The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 21, 1930, Page 6

Square, New York City, Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., Gaily, except Sun N. ¥. Telephone Stu Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. esant 1696-7-8, 28 Unio THE PRE- CONVENTION DISCUSSION Report on the Thesis, Delivered to Plenum of | treme deepening of the agrarian cri Central Committee by Comrade Browder, April Srd, 19. (Continued) MASS PROPAGANDA AND NEW CADRES. Of course the -Daily Worker as our leading organ “is not everything—we must develop much further mass circulation of literature, which we have begun in a small way this year. Since the beginning of January, our Party has distributed three and half million leaflets, For March ‘6 alone we distributed 2% million ‘Teaf- lets. This is only the beginning of what we mean when speaking of mass propaganda, niass agitation. We have begun mass propaganda work in distribution of pamphlets. Our recruit- ing pamphlet ,was distributed over 70,000, Un- employment 40,000 copies, etc. This is only a beginning. This must be continued and mul- tiplied, We must have pamphlets running into editions of hundreds of thousands—cheap pamphlets, 5¢ pamphlets which every worker can carry 10 or 15 in his pocket and as a mat- ter of course make it his business to sell to every worker he comes into contact with. In addition to mass propaganda and agitation we must have more development of political study’ "and reading especially among leading cadres of our Party. One of the disgraces of our Party is that the theoretical monthly, the Communist, is not even read by all our district functionaries. How is it possible for us to raise the political level of our Party, to transform aur political program into mass terms if we, who are to do this, ourselves do not master the’ theoretical problems which confront us? In, carrying through this mass work—in the | - development of trade unions as mass organ- izations, we must emphasize these. points that were brought out in yesterday’s report on the trade union question. We must bring forward mobilization of our Party forces into revolu- tionary trade. unions—development of cadres, {| leading forces, and the fight against opportun- ism. I want to speak especially about the mobil- ization of the Party for trade union work and | the development of cadres. This directly connected with the problem of activising our whole Party—with the problem of self-critic- ism and promotion of leadership from the | ranks. Without self-criticism the Party cannot be bulit—the trade unions cannot be built. ‘We must have systematic promotion of new | leading forces from the bottom up. Our big mass campaigns must be integrated with such immediate campaigns as the preparations for May Day. May Day gives us one of the con- centration points of all our campaigns. The Party must understand all of the details of May Day, preparations for May Day and de- velopment of the political mass strike—carry- ing forward all traditions of May Day to a new high level. May Day must be an extension and broadening of August 1 and March 6. Vit, OUR WORK AMONG NEGROES. | We must give much more systematic, care- ful, stubborn, organized attention to our work among the Negroes. We have made progress in this work—Recruiting Drive was a demon- stration of this. We recruited approximately 1,000 new Negro members. But I am afraid that if we begin to congratulate ourselves on this fact we will wake up in a few months to find those that have been recruited have, most of them, drifted away from us. There is very grave danger this recruitment of Negroes that has been made was too much on the basis of general propaganda—that we haven’t made suf- ficient. preparations for assimiliating these Negroes into the Party. If we do not assimil- ate these new Negro members into Party life, organizationally consolidate them as a perma- nent part of our movmeent, we have failed in the most crucial political task placed upon us at the present time. We must concentrate at- tention upon this task, We have to clarify also the role of the slogan of self-determination in our Negro work. In the first draft thesis that was sent out to you we. formulated the question in the words: “self-determination of Negroes up to point of separation.” Since this thesis was sent we have received information about a discussion that took place in the Comintern on a letter that they are sending us on Negro work. We hayen’t received this leter yet but the infor- mation that we have in advance about its con- tents and the discussion that took plate around it, shows certain proposals were made with regard to the slogan, self-determination, pro- posing to make this a slogan of immediate political action in the United States. This of | course is a proposal that is far removed from | the realities of development in America and | would be wrong. This proposal having been | | | { XI ~ crystallized around the perfectly correct for- mulatiop, self-determination tu point of separa- tion, has showed that it would be tactically | incorrect for us to emphasize at this time the “point of separation” of our slogan. XIII. AGRARIAN WORK. A-word about the farmers. We have been developing an agricultural program which will be. presented to the Party Convention. We will not. have much.time to discuss it here. You should take note of the fact, however, that this | agricultural program is certainly not too early | but rather a little late. And now with the ex- Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name .,cscsccsesrecccmmesssoccsccceceusses DAPSES, | oi sVahesoevetuaw'sss. ity. .s4550560 o ARB cans Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East.125th St.. New York, N.-¥. Occupation ... ne ae ‘tea Banas er aes is we espe- cially see our lagging behind. What we have done so far regarding the farmers is mostly talk. We must develop some action. We must begin a concrete organizational linking up of the farmers with our movement, the mobiliza- tion of the most advanced sections of the agri rian movement, also especially the poor farm- The congressional élections coming in a few months furnish a good instrumentality and nyust be made use of. The center has set itself the task of cooperating in this respect with the districts to have immediate participation among the farmers in congressional elections. XIV. INNER PARTY LI In conclusion a few words about inner Party development. Before doing that I must give you some of the communications we have with comrades ‘on the other side about our thesi: As you know, the development of the thesis was organized around the idea of having the organic participation and advice of the lead- ership of the Comintern in the formulation of ers. y, at 26-28 Onton Cable: “DATWOR: e. New York, N, ¥. this thesis. That is why we wrote the thesis in | February and sent Comrade Bedacht over with it in order to have it di ed and criticized before the thesis is generally passed upon by the Party. The sub-committee ‘that has been working on the thesis has shortened it considerably and reformulated it in the light of these discussions and the draft now before you was accepted unanimously by the Political Bureau. Now, a final word; comrades, about the unifi- cation of the Party since the October Plenum. In the interval between this Plenum and the October Plenum we have witnessed the final liquidation of the remnants of the old factional situation in our Party. There are no appreci- able remnants of the old factionalism left in Party, certainly not sufficient to be any im- portant political factor in Party line. This is established beyond a question. We have seén the complete isolation of the renegades, both open opportunist Lovestonites and the “left” Cannonites, and we have seen these two forms of opportunism developing towards a common program on all important questions before the movement. Comrades, I think we can say quite definitely that under the leadership and with the assi: ance of the Communist International, we have unified our Party and have defeated and isol- ated the organized opportunist factionalists and renegades. We have turned the Party poli- tically on the road of mass work, of leadership of the rising working class struggles of the United States. Now it is not for us to congra- tulate ourselves as to what we have accom- plished, but rather to exercise the most relent- less and searching <elf-criticism; to find all the weaknesses we have experienced and the remedy for them, to consolidate organization- ally our rapidly expanding mass influence, to go out and build a solid mass foundation for the Communist International and its section in the United’ States. —THE END.— The Indian Communist Party Leader of the Indian Revolution By R. DOONPING. AS the Indian masses are rising in revolt against British imperialism and as British troops are firing upon thousands and killing and wounding revolutionary workers and peas- ants in Karachi, Calcutta and elsewhere, Gandhi, voicing the cowardice and apprehen- sions of the Indian bourgeoisie, issued a warn- ing to the revolutionists against loosing their “restraint.” He said, “Let me warn those whom my message may reach that, if they cannot restrain themselves, they must not :r- terfere with the struggle. If they do they only retard their countrys’ progress toward its goal.” Asking the revolutionists not to “in- terfere with the struggle!”—This is the test kind of “warning” MacDonald can give to the Indian workers and peasants. Donald refuses to arrest Gandhi. It is obvious that a moveme real revolutionary elements f with the struggle and advising ‘ not to be taken seriously by the The imperialists, who do not hesitate in the use of force against the re and who fully know the value and the abso- lute necessity of force in any struggle, dv net conceal their contempt for Gandhi’ non-vio- lence.” Speaking to the Board meeting of she National Bank of India, a British concern, Sir Charles C. McLeod, the Chairman, made the following remarks in reference to the threatened repudiation of British Ioans and in-, vestments in India by the Indian National Congress. He said: “Jt. is true that a certain uneasiness show- ed itself in this country on rumors from In- dia that a repudiation of Indian liabilities might be attempted under certain eventu- rtionisis alities, and in consequence Indian loans: had | a setback, but the statement from the # retary of State for India reassured the ioid- ers that such a suggestion need not be taken seriously, and Indian stocks have recovered, But the imperialists cannot say the same thing in regard to the Communists. They know the real revolutionary example set by the November Revolution in Russia. They know that when we jiay we will repudiate state debts contracted by the oppressors .of the workcis and peasants we mean business. It is because the Communists mean business and becat the Communist Party is the only Party of the workers. and really fights for the revolution that the Indian workers and peasants will fol- low the leadership of the Communist Party in the momentous struggle of the Indian Revolu- tion, The counter-revolutionary role of Gandhi was already fully exposed in the Bardoli be- trayal in 1922 when a flat declaration to “call off” the last revolutionary struggles was issued by the Indian National Congress. Gandhi’s role objectively as an agent of the British imperialists is now being further ex- posed by recent developments of the Indian revolution. Living revolutionary experience is teaching the Indian masses whom they should t®ust with the leadership of the Indian Revo- lutionary movement. Not Gandhi, not the In- dian National Congress, but the Indian Com- munist Party is the real leader that will ac- complish the historical task of guiding the In- dian. Revolution to final victory. No wonder Mac-} K” “You Bet, We Will!” Daily 52: Central Organ of the Communist Carly of the U. 8. A. ns | i > Worker me By mail everywhe Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, y SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One 6; six months $3; Fe One Str City: and forele, two months $1; excepting Boroughs of ecm grer One vearde: scx mnonthe $4.50 —By Burck Solidarity of Northern, Southern Workers-~-A Slogan of Action! By BILL DUNNE. This is the second and final instalment of Comrade* Dunne’s article, the first of which appeared Saturday. In the first part of the article, Comrade Dunne pointed out the meaning of capitalist brutality and class jus- tice in the South in connection with the trivl for the lives of Comrades Powers and Carr in Atlanta, Georgia, and the Gastonia case, and* gave a very brilliant Marxist explanation for ihe unparalleled persecution of militant lead- ers of the workers and the working class itsel? in the South. Comrade Dunne also laid stress upon the close connection between the methods of the Southern ruling class and the nation- wide drive of American imperialism against se true | the working class both of the North and the South and explained that “Solidarity of North- ern workers with the Southern comrades must be a slogan of action.”—Ed. ? HE social-fascists—the Muste wing of the American Federation of Labor—which rep- recent the socialist party in the South, and under whose influence the activities of the American Federation of Labor in the South are conducted, fits into. the whole machinery of robbery and suppression like a pinion to its drive wheel. “Labor Age,” the official publication of the Muste wing, reports in its March issue: “Pres. Green has completed another swing through the South, speaking to many state legislatures and addressing unionists .. . His tour ha made a definite gain in obtain- ing favorable publicity, in banishing fears in editorial sanctums of the A. F. of L. as radical, in impressing industrial leaders with the Federation’s saneness. It has also been a boon to organized trade tnionists, placing upon them the seal of respectability. No immediate gains have been reported for the unorganized workers in cotton mills, coal mines, steel mills and tobacco factories. This, in the nature of things, will have to wait until the effect of his appearances soaks in on the Southern consciousness.” (my em- phasis.) The “Labor Advocate,” official organ of the Birmingham Trades Council, stated on March 12, in course of a review of Green’s activities: “President Green talked before joint ses- sions of legislatures, held conferences with governors, labor leaders and political work- ers, all with the intent of having the cause of organized labor rightly presented to the people, and especially the employers, of the South.” (my emphasis.) As in Elizabethton, Tenn, “tthe e¢ bor” was masses of unemployed “and starving workers, and the underpaid slaves: Hs. in the anills and factories. “The presence of communist “eckleta? says. the “Labor Advocate,” “and sympathizers wh: preceded Green . . «served to emphasize the labor problem of the’. ‘South.as related to. the employers, who wete told’ that they would have to make a choice from either-the subversive element,posing as‘labor adyisors ‘or the Amer ican Federation of Labor Which comes into the | | | | | | presented. to~"everybody but «the | I ms “ tt. j i i | } south with a constructive petgran and, de- sired only the good of tndustr: Green laid the greatest emphasis on the Hens! operative plan now in full operation in’ Salem, Mass., in the Naumkeag mill nd on the B. and O, railway system .. . it is fait, just and sane. We know that higher wages must come from the profits of industry and it is our de- ~ é 5 id 7 - “social fascists join hands with the fascist sire to help make more profits forthe em- ployer....” The “cooperative plan,” which is company unionism under the leadership of A. P. of 1, officials and hired experts devoted to getting more work ‘of the workers, is the common group of the Musteites and the fascist offi- cials of the A. F, of L. In DanvijJle, Va., where textile workers have recently been handed a 10 per cent wage cut, Gorman, organizer for the United Textile Workers, openly offers the UTW as an instru- ment for “stabilizing the industry” i. e. more work’ with less workers, more profits for the bosses.’ It is not surprising, therefore, that not only does the Muste wing of tle A. F. of L. carry on warfare against Communists, and struggling workers led by them, in open cooperation with the capitalists and their government, that it appeals directly for support on the basis that it against social, economic and_ political equality for Negroes, but that it brazenly de- serts we deluded by its leaders as soon as the necessiti workers into con: for open struggle bring the with the bosses and the government. In Marion, N. C., where six workers were killed and some twenty wounded in a cold blooded massacre organized by the mill owners and carried out by the sheriff and his gunmen, leaders left the workers to the tender s of the mill barons and, in addition to this now apologise for the heroic struggle which the workers carried on in spite of them. (Hoffnran.-)’ ising that these social of publicity and praise in such open st organs as the “Labor Ad- vocate”, which, appealing to the lowest class and r: 1 perjudices of the Southern rulers and t hang ‘on, openl. alls for forcible on of “Red o The editorial published on the first page of i the “Labor Advocate” on March 15 is a classic of A. F, of L. fascism and merits reproduction in full. It is entitled “This Way Out.” “Red” organizers sent into the Birming- ham District from outside territory are finding their difficulties in promoting the delusion of Communism piling up much faster than they can overcome them. Southern white men and women, what- ever their condition or circumstance, won’t stand for “social equality” as advocated by the “Reds.” Neither will the Negro of even average intelligence, who has racial pride, and who wishes to maintain the purity of his race, subscribe to a doctrine that would tend to y destroy racial identity by the of association and amalgamation. Also, the Southern worker is religiously inclined, and even though he may not be a church-goer, there is within him an innate and inborn reverence for-a supreme being that rises above poverty, hardship and the ills that assail him to make his faith firm- er that there is a providence to guide and guard to the end of the road. When the Red proclaims that there is no God, the Southerner will rise in his wrath and destroy he who would abolish the faith of his fathers. Then, too, his Americanism comes to the reseue to tell him that there are orderly and lawful methods w,hich can and will be applied to the solution of his problems be- fore they become too acute for endurance. This process is at work now and the out- look for the ease of the burden was never “brighter*than at present. The “Red” revolution. is not the answer and never will be in che United States. We, of the South, won’t stand for it. ~The sooner the “Red” organizers: aban- ‘don: Birmingham, realizing the hopelessness of thei rtask the Jess time and effort. they will waste, pen It might be well that oneé started “they keep on going——.. . ‘This way out! . Some “two. weeks * atter this dilate ‘ap- » peared, the home’ of “an organizer ‘for’ the Metal Workers League in Birmingham was bombed. The American Federation of Labor joins hands openly with the Southern rulers. The leadership of the A. F. of L. The murder of Ella May in Gastonia and . the six Marion workers, the linking of legal and extra-legal methods of suppression, ‘the use of the semi-feudal measures of chattel slav- ery era, the demands for the death penalty for organizers of the masses, the attempts to sup- press and outlaw the Communist Party and the revolutionary unions which alone have organ- ized the Southern workers, Negro and white, anad led them in struggle, in all of which the A. F. of L., the Musteites and the socialist party have heen found united with the blackest reaction in one form or another, shows clearly the“recognition by the ruling class and its agents of all stripes, of the fact that Southern workers, shattering all capitalist lies about LYNCH LAW AND MOBBING | OF UNION ORGANIZERS By SOL HARPER | URING THE past 65 years the history of the working class has no better example of capitalist justice than the brutal shooting of thousands of Negro and white workers by the capitalist class, in America, and the lyne! ch- ing of more than 4,000 Negroes and many white workers has been the most brutal form of ter- rorism to keep the Negro workers cowed and afraid to organize to demand full social, eco- nomic and political equality. In 1867, following the Civil War, the South- ern ruling class gasped for some means by which the rising militant Negro workers could be crushed and proceeded to organize what is known as the original Ku “Kluck” Klan, under the leadership of an ex-confederate general, then a prominent democrat and one of the lead- ers in the first re-aSsembled democratic party, which held its first meeting after the Civil War in Tammany Hall, New York, with the aid of Augustus Belmont of traction interests. The Klan and many others known as night riders galloped about the South, terrorizing Negro and poor white workers and a few car- pet-baggers. It was the members of the Klan who originated the system of direct murdering of Negro workers without even a gesture of a trial. The origin of the word lynch started in the South by the activities of a man named Lynch and has been used ever since when workers are hanged, killed and burned .shot and hidden by a group of bosses and their agents. Labor. Organizations and Boss Mobs While Negro workers were being lynched in the South, the bosses in the North, for instance in Colorado, Illinois, Montana, Washington, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, New England and other parts, were murdering thousands of work- ers, by the use of armed military forces called out to break strikes, by police, private company guards and hired detective agencies. Then, after a number of years, lynching be- gan to become more and more a weapon of the boss class against white work White workers were lynched in the South and Negro workers in the North. After thousands of Negroes had been lynched a number of fake anti-lynch bills were passed. Some Southern states like North Carolina passed what they termed an “anti-lynch bill,” Ohio passed one of these bills calling upon the county where a worker was lynched to pay a fine, and then the boss class began to find ways to hide open lynchings in many states. The unrecorded lynchings are numerous. Anti-Lynch Bills During Past Fifteen Years During the World War many reformist or- ganizations agitated for the passage of worth- less anti-lynch bills and fooled millions of Negro workers into thinking that lynching will be stopped by capitalists’ amendments to the constitution of the United States. At the same time the Negro women have been lynched while carrying children who were to become, slaves to the boss class. (The usual pretext used by the southern bosses, “rape,” could not be charged to these women.) Only in the bloody record of the Belgian Congo in Africa has the capitalist class exceeded the American lynch- ing bees, brutality and oppression. Lynch Negroes With Uniforms On During the capitalist war, Negro soldiers, workers were lynched with the uniform of the United States on. They were jim-crowed and mobbed in training camps. Throughout the United States the Negro workers have been terrorized by bosses’ mobs, and the returned veterans militantly began to fight back. The unemployed white and Negro workers began to organize militant movements at the same time the boss clan through a re- born Ku “Kluck” Klan in Atlanta, Georgia, circulated race hatred throughout America against immigrants, stirred up religious hate by protestants against catholics and Jews and race hate against Negroes. Then the Palmer Raids were started, aided by the American Legion bureaucrats, the Na- tional Defense Society, and other such bodies. White and Negro workers were taken out and tarred and feathered. Negro workers were branded and castrated in the South, and the reformist petty-bourgeois “protested constitu- tionally.” ooo ing the cherished capitalist illusion that white and Negro workers will not fight their op- pressor side by side, are responding in ever larger numbers fo the program and activity of our party and the class struggle unions of the Trade Union Unity League. In the remands for the death penalty for militant working class activity in the struggle against racial hatred, unemployment, the speed- up, stretchout and wage cuts, for raising the slogan of the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a workers and farmers’ ov- ernment, in the cruel and bloody suppressive measures designed to throttle the growing re- volt of the Southern masses, the bond between the capitalist class of the South, the fascists of the A. F, of L. proper, and the Musteite apologists for fascist and legal suppression of the working class, has been sealed. The social basis for fascism and social fas- ' cism is not very broad in the highly rational- ized industries of the South—much narrower than in the North. Nor can it find a mass basis among a working class which, although its white section is less oppressed than the Ne- groes, is nevertheless forced to bear, as a re- sult of the historical development of Southern capitalism with its chattel slavery background., | far greater burdens than the workers of the North do at present. The struggle in the South under Communist leadership must and will proceed by the most stubborn fight for every legal privilege and by the utmost résistance to suppression. The demands for the repeal of all vagrancy laws, eviction laws, for the abolition of the chain gang system, for the abolition of peon- age, for the abolition of imprisonment for debt. must all be popularized. Social insurance must be a central point. The demand for the disarming of all extra- legal hands, the right of workers to <elf- defense must be raised sharply. The coming election camps the widest character and must bo used to still further root our party among the Negro masses in industry and in the count; i our program te the workers in the d industries, The struggle against fascism and social fas cism can be carried on successfully only by their “docility” and “backwardness,” repudiat- enlisting the most exploited sections of the | | lynching of Jimmy Levine, Negro worker, at Among them were the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the | National Urban League, the Socialist Party. When the National Textile Workers’ Union, the Trade Union Unity League and the Com- munist Party began an active campaign to o: ganize the slave-driven Textile Workers in North Carolina and other parts of the South, the mob terrorism used so largely ‘against ai Negro workers in the past was at once turned on white workers and union organizers, result- ing in the murder of Ella May, the threats to lynch Beal, Wells, Saylors, and the Negro workers Lewis and Welch, and others. The New 100 Per Centers carried on raids upon the workers in the South. The latest activities of the lynch gangs has been the Occila, Georgia, on February 1st; Laura Wood, 60-year-old Negro woman, at Barbers Junction on February 11, and on the 5th of April John H. Wilkins s lynched in Georgia by the bosses’ agents. In Atlanta, the present headquarters of the Klan and center of lynch terrorism in the South, H. M. Powers, Organizer of the Com- munist Party, and Joe Carr, Organizer of the Young Communist League, are being tried on “death penalty charges of organizing Negro and white workers into the same union.” Lynching will last as long as capitalism, but we can effectively fight it by organization of workers’ defense corps. Organize to defeat lynching and the capitalist system which breeds it! Soviet Soccer Team to Visit The U.S. A. A soccer team from the Soviet Union will come to the United States in October to play teams of the Labor Sports Union of America, according to’a letter received from the Physic- al Culture organization of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union football players (soccer) are known to be the best in the work, not ex- cepting the capitalist professional teams. Their play here will arouse great interest among the general sports public and particularly among the workers sportsmen. Although there are no teams as yet within the Labor Sports Union that can be considered as a a match for the Soviet team, nevertheless we can expect the | picked Labor Sports Union teams in New York, Detroit and Chicago to put up some real com- petition against the Soviet Union team that will be worth while witnessing. Plans are being made to organize reception committees for the Soviet Union i a throughout the country. Although they will] only play in the above mentioned cities, they| will be toured throughout the leading cities of the United States where demonstrations will be arranged by the Labor Sports Union local | sections, in cooperation with the other labor | organizations to greet them. The Labor Sports Union is ready to receive application from workers organizations of the variousscities of the U. S. that wish to enter- | tain and greet the Soviet sportsmen when they come here. Communications should be ad- 4 dressed to Labor Sports Union, 96 Fifth Ave. New York City. 4 The Seven-Hour Day in Some # More Factories One of the largest metal works of the Don- bass, in the Rykov works in Yenakiev, all Oc. tober railway lines, the Stalin Metallurgical Works in Leningrad, and many other big estab- , lishments in the various parts of the country } have introduced the seven-hour day at the beginning of April. In Kiev (Ukraine) the municipal enterprises tram lines, water works, electric station, etc.) and the large Pyatakov shoe factery have in- troduced the seven-hour day. The Daily Werker is the Party’s hest instrument to make contacts among the masses of workers, to Iuild a mass Communist Party. | ,opulation—Negro and white—in the struggle for immediat demands, a struggle which has already developed a class political character and which shows the naked class nature of enptialist institutions. |The organization and leadership of the strug- | gles of the Negro masses is the key to the win ning of the decisive sections of the Southern workers for the program of our party. The ; fury which this arouses in the ranks of the capitalists and their agents proves only the weakness of this section of the Southern cap-| | italist front. White workers, not yet large in numbers but in a manner which leaves no doubt as to the direction of development, have shown them- selves willing to fight for Negre workers against the rulers. The unity of the workers of both races on the basis of full equality for the Negroes means the victory for the works ing class. This the rulers understand and for this reason have enlisted all available forees in the “preservation of law and order”—in the effort to suppress by any means at hand the Communist Party and the class struggie unions which it leads. Last May the struggle in the South took the form of armed resistance by the workers in Gastonia. The capitalist class demands ven- geance more loudly than ever before and de- mands additional death penaltiex. But our party is planted firmly among the Southern workers and will continue to grow im to organize and lead their struggles as of the whole struggle of the Ameritan work- ing class. More than because of the new wave of v to have am officiel organ of our party in the South, We should iark the end of one year of strug- gle and the beginning of new ones, ‘we should celebrate May Day in the South by ammouncing the establishment of our Communitet press ia the center of Southern industry. ‘Make our First of May answer to our dees enemies in the South the establishment of the revolutionary voice of the masses of oppressed Negro and white workers-—-our Southern Worker, the first Inety offspring of our cembrall organ—the Daily, Worker. (The. End) pian. |