The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 29, 1930, Page 3

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, APRIL SSS lutionary traditions of the race in modern his- torical times. There is no better occasion than May Day, replete with its traditions of revolutionary workers of all races and all parts of the world, to make a brief survey of some of the revolu- tionary traditions of the Negro masses. To the Negro masses belongs the undying glory of staging the first and only successful unaided slave revolt in all history—the Haitian revolution, which affords the only instance of a slave uprising succeeding without outside aid. By itself, the Haitian revolution would be suffisient to smashingly refute the nonsense of Negro servility and incapacity for militant struggle against oppression. Not only did the heroic Negro slaves of Haiti give to the world the only recorded example of a people, weakened and degraded by chattel slavery, successfully tearing off its fetters, but these same slaves By CYRIL BRIGGS, (PEeeretisn attempts to justify its vicious and murderous oppression of the Negro mass- es by advancing the myth of white suveriority. \ Stripped of its pseudo-scientific trappings (ob- ligingly supplied by prostitute bourgeois science) the theory of white superiority boils , down to the ridiculous conclusion that since the : Negro has been enslaved by the white master class, and is today even after his so-called emancipation still ruthlessly exploited and bru- tally oppressed by the white imperialists, the Negro is per se inferior. “White men would never submit to such treatment as the Negroes accept,” “white men would long ago have re- volted,” “the Negro is innately servile,” ete., are some of the specious argument$ advanced by the imperialist exponents of white superiority to “prove” their point. They seek to prove that AND REVOLUTIONA 28, 1930 “And We Will Strike Side by Side on May Day!” By Ellis, had no sooner accounted for their owners and oppressors than they were called upon to face the gathering might of the three greatest im- perialist. powers of the time. The Negroes met and conquered the flower of Napoleon’s armies long before the imperialist vulture met defeat at the hands of rival imperialists. These same Negroes destreyed several Spanish armies sent against them and defeated a British army which, in characteristic imperialist manner, in ancient society, his dominance in Egypt, the | tried to take advantage of the confusion in the Songhaii, Ethiopia, etc. island to conquer Haiti for British imperialism. The conspiracy of silence extends to the revo- | Toussaint L’Ouverture, Christophe, Dessalines, the Negro has never played “a leading role upon the stage of history,” that his “immemorial” character and role he been bacl:ward and subordinate, respectively In support of the imperialist position, the ut- | most care is taken by bourgeois historians to consistently present the picture of the Negro as a slave, satisfied with his slave status and incapable of revolt. A conspiracy of silence is maintained on the role played by the Negro Francois were some of the revolutionary lead- ers of the Haitian revolution. The history of the Negro in the United States is also rich in revolutionary tradition. The slave regime was more than once terror-stricken at the attempts of black men to break their chains. Three of the most daring and audacious of these attempts were those led by briel Prosser, Nat Turner and Denmark Vessey. The plans of Gabriel were most formidable | and but for a terrific storm on the day appoint- | ed for mobilization must have succeeded in their | immediate objectives at least. The storm foreed | postponement, and with bridges washed away | and roads inundated it was impossible for more than a few hundred to assemble at the point | of rendezvous. And before Gabriel and his | lieutenants could recognize their plans they were betrayed. Even in defeat, however, these | daring Negro revolutionaries left traditior | which the Negro m can well be proud. | “Like almost all leade ave insurrections, they showed a courage which their enemie: of facing his judge o stern and bitter ry that th ellers and Outlaws.”). In Gabriel minced no words, was his indictment of good policy authorities “found it statement” from the records. Jokn Scott, Jack , Solomon P: (Gabriel’s brother) some of his abl ants ry Vesey’s plans for revolt in South | a were who wi rch gave information 2 tors. However, the news; agreed that “in boldness of con oughness of preparation re with it.” Th ive were executed. All met death bi leaders were Denmark ieutenant, Jack Tom Russell, Pdoydoe Faber, Ba: als Purcell, | Hammett, William Garner, Mingo Harth, Lot Forrester, Ned Bennett. The judge $s in sentencing these revo- lutionaries fully posed the role played by re- ligion in the slave system. Ris: to heights of “righteous indignation” this instrument of the slave system thundered at the men he had condemned to death for the crime of seeking to free themselves and their fellow slaves from the inhur tem of chattel slavery: “Are you incapable of the heavenly influence of that gospel, all whose paths are peace? It 's rei | was to reconcile us to our destiny on earth, and to omit his | hus | | to enable us to d duties, whether r or se that those inspired precepts Heaven to fallen man.” In Virginia, in 1831, the slave insurrcetion by Nat Turner progressed to an openly rev: tionary stage with the daring Nat Turner t ing the offensive with six men. Turn strategy consisted of wift attack on the sl | owners and the securing of recruits from e: plantation they came to. This plan was « inently successful at the , and Tur | \ st | soon had a troop of sixty determined men. W | i these he defeated two forces of white plant as the latter rallied against the insurrecti a. In the end, however, he wv defeated beca | of lack of sufficient mobility and failure ‘v reach the town of Jerusalem where he ep | have rallied hundreds of Negroes and obtair arms for his force, | In the West Indies and in South Amer | there exists to this day the memory of name terror ‘o the white imperialists. “Maroor was the name given to the escaped slayes w.: | had banded together in the mountains of « | maica, where for years they successfully defi | the British and were, in fact, never conquer: i | | | in spite of many attempts by British governors of Jamaica. The name also applied to the e caped slaves who took refuge in the swam and forests of Surinam (Dutch Guiana) whe they resisted all attempts of the mercena troops of Holland to re-enslave them. Mass Political Strike on May Day Working Youth in U. S. Is in Forefront of Class Battles By R. SHOHAN May First is here again, Again the bosses throughout the world shake with fear of the great dem- onstration of workers. Everywhere the workers stir in the shops, in mills, in mines. Every section of the working class develops intensive activity to show its strength on May First to prove its strength to the workers and bosses. Years of militant struggle on May Day give | brilliant traditions to workers. The working youth has much inspiration to draw from for its struggles. When in the great Railroad Strike in 1887 the workers defended their right to strike, the young workers in the whole company of the National Guard in Reading went over to the them against attack. This is a tra- dition that we, young workers, must learn. In the struggle for the eight-hour day, May First was established. From the United States it spread throughout the world. But still we work eight, nine and ten hours a day. The struggle for shorter hours is still ahead of us. The militant struggles of workers in the past were betrayed to the bosses by the American Federation of Labor. Now the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League fight against bosses for improvement of condi- tions and lead to organization against the whole bosses system. But no longer do we fight for the eight-hour day. Today, because of the terrific speed-up, the worker's strength is sapped long before he becomes really aged. The young workers speed in factories and are driven to premature old age and dis- ease. Accidents increase tenfold and more. In the electric industry, pro- ducing household goods and radios, the rate of accidents has risen 1,000 per cent in five years. In the sweater industry 190 per cent. This is the burden placed upon the work- ing youth by the bosses. Today the young workers under the leadership of the YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE must fight for the six- hour day for those under 18 and seven-hour day for those over 18 and a five-day week. We must fight for one month’s vacation with pay and two Weeks for those over 18. Young workers can not stand the strain of army divisions in Baltimore and s | side of the workers and defended | |the speed-up. In some electrical |plants such as the Victor, on hot |days the young workers are given | soothing drugs so that they should | not collapse over the belt. We must ‘fight for two rest periods of 15 ‘minutes each, besides a full hour for lunch each day. The wages of young workers aver- age only $12 to $13 a week. Many work for less. The young Negro workers are exploited even than the white young workers, get- ting less pay and having the worst a minimum wage of $20 a week for the young workers and no discrim- ination on jobs. The bosses are training the young |workers for war. They don’t hesi- tate to send us to death in the wars for their profits. They are prepar- ing a war against the Soviet Union, the workers’ fatherland. In _ the armed forces the treatment of work- ers in uniform is rotten. have increased threefold in the past year. The young workers must fight against such conditions. workers must learn how to use their arms and must use them against the |bosses in the next war. The next bosses’ war must be turned into a | war against the bosses. All young | workers must rally to the defense |of the Soviet Union! | This May First the bosses thought \they would prevent the workers from demonstrating. They were afraid of the rising tide of militancy. | They remembered March 6th, when lof New York, They gave Union {Square to the fascists, They were | going to forbid the workers’ demon- |stration. But they failed. | workers won the right to demon- strate and will have a great pa- | rade. | The task now is to mobilize the ‘largest number of young workers in shops and young workers’ organiza- \tions to participate in the demon- | stration. IN EACH SHOP YOUNG | WORKERS MUST STRIKE AND |IN ORGANIZED MANNER COME TO DEMONSTRATION. | All youth organizations will march | together, headed by the Young Com- imunist League. All young workers, ‘out to Rutgers Square, march to Union Square! | mands! | against bosses! By C. A. HATHAWAY RIGINATING in the United States | during the workers’ struggle for the 8-hour day, May First has be- come an international day of strikes and demonstrations against militar-; ism and war, for the shorter work day, for the workers’ demands gen- erally, and for revolutionary work- ing class unity in the struggle against capitalism. A far-reaching and deep-going change, however, has taken place among the workers in the United States which gives the May First demonstrations this year tremen- dous significance. We are entering into a period of struggle now which ~ MAY FIRST 1930: | eracy, the American Legion, etc. The | workers’ struggles have been brutal- ly and bloodily crushed. Several workers have already been killed; hundreds have been viciously clubbed ond beaten. But still the workers’ | counter-offensive continues to gain strength and momentum, | The struggles take on a political ‘character. Starting with demands for “Work or Wages,” for social in- | surance, or for the 7-hour day, 5- _day week, the workers find them- | selves in struggle against the bosses’ ‘state. They find the A. F, of L. ‘and Socialist Party fighting on the | side of the bosses in alliance with | the police. The workers more and worse | The workers must fight for | Desertions | The young | |100,000 demonstrated on the streets | The| Strike for your de- Organize for the struggle | By Bill Dunne “On the one hand, the enormous ceaseless stream of men, year after year, driven upon America, leaves behind a stationary sedi- ment in the east of the United States, the wave of immigration from Europe throwing men on the labor market there more rapidly than the wave of emigration west- wards can wash them away. On | the other hand, the American Civil | | War brought in its train a colos- | sal national debt, and, with it, | pressure of taxes, the rise of the vilest financial aristocracy, the squandering of a huge part of the public land on speculative com- panies for the exploitation of rail- ways, mines, etc., in brief, the most rapid cantralization of cap- ital.” (Marx, Capital, Vol. 1, Page 84.—Kerr Edition, 1919). » * 3 May Day became an international \fighting day for the working class jas a result of the struggle for the |8-hour day in the United States, jwhich culminated in the general strike on May 1, 1886, centering in Chicago, the arrest of eight leaders of the workers and the legal mur- ‘der of five of them following the bomb explosion in Haymarket |Square while a huge mass meeting |was being held. The explosion is | commonly believed to have been the | work of an agent-provocateur and |was used as an excuse by the cap- | ‘italist class and its agents to re-| i venge themselves upon the workers land check the growing mass move- ment. | The struggle for the 8-hour day was the answer of the working class |on a national scale to the develop- ments described by Marx in the May Day- By ALEX. TRACHTENBERG ! feet year the international revolu tionary working class celebrated the fortieth anniversary of May First as a day of international polit- ieal action, a day of mobilization and demonstration of the forces of Labor arrayed against the forces of Capi- tal in the struggle for the conquest of Power. Eight-Hour Movement Started in | America | Although the 8-hour movement, | which gave birth to May Day, was initiated in 1884, a generation before |a national labor organization which | at first gave great promise’ of devel- | | oping into a militant organizing cen- | ‘ter of the American working class | took up the question of a shorter workday and proposed to organize a broad movement in its behalf. The decision for the 8-hour day was made by the National Labor Union in August, 1866. In Septem- ber of the same year the Geneva Congress of the First International went on record for the same de- mand... |Marx on the Eight-Hour Movement In the chapter on “The Working | Day” in the first volume of “Capi- tal,” published in 1867, Marx calls attention to the inauguration of the 8-hour movement by the National Labor Union. In the passage fa- mous especially because it contains | Marx’s telling references to the com- | munity of class interests between | the colored and white workers, Marx | wrote: | tween the imperialists for control and domination of the existing world markets. | Fourth Convention Unions and Labor Organizations. | above quotation and definite emergence of the American proletariat as a class. The determined attempt by the trade unions to conduct the fight for the 8-hour day on a national scale is to be seen from the fact that it was authorized and the date set two years in advance—in 1884, at the of the Trade The class political character of the conflict was evident to the capital- ists from the very beginning, as shown by the literature of the per!- od, and their bloody suppression of | the movement. As in all such struggles “he implications were far more significant than the mere de- mand for the 8-hour day would in- | dicate, The American trade union move- ment began in this period as a def- inite class instrument. The revolutionary logic of the class struggle has made the Com- munist Party of the United States the bearer of all the militant tradi- tions of the early labor movement. The blood of the Haymarket mar tyrs mingles with that of Ella Ma, and Steve Katovis. Our Party alone carries forward the brave traditions of the general strike for the 8-hour day, raises as the Amer- ican Section of the Communist In- ternational, the slogan of the poli- tical strike on May Day, 1930, for the unconditional release of all class war prisoners, against unemploy- ment, for Work or Wages, for social insurance, for the 7-hour day and the 5-day week. 7,000,000 workers have no jobs Millions more work part time for) miserable wages. Under the leader- |“Work or Wage: Hundreds of thousands will renew this demand on May Day. Masses of American \workers demand This alone shows that the working |class is throwing off the influence 'of imperialism’s agents, preparing for mass struggles having a clear | political character. “The right to work, in the bour- geoi miserable pious wish, but behind the right to work looms up the power over capital, behind the power over capital the expropria- tion of the means of production, their subjection to the organized working s, therefore, the abo- lition of wage labor, of capital and of their mutual relations. Be- hind the “right to work” stood the une insurrection.” (Marx, The s Struggles in France). Behind the slogan of “Work or Wages” is the demand of the pr letariat for the “right to wo Behind the “right to work” rapidly sharpening class struggle, ‘the revolutionary trade unions of he Trade Union Unity League rally- ing the workers in the deci dustries, challenging, exposing and defeating in action the agencies of imperialism in the ranks of the workers—the fascist A. F. of L., the social-fascists of its Muste wing and the Socialist Party. For the first time our Party is able to speak to and rally hundreds of thousands of workers for struggle against rationalization and mass un- | employment, to show the connection between the preparations for attack on the Soviet Union, for war be- tween the imperialist powers, and the right to work.” | sense, is a contradiction, a | _AND AMERICAN LABOR MOVEMENT Fro marked the|sands of workers have demanded cial and political status of our class, | ;to secure wide mass response from jand establish a broad base among |thousands of workers. In 1886, in the infancy of the trade union movement, the clear line of the class struggle had not been learved deep enough by capitali |development to make it impossible | |for its agents among the masses to obscure it. Today its crimson furrows are to be seen on the bodies of millions of workers. Work or Wages, the “right to k,” the struggle against impert- war, defense of the Soviet Union, are linked inseparably to- day and are synthesized in the rev- olutionary slogan of “class against ela he organization of our class, the building of the revolutionary unions under the leadership of our Party as the mass base of proletarian power is the main task facing us on May Day, 1930. “Communists fight on behalf of the immediate aims and inter- ests of the working class, but in their present movement they are also defending the future of the movement.” (Communist Mani- festo). The correct connection of the im- mediate aims and struggles of our class with the revolutionar | gle for proletarian power, with our | revolutionary objectives, is the key to the winning of the majority of |the decisive sections of*class for Communism—the task that cannot be separated from the building of | the cl, struggle unions. | | *E cerpts from an article in the ship of our Party hundreds of thou- the drive against the economic, so-'May issue of The Communist. -Traditional “In the United States of Amer- ica, any sort of independent labor movement was paralyzed so long as slavery disfigured a pari of the republic, Labor with a white skin cannot emancipate itself where labor with a black skin is branded. But out of the death of slavery a new, vigorous life sprang. The first fruit of the Civil War was an agitation for the 8-hour day—a movement which ran with express speed from the Atlantic to the Pa- cific, from New England to Cali- ” (“Capital,” Vol. I, Paul translation, p. 309.) May Day Born in the United State: It was at the First Congress of the Second International, held at Paris in 1889, that May First was set aside as a day upon which the workers of the world, organized in their political parties and trade unions, were to fight for the impor- tant political demand—the 8-hou: day. The events of May 3 and 4, 1886. which led to what is known as _ thi Haymarket Affair, were a di outgrowth of the May First strike The blood bath at Haymarke Square, the railroading to the gal- lows of Parsons, Spies, Fischer anc Engel, and the imprisonment of the other militant Chicago leaders, was the counter-revolutionary answer of the-Chicago bosses. It was the sig- nal for action to the bosses all over the country. Engels on International May Day In his preface to the fourth Ger- man edition of the Communist Man- | ifesto which he 1890, Engels, reviewing the history of the interna nal proletarian or- tions, calls attention to the significance of the first Interna- tional May Day: “As I write these lines, the pro- letariat of ‘ope and America is holding a review of its forces; it is mobilized for the first time as One army, under One flag, and fight- ing for one immediate aim: an 8- hour working day, established by legal enactment. ... The spec- acle we are now witnessing will make the capitalists and land own- ers of all lands realize that today the proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were with me to see it with his own eyes!’ (“The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels,” edited by D, Ryazanoff, “Marxist Library,” No. 3, p. 268.) Lenin on May Day The Russian revolutionary move- ment utilized May Day to great ad- antage. In the preface to’ a pam- ohlet, “‘May Days in Kharkov,” pub- ished in November, 1900, Lenin wrote: “In another six months the Rus- sian workers will celebrate the first of May of the first year of the new century, and it is time we set to work to make the ar- rangements for organizing the celebrations in as large a number of cénters as possible, and on as inspiring a scale as possible, not wrote on May 1,! only by the number that will take | Day of Political Action part in them, but also by their or- ganized character, by the cl: consciousness they will reveal, by the determination that will be shown to commence the irrepress- ible struggle for the political lib- eration of the Russian people, and, consequently, for a free opportu- nity for t lass development of the proletariat and its open strug- gle for Socialism.” (Lenin, “The Iskra Period,” Bk. I, p. 44.) The Comintern Inherits May Day Traditions The Communist International, in- heritor of the best traditions of the revolutionary movement since Marx and Engels wrote their Communist Manifesto, carries on the traditions of May Day, the Parties of the various capitalist | countries call upon the workers each year to stop work on May Day, to go into the streets, to demonstrate their growing strength and interna- tional solidarity, to demand a short- er work-day—now the 7-hour day— to demand social insurance, to fight |the war danger and defend the So- viet Union, to fight against impe- ism and colonial oppression, to and Communist rial denounce the social-fascists as -part| of the capitalist machine, to pro- ‘claim their determination and iron | will to overthrow the capitalist sys- tem and establish a universal Soviet cerpts from an article in the ce of The Communist. nisms, can only be achieved by a combination of three principal meth- | ods (supplemented by tariffs, ete.), | tries. The third method is that of impe- rialist war, ; strengthening the tionally, and to setting junited fronts from below up Party organiza- wide through Class May By Moissaye J. Olgin |. The wheels of history are turning jfast. Clashes of forces are grow- jing. Class division and class battle is the order of the day. ‘Tendencies |hitherto discernible only with the x-rays of Marxism, are becoming ible to the naked mass eye. The ‘nited States is filled with revolu- ‘tionary potentialities no less than any European country of the pres- jent. This is being written by the masses of the American workers over the length and breadth of Hoover's land of “permaneat pros- perty” and Lovestone’s land of “ex- ceptional capitalist strength.” On March 6 the workers of Amer- \ica, under the leadership of the |Communist Party, boldly stepped to the forefront of the political stage planting themselves firmly there as the most harassing problem and compelling everybody to take sides. While the present moment cannot yet be fully reviewed in all its phases, it is necessary to have in jmind its chief characteristics as pointing the way and contributing |to the May Day mass political ac- | tion. a) The movement of the ma: ]is spreading. Moreover, it |suming a more organized character. {It gains momentum, as it de- velops. . . | b) The American worker, the na- tive, appears more and more on the scene. This process started with the South where the workers are of native stock. In the present strug- gles, the native loses his feeling of superiority over the foreign born, the iaiter loses his hostility towards the ordinarily better paid native Unemployment is the great leveller. | |All are equal on the bread line. | Origin race and color dwindie to ir- significance in face of police black- Jacks. | The Negro worker is a native.. The movement among the Negro workers both in the South and in the North is n> more sporadic and not confined to a few select... {| c) Stimulated by the rising tide of mass revolutionary movement and in turn stimulating it, the Com- munist Party of the United States is heecoming more consolidated or- ganizationally and is passing to new forms of mass struggle. it is be- \tween March 6 ard May 1 that the | Pasty made the fi count of its |membership drive to find that the |mumbez of recruits was 6 | The Communist Party has be- come a recognized power, a major American political factor. The word “Moscow” is still used in the enemy cerpts from an article in the | May issue of The Communist. | m March 6th, to May 1s’: the Growing Clash of Forces \Workers Must Consolidate Their Forces c : Day Jcamp here and there, but in the: frantic efforts to stem the tide |the mass movement, the exploite |often decry the Party for “usin; |the mass discontent “for its ov | purposes,” thus admitting that t |Party is linked up with the bro: American masses. In fact, no li: | of demarcation is drawn by the ca italists and their spokesmen betwec the unemployed movement and ti |Party. . . d) Capitalism finds no way «f easing the unemployment or mit.- gating the crisis. The more helple: it is in the presence of an economic | debacle, the more viciously it grasp |at the weapon of suppression. . . |e) The “labor” agents of capita jism are no less helpless and cor fused than their masters, One thin they know clearly: the revolution jary mass movement must not t jallowed to grow. But as to th methods, they can suggest nothin; beyond terror on the one hand, shar |velief on the other. Thus Ryan ad vocates “a little clubbing now” so a. to avoid the calling out of the mil itia and the shooting down of “a lo of people” later. . . | £) Outside of terror on the one hand and deception through the ‘social-traitors on the other, capital- ism can offer nothing by way of | improvement. | History is being made rapidly in ‘this epoch. We have all elements |for a new chapter of the history of |the American revolution on May First. It depends upon all of us to make that day what it can be in these stormy times, The wheels of history are turning fast. Class forces are crystallizing. Lines are drawn sharply, The con- tours of the class construction of society are becoming visible to the eye of the plain workers. A pro- test against capitalism is maturing among the ma: A movement ‘against exploitation is gaining mo- mentum. May First must give new impetus to all these processes. May First must increase the scope of the mass movement and mark an ad- vance compared with March Sixth, May First must help the consolida- tion of the Communist forces and their further welding together with the basic proletarian masses. May First must bring political clearness into the mass movement, transform- jing it into a great political demon- ‘stration against capitalist elass dic- tatorship and for proletarian dic- |tatorship which tends to abolish jclasses. May First must be a pow- erful mass demonstration against the war danger and for the Soviet Union. Above all, May First must be a further consolidation of the forces of the American working \class in its march against capital- lism, YOUNG MINERS MEET WEST FRANKFORT, IIL, April] both young and old, in the state of \2 \2 7,—A state-wide youth conference | Illinois. of young miners in Illinois is being ference is to lay plans for the draws The purpose of this cone called by the Youth Committee of ing in of thousands of young mine the ‘National Miners’ Union. -In a) ers into common struggle with their letter addressed to all local unions | older brothers, against the worsens of the N.M.U., and to all young! ing slave-like conditions that exist ‘ Fi inoi: “4 Com- | i ines, against unemploy In the forefront is the danger of |sPecial committees, in the factories | Miners in Illinois, the Youth Com leant sealine he pasd.p, eee ously carried out with the aid of imperialist war against the Soviet and through existing workers’ or-| mittee states: sc Altden! Union| |ehehore day, fiveday: ween gem We onus meeiner se Union. The: great need of the im- ganizations, The factory work of saeagh Ry Youth Section, is call-|the smashing of the Lewis and cat Hie rece nhs offensive | perialists for markets, on one hand, | the AIR he HONEA OF eh Tse Dataecvice youth conference Howat Company tools and for the directly against the workers with and the great progress being made clei, putting out of shop papers, the| MB & Stue-Wite. NUM Set ne building of the rank and file fight- the objective of lowering greatly|in the carrying through of the 5-|holding of shop conferences must to be held be Seora m, in Lib-|ing miners’ union, the National production costs, thus increasing year plan, in the industrialization of | occupy first place and linked up di- | 4a¥, mee Sch a vga | Miners’ Union. America’s competitive power in the | the country and in the collectiviza-| rectly with this must go the build- | b will equal and probably greatly sur-| more are becoming disillusioned; pass any traditional struggles of the, more clearly they understand the American workers, role of the State. They are break- The much heralded “permanent ing away from and fighting against prosperity” of American capitalism | the so-called “labor” organizations has collapsed. The country is in the Which serve only the bosses. They throes of an economic crisis, Over | ®T¢ accepting the leadership of and feven million are jobless, Actual Jcining the Communist Party and American capitalism {s therefore | in the position today where it can | and does produce more goods than can be consumed in its own internal | kets which it already controls are not be marketed in the colonies or in other countries because the mar- | kets whcih it already controls are all of which are now being vigor- | ‘erty Hall. This éonference is of starvation is everywhere ‘rampant, the revolutionary Trade Union| also too limited and the others are | market at the expense of the work- tion of agriculture, inspiring the|ing of the T.U.U.L. and the revolu- utmost importance to every miner,} «young miners, prepare for the Rationalization in the shops and fac- | Unity League. already “firmly” controlled _ by | ers and of destroying the workers’) toiling masses of both the imperial-| tionary unions. —_—__—_————-——~ | great National Convention of the tories is being intensified at a brutal/ The spreeding of the economic| America’s imperialist Tivals, The/ resistance to the imperialist offen- jst and colonial countries to sharper] There are already many indica-| exerting our maximum} efforts in the | National Miners’ Union to be held tempo. Wages are being cut, Hours| crisis throughout the capitalist | development of the crisis still fur-|sive ns @ whole, and more determined struggles, ist terror on! organizational phase of the prepara- fre being lengthened. The bosses are attempting to force the workers to bear the burden of the crisis. workers have already replied Ba offensive 6f the bosses with is strikes and demonstra- fascist united front of the | » the government, the A. F. * L. and Socialist Party bureau- eee tonbempict by a strike- | ing, bosses, | world augments the permanent army jof unemployed in all countries by | millions which, together with ration- alization and wage cuts still further impoverishes the toiling masses and also large sections of the agrarian population and even sections of the | etty-bourgeoisie, thereby still fur- ther narrowing the market possibil- ities and sharpening the struggle be- ther narrows what markets are available, This, simply put, fs the chief prob- lem confronting the financiers and industrialists of the United States. The “solution” of this problem for American imperialism, which, by the way, would only intensify the prob- The second method is an offensive against the colonial peoples with the objective of securing political dom- ination in the colonial and semi- colonial countries, guaranteed makes the Soviet Union a special) May First. In New York, prohibi-| tory work, monster demonstrations. tion of the demonstration has been will be held May 1 which will equal | all the traditional struggles of the | fighting leadership in the growing| arrests have been started. But the workers on May First and give the point of capitalist hatred. Our Party, because of its militant [tions of extreme fas { | announced. In Chicago a new tot in Pittsburgh in June. Forward to !a mass delegation of young miners from Illinois. “Every local is urged to elect at struggles of the workers, has won| masses are ready to respond to our | workers a great impetus on the road | Jeast 2 youth delegates to the Zeig- in the revolutionary struggle for|ler Youth Conference to be held on sources of cheaper raw materials,! great mass influence. It is on the | slogans and fight for their demands fields for the investment of surplus capital with super-profit, and mar- lem for other capitalist countries |road to becoming a mass Party. In carrying through the prepara- in the streets on May First. The new fighting spirit of the masses, kets for American goods to the ex-| tions for May First (and after) the| already taking the form of a coun- and sharpen the imperialist antago- clusion of the goods of other coun- greatest attention must be given to| ter-offensive, is clearly shown. By . power in the United States. May 4th. Young miners in the U. M. W. of A., form committees of * Excerpts from an article in the!action and elect delegates for this May issue of “The Communist.” conference.”