasks of the revolutionary movement in Mexico and the mistakes which were made by our brother Party of Mexico. The coming Fifth Congress of the Profintern which is of great political importance in view of the developing revolutionary struggle of the working class in every country is discussed in brief in a special article on this queston. The COMMUNIST for May also contains very important book reviews on Volume 18 of Lenin, dealing with Imperialist War, by A. Landy; and_the recent publication Anglo-Amer- ican capitalist differences,. entitled “America Conquers Britian” by Denny. | The COMMUNIST for May is an important issue which every workers’ organization and every class-conscious worker must buy and May Day demonstrations The Ghent System 0° the slogans that will be put forward by the workers’ demonstrations on. the st of May this year, by no means the least im- portant will be the watchword of “Full State Maintainance for the Unemployed,” In the present conditions, when the crisis-of capital- ism is deepening, when every day brings its new quota of thousands of workers thrown out of work, the question of providing ample maintenance for the unemployed is especially important. The problem of adequate unem- ploymuent insurance has for the time being been solved only in the Soviet Union, where the State well looks after all the wants and needs of the uneployed. In the capitalist countries, however, the question is solved in the measure that the working class is able to bring pressure to bear on the ruling class— the bourgeoisie. Of course, in solving the question of unem- ployment relief, the bourgeoisie endeavoyr to shift the whole burdén of this measure onto the shoulders of the workers. One of the methods of solving this question has been the so-called “Ghent System.” Fundamentally, it works as follows: Relief is paid out by the union from membersh cues and from Govern- ent subsidies. Thus, ,only the organized—an insignificant section of the working class— receive relief. But besides this, payent of re- lief is subject to a whole series of bureau- cratic formalities, Benefit is issued only during the course of the first few months of uncmployment, after which the unemployed are left to starve. 4. The social-fascists consider that the Ghent Syste, introduced by the State is a big achieve- ment and are no longer putting forward the s'oven of “Full State Maintenance for Unem- ployed.” As a matter of fact, the Ghent Sys- vem turns the trade unions into an appendage of the State apparatus since the payment of the bene as granted by the trade union and the State, is made through a special apparatus set up for the purpose in the union, From political point of view, the State can influ- ence trade union policy by threatening to with- draw the right of any union to utilize the Ghent System, if same is considered to be an “unreliable” organization. Af the same time, by means of various privileges the State is able to encourage the development of those unions that carry out its instructions and be- ‘tray working-class interests. This is the po- sition of things in Czecho-Slovakia, where the Ghent System ef Unemployment Relief has been in operation since 1925. Whereas the social-fascist unions enjoy various privileges | as regards subsidies, etc., provide by the State the revolutionary unions are told: “Stop your attacks on the Social-Democrats and then the! question of providing you with subsidies will be examined. “The peculiar form of bribary hardly needs any commentary. Of course, the Revolutionary Unions carmot rest satisfied with ‘the Ghent System, since it does not sclve in any way the problem of relief for the great raass of the unemployed. | The slogan of “Ful State Maintenance ot | Unemployed Worker; Throughout Period ot ne 2. For the struggle against the bourgeois- fascist dictatorship and for the Distatorship of the Proletariat. For a general mass and political strike. 3. On,May 1 the street to the Proletariat. ® 4. The Red International of Labor Unions declares a class war upon all imperialist war. 5. For the struggle against capitalist ra- tionalization, for the seven-hour working day. 6. Workers of all races and all nations line up under the banner of the R. I. L. U. 7. Strengthen fraternal international con- nections. 8. All hail the R. I L. U., who is mob- ilizing the world proletariat for the defense belongs SLOGANS FOR MAY FIRST 14. By executing the Five-Year Plan the U.S. R. proletariat is laying the bases for the World Revolution. 15. Workers, women workers and young workers, line up in the ranks of the proleta- rian self-defense corps. 16. Greetings to the toilers of China, who are struggling against their imperialist plun- derers. 17. All hail the proletarians of India, fighting for their national and social libera- tion. 18. Warm fraternal greetings to the Red Army, guarding the gains of the October Rev- olution. 19. We demand full state insurance for the of the U. 8. S. R. 9. Long live the Headquarters of the World Revolutionary T. U. Movement—the R.1. L, t 10. The truth about the U. dynamite for the blowing up of capitalism. 11. International Revolutionary Competi- tion is the lever for the militant upsurge of the mass 12. We are mobilizing the forces of the rev- olutionary vanguard to win over the majority of the working class. 18. Socialist Construction in the U.S. S. —the lever for the World October. R. unemployed. 20. Close up the ranks of the organized and unorganized workers for storming the triple alliance—the capitalist state, employ- ers’ associations and the fascists and social- fascists. Drive out the opportunists and_ rene- gades from the ranks of the struggling revo- lutionary proletariat. 22. Down with the Amsterdam Trade Union International, long live the Red International of Labor Unions. Rod. tes Ue 21. A. P. & W. E. DEPT. By HARRY GANNES. ! May Day exactly fifty-three of Hoover's magic sixty days will have passed. It is 0 time for Hoover again to issue his usual lic as he did after tions. the March 6 mass demonstra- different “occasions since Jan- has announced “empleyment is ch time his lies were nailed by the figures issued by the department of la- bor. But May Day comes at almost the end of the period when the crisis is supposed to have vanished to the limbo of the lost. Yet on May Day we find the crisis of; American capitalism at its sharpest stage. We have Hoov own word that December, 1929, was “the low point of business and em- ployment, in the present cyclical ¢ But Hoover said that on March 7 in a triumphant spirit, in a boastful declaration, like a captain who has passed the dangerous shoals and can now announce to his parasite passengers, that the danger is past. In December, when the entire economic ma- chinery of American capitalism was _ being shaken to its foundations by a cri: whose reverbations are now traveling to every corner of the world, Hoover said “everything normal.” On five improving.” is The Illusive “Low Point.” In the early part of March, when the crisis was becoming worse than the December “low point” Hoover issued his monumental lie, say- ing “employment has been slowly increasing,, and the situation is much better today than at that time (December.)” What is the extent of the crisis on May Day? “We will go into the month of May this year,” writes Paul Willard Garret, financial editor of the New York Evening Post (4-26-30) “without any visible evidence of an upturn.” March was worse than the “low point” of December. On this point the Annalist (April 18, 1930) one of the leading mouthpieces of Wall Street flatly declares: “The Annalist Index of Business Activity shows a further decline to 89.4 for March, which is slightly lower than the index for last December, which was 89.6.” All Along the Line The Annalist Index is based on production and distribution in the leading basic industries of the country, and during March all of them showed a further decline. For the workers this was another tremend- ous blow. Unemployment increased tremend- ou-!y during March. On the basis of the fig- ures of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, over 3,000,000 more workers were added to the ranks of the unemployed bring- ing the figure well up to 8,000,000 walking the streets facing starvation. This is what the Journal of Commerce, (April 19, 1930) said about increased unemployment in March: Instead of responding to seasonal influ- ences by advancing, the employment index of the United States Bureau of Labor Statis- ties declined in March, dropping 1 per cent as compared with February. , At the same time the pay roll index fell 1.2 per cent. May First-The Magic 53rd Day The Lie That Failed “The value of building cbntracts showed another drop, being 6 per cent less than it was a week ago and more than 30 per cent less than for the corresponding week of 1929.” Further Declines There will be a further drop in steel pro- duction during the coming months. The main- stay of even the sharply reduced output is at an end. The railroad orders for steel, which was admittedly the foremost prop of the badly sagging steel industry, will be cut to the bone because railroad earnings in the first quarter of 1980 were 28 per cert below 1929, There is a vast overproduction of railway equipment. Building is way off. Structural steel orders have dropped tre- mendously. Automobile production is hamp- ered by the tremendous overproduction, which was increased even by the curtailed output in aJnuary, February and March. This effect on the steel industry is already shown by the re- ports of the National Association of Flat Rolled Stee! Manufacturers (supplying many of the auto producers) which show a drop in operating capacity in March to 73.7 per cent as against 8: in February. May Day will be the workers answer to Hoovers lies. The lie that failed was born on March 6th and reaches its end on May First. But May First will be a renewed rallying point of the workers—against the rotten cap- italism system which cannot hide the visible symptoms of its decay. More New Factories in Sovie' Russia In Leningrad a new huge tractor smithy, equipped with most modern technique, has be- gun to work in the “Krassny Putilovetz” next to the new foundry. This marks a new stage in the development of the tractor industry in the Soviet Union. In Stalingrad the building of the main de- partments of the first giant tractor factory in the U. S. S. R. is already completed. The setting of the machinery ha sbegun. The work- ers and engineers have decided to start the factory going not later than June 15, which is much earlier than called for by the plan. In the Soviet part of the Sakhaline Island Far East), once the center whither people were exiled by the tzar, there is now exten- sive work in progress for the development of the oil and mining industries, The building of the first railway and laying of oil pipes has begun, In Moscow a modern high pressure electric station has been completed, to serve on the fac- stories of the perfume and silk trust and is already in operation. It is the most modern electric station in Europe. The Reactionary Budget in Sweden STOCKHOLM, Sweden, (Esperanto-Service). The Annalist shows even a further decrease in employment for March. They state: “The Annalist Index of Factory Employment and The Annalist Index of Factory Payrolls show further decreases for March, the employ- ment index having fallen to 93.2 (preliminary) from the February revised index of 94.6 while the payrolls index has | declined to 92.7 (pre- liminary) from 94.1. This decline in ane: says the An- nalist, is “the lowest since August, 1922.” It Didn’t Work Hoover on a grand scale tried to emulate the Dutch boy he had read about in McGuffey’s reader who in the nick of time prevented a flood by stuffing up a break in the dike with his finger. But Hoover's lying tongue was futile. In this instance, history did not repeat itself. But what about April? What about the fu- ture? For April we will let that Depart- ment of the U. S. Government which Hoover himself so painstakingly built up in the inter- est of the bosses strip him of his flimsy lie. On April 19 the Department of Commerce is- sued a press release which said: “According to the weekly statement of the Department of Commerce for the week ended April 12 business, as indicated by the volume of check payments, was about 14 per cent lower than in the previous week and about 5 per cent lower than for the corresponding week of 1929... Operations in steel plants during the latest reported week were on a slightly lower level than in the previous week and nearly 22 per cent less than a year ago..... Unemployment” remains, as hitherto, the mili- tant slogan, for the realization of which all the workers, both unemployed and employedd, must put up a vigorous and unremitting strug- gle. And on this First of May, when the work- ing class will put forward their demands, the demand for “Full State Maintenance” must be pushed forward well to the forefront and —The meeting of the budget recently presen- ted is as follows: State help for the rich property owners, and more expensive bread for the workers, The government proposed 14,000,000 krons, as financial help for the large property own- ers,.at the same time proposed an increased tax on grain, which means an increase in the price of bread. For military purposes they spend 136,800,000 krons. To the unemployed they effer 2,000,000 krons, altogether, while one person gets an “unemployment relief” amount- ing to 1,800,000 krons—the king himself. All the other points of the budget are just as reactionary. The social democrats help the capitalists to fool the masses a little bit bet- ter. How the social democrats look at the whole affair, you can see from the following extract from an article of the president of the social democrats: “The representatives of the people accepted the budget critically, but with interest and even favoring some points.” According to this confession you can see the united front—of the bourgeoisie and social fascists, to realize the reactionary program, which only aims at soli- difying capitalism and gaining the support of the workers with radical phrases. How Did Albert Thomas Stud: White Terror BUCHAREST, Roumania (Esperanto-Servo) —A few days ago came to Roumania the So- cial-Fascist leader Albert Thomas. He came in a special ‘train, which the fascist govern- ment sent for him. When he came instead of visiting the working masses, he went to see the king. In the afternoon he went to a feast, where there was plenty to eat and to drink. Thus he concluded that in Roumania does not exist the white terror, nor misery of workers. He did not want to visit the large working class sections, where the greatest misery reigns, where a day does not pass without an turned into a watchword of the day! ‘ errest of a discontented worker. —