The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 21, 1930, Page 4

Page Four i (Contineed from a school of revolutior broad working w lever and the main res Communists must belong to the TU they must earry ¢ he most fundamental of the Party, t strengthening a wide in the factories, thus developin Pariy. of crea The leadership « must he assumed munists -through t energetic member: leaders in the workers. Revolutionary The shown that the TUUL are as y tionally and poli This was especiall; nois miners’ strike where the union, of the TUUL showed the iperative sive turn in our work can be accompl the Part and its economic The Mino (a) Fail prepare in strike on the part of the union, a carry on preliminary agitation and o tion, a failure to set up committees and of electing mass strike committe below; therefore the union failed to d masses into direct participation and lee of the ‘struggle. Even in some cases, where pit committees had been organized spontan- eously by the workers themse the of cials of the union dissolved them. (b) The union not only lagged behind the militant masses in the stri ut actually ob- structed the spreading of it and dampened the spirit of the masses by the pessimism of its own leadership. (c) * The union failed to formulate clearly a set of concrete strike demands and to popu- larize them among the miners, thus showing a complete failure on the part of the union to understand its task as the leader in the eco- nomic struggles of the workers, The T.U.U.L. on its part failed to appear as the leader of the union. It was therefore unable to repair the weaknesses of the union in battle. It acted primarily as a propaganda organ unable and unwilling to take the respon- sibility and leadership where the union failed, This was manifested outstandingly in the fail- ure of the T.U.U.L. to supervise the union’s preparation for the strike, its failure to lead the activities of the Belleville and Ziegler con- ferences and its failure to organize mass sup- port for the strike among the working class. The Party failed in this strike to mobilize all of its forces, to become the real leader and to direct its membersgin the struggle. The Party fractions worker haphazardly. The in- dividual Party members were not subordin- ated to the direction of the Party fractions. The Party was not on the spot with sufficient mrces to dvercome the pessimism and obstruc- tive activities of individual Party members (Corbishley). Although the general fine of the Party was correct neither for Center nor the district gave the systematic daily attention which this struggle required. While the Illinois struggle showed the weak- nesses of the T.U.U.L. of the revolutionary unions and of the Party-in the most accentu- ated form, the same difficulties presented themselves also in a smaller or larger degree in the other struggles, especially in that of the Needle Trades, the shoe workers and the food workers, Stratery. 99 recent — ecc 2 revealed: to time e Strengthen the T.U.U.L. 23. All of the above shortcontings reveal as the outstanding weaknesses: (a) That our unions have not yet outlined their past of left wings, and have not yet adopted themselves to the role of organizers DAILY te econ sy do appeat as such, they H the old trade h are especial- n of the work- ation in batth volutionary ¢ h the ager ve required at this hour. | formal acceptance of the lineof the th’ Congress ef thé RIL. and of the gned by the Sixth Congress and the mum of the Comintern, ro t has, as yet, been made to car turn into action. ¢d) tive part of 9 absence ale to The serious this Failure to carry on a sufficiently ener- struggle against opportunism in the t uniois, and to take organizational meas- ures in good time, 24, It is the duty of the Party to take all steps neccssar, unions and of the T.U.U.L. This is its major political task at this moment. To accomplish this task is the duty of the whole Party. A thoro survey must be made of the conditions | of work of the T.U.U.L, in all sections of the and a detailed and concrete plan of action be worked out, to be followed. The ‘defunct Party fractions in the and in the revolutionary unions must be reorganized and must be continuously di- rected by the Party. Thru these fractions the Communists |must insist upon a fundamental nge in the work and methods of the revo- lutionary unions and of the 4.U.U.L. Mass self- criticism and mass control in the carrying out of the new methods must be applied. (b) The Party press and especially the y Worker must be mobilized for the build- d revolutionizing of the unions and of he TUUL. Especially the sections of “Party life” and of “Workers Correspondence” in our Party press must be mobliized for this pur. pos Special attention must be paid by the Party press to work of the Party in this field thru conerete criticism and constructive sug- gestions. The whole Party and the Par press must ruthlessly criticize all Party sec- | tions tht lay behind in their work in this | field. | | (c) The Party must pay major attention to | the strengthening of the Party cadres, in the TUUL. The Party must effect a systematic | redistribution of its forces in the center and in the districts. This redistribution must be car- | ried through on scale large enough to give a minimum guerantee of a serious change in the work of the TUUL. (d) In the campaign to strengthen and build the revolutionary unions and the TUUL , the Party members must be the most energetic force. Through their fractions they must mob- ilize the complete membership of the unions for the organization campaign and must bear | the brunt of the agitational and organizational tasks. The Party press and the Party appara- tus must lend its full support to this campaign and must mobilize all of its departments for this purpose. ye) The Party and its fractions must or- ganize and train worker correspondents for “Labor Unity” to help make this paper a mil- itant mass organ accepted by the masses of workers as its spokesmar and its leader. The Party fraction is obliged to work for an im- mediate improvement of the leading staff of the paper. 25. The Party and its leading committees must immediately initiate a most energetic campaign for the cartying out of the revo- lutions of the Fourth Congress of the RILU. This requires a definite campaign for a greater centralization and more firm organization of | the revolutionary unions. The loose locals and the poor dues-collection system are incompat- ibl2 with strong fighting organizations, The loose organizationa: methods now prevailing must be drastically remedied. There must be | a more intimate consolidation of the revolu- | tionary unions with the National Committee ! of the TUUL and the decisive strengthening of the latter’s national departments. A de- | formation | gles of the Negro m: | ed as class-struggle victims. | finite turn in all plans of work in the revolu- tionary unions and in the TUUL must be urged and erried through by the Communists. Spe- cial efforts must be made to draw N ers into the leadership of the revol unions, Decided efforts must be made to in- crease manifold the activities cf the Commu nist fractions in the reaction trade unions It is necessary that the Party pass very defin- itel om the period of talk to the of action in the accomplishment of its in the organization of the unorganized ma The progress of the Party on the roac mass Party of v2 ry a measured by the g and influence of the TUUL. Mas: Work Among the Negro 26. The building and the work of th cannot be effective without a ser in its attitude and pract regard to th work among the Negro m of passivity and into active defense aad lead made to express in en ie action its ousness that a revolu ry struggle of American workers for power impo: 1 without revolutionary unity of the Negro an white prolétariat. To achieve this unity and t win for Gommunist leadership also the mass of Negro workers, the Party must root out al traces of a formal approach to Negro work Yhe Party program for Negro work must be vome.a living guide for the widest activity among the’Negro and white masses and partici- pation in the struggles of the Negro masses, The influence of white chauvinism is still elt in the Party and has recently manifested itself in St, Louir (opposition in the fraction to a correct Bolshevik line on Negro work); Detroit, (opportunist reluctance in fraction to struggle against white chauvinism); Chicago, (Lithuanian fraction). In many instances there has been opportunist failure to expose uch manifestations. Also wrong, however. is the tendency, displayed by some Negro com- vades (which they have since corrected more or less completely) to surrender to the propa- ganda of the Negro bourgeoisie and petty bour- geois » intellectuals of race-hatred directed against all whites without distinction of class. Protest against the special oppression to which Negroes are subjected must take the form of intensive political campaigns and mass organization to fight against lynching. Negro workers and farmers persecuted on the basis of race discrimination must be accepted and treat- The Party must carry on an uncompromising political strug- gle against all discriminatory laws, such as laws legalizing disfranchisement, segregation, laws against inter-marriage, ete. Slogan of Self-Determination. 27. The Party must organize a most in- tensive struggle around the demand of social and political equality for Negroes, which is still the main demand of our Party in its work among Negroes. At the same time the Party must openly and unreservedly fight for the right of Negroes for national self determina- tion in the South, where Negroes comprise a majority of the population. Self determination for the Negro masses is the logical continuation and highest expression of the struggle for equal rights (social equality). As the Negro libera- tion movement develops it will, in the territories and states with a majority of Negro population, take more and more the form of a struggle against the rule of the white bourgeoisie, for self-determination. Therefore, in its every day struggles for the concrete issues of social equal- ity, against lynching, against all race discrim- inatory laws, the Party must systematically ad- vance the demand for the right of the Negroes for self-determination. This demand must be popularized among the working masses of the whole country to win these workers for the support of the struggle of the Negroes. 28. Special propagartda must be carried on among the Negro masses on the question of im- perialist war, making full use of the victimiza- tion of the Negro masses both in the colonies and in the United States by the imperialist WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, APRIL 21,1930 war makers who only plunge the Negro masses deeper into slavery.” cro program is concretized and d, the work of our Party in ty of the working class will the north as well as in the he uitless in | Work in the South. he industrialization of the south, the tion of new masses under condi- » most intense exploitation, turns n evermore important battle- f > class struggle in America. This field becomes doubly important because Negro oppression e reaches its most violent and ex- treme forms, with its widest ramifications em- braeing hoth i and agriculture, Southern white ruli ss terrorism, directed against oth white and Negro workers, assumes partic- f against the Negroes. The completely nez’»cted the of t for year t even after the important struggles t n textile fields has paid insuf- n to this section. Particularly Se, hich if not at once corrected will be fatal to he realization of the Party objectives in this riod. The Communist International has cor- :eelly pointed out that the Negro masses in the rural distri serves of capitalist reaction” as conceived of by Lovestone and Pepper, but potential allies of the revolutionary proletariat. Our Party cannot function in the increasing- ly frequent mass battles of the workers in the south without being rooted in the working class there. The problem of Communist leadership of m: truggles of southern workers, there- fore, is the problem of building our Party in the South, of building it in those struggles and of putting into living practice a truly Bolshe- vik line in regard to the Negro question. The politica] bureau must approach the solu- tion of this problem at once and systematically. Within the nex months three Party dis- triets shall be definitely organized. The center of these districts shall be Birmingham, Ala., Winston-Salem, N. C., and New Orleans, La. In every one of these three centers capable Negro and white organizers shall be stationed | immediately. Funds shall be made available to put at the disposal of every one of these or- ganizers, one or two agitators. Not less than half of the personnel of the leading functionar- ies in the south shall be Negro workers, Syste- matie preparation of this campaign shall insure the best possible use of these forces. The first plenary ion of the Central Committee after the convention shall check up on this work. Development of New Forces, 30. The influx of thousands of new workers into our Party and the rapidly extending ac- ti s of the Party raises a pressing need for capable functionaries. The sharpening class struggle, the unemployment crisis, the big struggles in every field of activity make it urgent to build up new cadres. A system of hold promotion must be instituted in the Party. Party units and committees must sys- tematically recommend the most promising | comrades to the high bodies for promotion. A. wide distribution of all functions among the Party membership must assure development and discovery of comrades with abilities, Full time functionaries’ courses must be organized for the fall in New York, Chicago and at least ene other center. Wider application of col- onization must make possible the discovery and development of capable organizers. The problem of cadres is a major problem of the Party and demands systematic attention. Against Opportunism. 81. The development of new cadres, the full activization of the Party, its Bolsheviza- tion, require a relentless struggle against the right danger. All right opportunist tenden- cies in the Party become in the period of rev- olutionary upsurge of the working class a most dangerous active force for capitalism. | “The defense of such right views which have | been condemned by the Comintern as an anti- vue in regard to the agricultural | his is a most serious shortcoming | s of the south are not “re- | Party tendeney profoundly hostile to the in- terests of the proletarian revolutionary move- ment, is incompatible with membership in the Communist Party” (Tenth Plenum resolution), Conciliatory tendencies toward right-wing op- portunism are merely trying to cover up the deviations, Of these conciliators it must be demanded, “That they openly and emphatic- ally dissociate themselves fro mthe right devia- tions; that they conduct an active fight not | merely in words but in deeds against the right | | | counter-revolutionary character of the right | | | deviations; that they submit implicitly to all | decisions of the Comintern and of its sections | | and actively carry them out. Failure to carry | out any one of these conditions will piace the | cutprits outside of the ranks of the ©>mmu- | nist International.” (Tenth Plenum resolu- tion.) The roots of opportunism were very deep in our Party, as they are deep in the American | working class, and only the most conscious and stubborn struggles against every manifesta- tion of opportunism, which is especially dan- | gerous in the present period, can preserve the | revolutionary policy of our Party and guaran- | tee its continued healthy growth as the leader | of the class struggle of the workers. 32. The Address of the Communist Inter- | national to our Party in May, 1929, awakened | it to a full realization of the dangerous oppor- tunist factional situation within its ranks. The inner-Party campaign based upon this Ad- dress uprooted factionalism, consolidated the Party and replaced factional clique rule by a collective leadership. It began a process of “training of the Party in the spirit of politics based upon principle, the training of cadres in the ypirit of honest proletarian, uncorrupt rev- olutionism, free from false diplomacy and un- principled combinations” (Stalin). The Trot- sky-Cannon group and the Jilek-Brandler- Lovestone group continue their struggle against the Soviet Union, against the Comin- tern International and the working class. But the political and economic developments in the Soviet Union and in America, as well as in the rest of the world, have so obviously proven the opportunist unprincipledness of their plat- forms that they can no longer successfully ap- peal to revolutionary workers. Both of these groups are now integral parts of the capitalist | anti-Soviet front. The Party has decisively | defeated them. There is a danger, however, | that our Party sees in them the sole embodi- ment of the right danger. This tendency is wrong. Right opportunism still manifests it- self in our Party in its various fields of ac- tion, especially in a general lagging behind the developing mass movement of the work- ing class. It raised its head in a clearly social- democratic form in Superior, where Halonen defends the thesis of class neutrality of the co-operatives with a vicious struggle against | the Party. In the language press, in the language groups, remnants of federationism | still supplied powerful protection to serious | opportunist tendencies (Rovnost Ludu). The under-estimation of radicalization still para- lyzes Party work and especially Communist activities in the trade unions. Opportunism in practice is apparent everywhere. This mani- fests itself in: 1, Under-estimation and neglect of trade union work, 2. Inability and unwillingness of Commu- of old trade union habits, to revolutionize the forms and the tactics of the economic organ- izations of the workers. 3. Formal acceptance of decisions, but lax- ity in execution. 4, Resistance of the language fractions to centralization and to effective carrying out of Party campaigns in language mass organiza- tions; resistance of the language press to the campaigns of the Party. These opportunist attitudes and practices re- sult in habitual pessimism which constantly looks for reasons why things cannot be done in- stead of looking for ways of how to do them. 33. Right wing under-estimations, because extensive in the Party, manifest themselves ' also disastrously among the comrades directly | workers in the shop: | step-child in the past, must be orgat leading the work of building the revolutionary unions. In some instances these tendencies lead to passive resistance (auto workers, New York workers, Paterson silk campaign), and in others active opposition (Illinois mine strikes. New York shoe strike, New York drese strike, New Bedford strike) to the line of the Party. There are also marked tendencies not to put forward political slogans inf the economic struggles (Illinois miners’ strike, New York dress strike, etc.). Gross under-estimation of the radicalization of the workers was ex- pressed by the leadership of the needle work- ers of Chicago. The theory that. ine: ployment makes the organization of the revo- lutionary auto workers’ unionvexceedingly dit- ficult, if not impossible, is a definite under- estimation of the role of the Red unions in the economic e Party must liquidate the various manifestations of the right danger in the trade union work. Effective struggle against the right danger requires a simultancous battle aaginst the ultra-left sectarian tendencies, which attempt to cover this opportunist unwillingness to set the masses into motion and to lead them inte battles with left phrases. These tendene are a drawback to the activities of the Pa’ and are especially hindering tie against the right danger and the de of ma: These tenden are Pp Young Communist League. Organizing the Youth. increasiy 34. Youth and children play important role in production. tion and leadership in the proletarian struggles. of th epresent cri. are, therefore, a maior problem of the Party. The capita’ using every form of idealogical politic economic pressure upon the youth to keep them out of the stream of radicalization of the working class. But the young workers feel! with special sharpness the increased burdens of rationalization, - They are the immediate victims of the militarization campaign (Cougk- lin Bill, militarization of bourgeois youth ganizations, etc.) In the face of th revolutionary work among the youth, espqcially among the you s an indispensible part s to win the i Anti-militarist work, « ined and carried on methodically. Neglect of this ~ by the districts must be considered a reformis! avoidance of anti-war wo heir organiza of the Party’s activ of the working class. of the Party must help the Young Communist League in the econ- crete organization of the class struggle cam- paigns among the young wo: This help must take the form of pulitical guidance us well as organizational support in the building of the league and in the mobilizaticr of the yeung workers. Specific efforts must be made to strengthen the Party core in the League. ers To the Masses! 35. The economic crisis in the United States has created a tremendous problem for our Par- ty. The capacity of the working masses for mobilization, for organization and for struggle present the Party with the problem of extend- and developing its its own capacity accordingly. | This requires, first of all, an activization of nists in the trade unions to get out of the rut | every single member of the Party. It requires | a rapid bolshevization through continuous and constructive self-criticism and self-correction; it necessitates systematic organization work to build the Party and to drive its roots into the basic industries. It demands the broadest ap- plication of the united front tactic based upon the workers in the shops and formed for def- inite mass struggle aims; it requires a rapid | building up of revolutionary mass unions and activization of these unions as fighters for the daily interests of the workers. It demands closest attention to concrete detail work which must turn our revolutionary theory and aim into a revolutionary force against capitalism. Build the Party! Build the revolutiona unions! Mobilize the working class against rationalization, against imperialist war, against imperialism! NOW IS By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT. ROM Frisco to Boston, from New Orleans to Chicago, hundreds of thousands of work- ers are talking about the Communist Party, are reaching for it, sensing for the first time in their lives that our Party fights for them, un- swervingly—fights no matter how viciously op- posed by Hoover and all the little mayors, by the plunderers who own the industries, Within the last month, the influence of our Party among the starving jobless, among the sweated, underpaid workers in the industrial heli-holes has grown a thousand fold. Wherever the slightest attempts have been made to talk to workers, there comes a response that is surprising. In front of factory gates workers are asking comrades who sell the Daily Worker, questions that prove them in revolt against what is happening to them inside the factory. Every day morz workers are laid off, | and they. know that the speed-up and capital- ist crisis may throw them into the army of seven million unemployed as next in line. And when workers, despite the low wages they re- ceive, willingly give five cents, ten cents and occasionally twenty-five cents for a single copy of the Daily Worker, then they certainly are. looking opr way, looking to us for leadership, already understanding that our paper is their paper and that it depends upon the working class for its maintenance, And the comrades that go out on Red Sun- days, what do they report? In this house to house work in workers’ neighborhoods com- rades are engaged in discussion by the entire workers’ family, at times for as long as three quarters of an hour. The workers seem to | have expected a call from representatives of our Party. They buy Party literature, many | | Signs of Radicalization. | | join the Party, and many actually offer to sub- scribe to the Daily Worker the minute it is handed them, There are difficulties, of course. Some times a comrades’ nose is nearly nipped by a slam- ming door. There is an occasional night in jail for daring to sell our paper at a factory gate. But what of it? Ten new contacts, subscrib- ers, to one slamming door or night in jail, is worth the price. Ttis just at this time, with workers every- wheré clenching one hand at their bosses and the bosses’ police and political lackeys while with the other hand they’ reach for us, that we can bridge the difference between the broad influence our Party has attained and its or- ganizational weakness. ’ A Million ‘Face Us. A million workers are facing towards us, have heard the call of our Party, know its slogans, have seen it in action, . Ten thousand more should be brought into-the Party at once. Solidarity ot U. S. Workers with Philippine Revolutionary Totling Masses Manila, Philippine Islands, March 10, 1930. Dear Comrades: I am very glad ‘to inform you that when we received a letter from Comrade Karl Reeve, editor of the Labor Defender, and published in weekly and daily papers, in English and native languages, thiéhas encouraged the workers and peasants of the-islands a great deal. The said letter was published in full, a part of which is as follows: ‘tWe hope that the peasants of the Philippine Islands wil! be able to select from their own ranks a representative to America and place before the American workers and farmers the wrongs'to which they are subject- ed by the cqurts of their country, and will really expres¢ the aspiration of the masses of the Philippine peasantry. Such a delegation would wipe away the impression which may have been secured, beeause of the negligence of the bourgeois visitors (Missions to U.S.) to go before the masses. hi This interesting letter of Comrade Reeve has been given wide publicity and was highly cred: ited, especially among the peasants and work- ers and in many organizations. Another letter from the Communist Party in San Francisco, California, from Comrade Manus inviting us to send a delegation from the workers and peasants of the Islands to the ; United States as a mission from the Philippine: | laboring class has called the attention of the laboring elements, the peasants and workers as | well as the semi-proletarians, especially when | it was given wide publicity in English and | Tagalog in daily, weekly and bimonthly }- papers. ‘ | We are now giving publicity to the resolu- tions passed by the Workers Party of America in a meeting held in Chicago, Illinois, on Feb- 1, 1924, on the Declaration of the Philippine Freedom, and to a resolution passed in a | mass meeting in California Hall for Philippine Independence in 1924 and condemning the Re- publican and Democratic Parties for their fail- ure to grant the Filipino their freedom, and other resolutions of that kind, which are of | great interest to the Filipinos, mostly to the workers and peasants, The resolution passed by the Trade Union ‘Unity League in its last convention in Cleve- land is so very interesting that it called the attention of the workers and peasants in the Is- lands regarding Philippine Independence strug- gle, ete. Much attentions are being paid now to reso- lutions passed in several congresses where the Filipino peasants and workers took part or“ have’ any connection as in Anti-Imperialist Congresses in Brussels and FxankSext-am- E FOR A MASS Sixty thousand readers for the Daily Worker within s thousand should at once join the unions of the Trade Union Unity League. Mass circulation for the Daily Worker will help achieve this. | This accomplished, then these workers, instead of facing the Party as new, will march with us facing and against the exploiters, defending our organizations against the fascists and the badged and unbadged authorities in seats of “law and order.” The campaign for mass circulation for the Daily Worker comes in a period when the great- est, most advantageous results can be obtained. The capitalists internationally are slipping around, like a lot of hogs on ice. Internal and external contradictions of this looting crew mount. Markets, in relation to production and capital investments are narrowing. No work for the workers, struggles, demonstrations, pol- itical strikes. Begifnings of revolts in colonial < months will help achieve this. Fifty | DAILY | countries. The London conference collapses. War! And all the imperialists in chorus: “Down with the Soviet Union!” Ready for Struggle. Workers are ready for struggle, muscles tense, ready to strike blow for blow. But our contacts with them are weak. Should a large strike break out today, would we secure leader- ship of it? If not, it will be because the Party is not yet going to the workers, at factory gates, in homes, everywhere—is not yet in the heart of the industries, leading. The Daily Worker campaign program places before the Party membership exactly the nec- essary tasks which will drive the Party mem- | bers towards the workers in mine, mill and ' shop and into their homes. You can build | hundreds of additional factory nuclei by selling the Daily Worker steadily in front of factory gates, by visiting workers in.their homes, find- ing out what industry they work in, getting ORKER them to subscribe to your ceniral organ. Get readers for the Daily Worker and you wil! build unemployed councils, shop organizations, get their support for the Daily Workex, secure con- tributions immediately, and we can improve our paper print more struggle news, prod more tens of thousands of copies, for work to read. Through the Daily Worker we will bind the workers together, solidify them into movement with us against the bosses, Shop wiil know what shop is doing, workers in one industry will learn of the struggle of workers in other industries—will learn whet our solid phalanx of an internationai revolutionary’ movement means and means to do. Comrades: The workers are ready for u: They await us, Are you in the campaign to build the Daily Worker and thereby build » powerful Communist Party that will lead the workers to victory? Main, conferences in Canton, Hankow, Shang- hai and Vladivostok and the IV Congress in Moscow of the Red International of Labor Unions. i ; . Also 'to the articles in the Daily Worker in its issues of Dec. and Jan. last ,that the Philippine Independence talk in Congress is merely a fake, but only the masses’ demand is real, .and that | the native capitalists and politicians pretend- ing to lead the movement will betray it, ete. Wainwright, Stimson say “No freedom,” and that the very members of the present Inde- pendence Mission now in the U. S. weer the supporters of Stimson while.he was the oGv- ernor Generai of the Islands, ete. We are not publishing only the said letters, resolutions and articles, but we also_bring all these documents in all public meetings and gatherings. Really these are so very interest- ing documents that the natives like to see and hear. I have observed in many barrios towns and provinces, which I have visited, that the people like to hear opinions, resolutions and articles from abroad regarding the aspiration of the people of the Philippine Islands and the broad masses of the workers and peasants. They are also willing to hear something of what the Filipino Million in the United States are doiny according to the observation of the workers ! A letter of Mr. Clyde H. Tavener, editor of the Philippine Republic printed in Washington, D, C. to the Secretary of the Independence League and published in the Philippine Herald on. March 2 of this year criticizes the failure of the Filipino Resident Commissioners in Washington to ask for hearings of Philippine Independence bills,.as Bill King, etc., before the House Committee on Insular Possessions, ete. {and farmers in America. | | | | Attentions are also paid to the tactics used by the resident commissioners and members of the Philippine Independence Mission in the United States as to their Philippine Independ- ence talk and the sugar, copras, tobacco and hemp interest of the landowning class for U. S. tariff, ete. Please send us some clippings of the papers in the U. S. in case they publish something about the workers and peasants of the Philip- pine Islands and the Philippine Independence campaign, 3 }- Please send us also at least two copies of any resolution: to be passed in case our re- quest as stated in the enclosed letter should be given consideration, I have read through a local daily yesterday, that the American Negro Labor Congress pass- ed'a resolution on the Philippines. Kindly send me a copy, if you can afford to get it, as we do not know any address of the said or- ganization. . With fraternal greetings, JACINTO G. MANAHAN, P. 0. Box 840, Manila, P. I. Reviving Old Members The following letter is an indication of the process of reviving old members, who during the days of factional struggle dropped out of the Party, but are now being drawn into activ- ity again by the new life and growth of the movement and the healthy life in the Party. Editor of the Daily Worker: Permit me a little space to unburden myself of an overflow of emotions, resulting from my rejoining the ranks of the revolutionary pro- letariat. I joined the S. P. in 1916. Passed through all the stages of development, the un- derground work in the Communist Party and United Communist Party, then emerged into the open Workers Party.: I took an active part in the building of the organization which will lead the workers to their final victory. Some time in 1927, I dropped out of the Party. The factional fights made it difficult for me to be active, And as I couldn’t permit myself to be “dead timber” in a very much alive movement, I deemed it best to step aside and wait for an opportunity to come back... . And last night, when I received my Party book once more and again participated in the uni: meeting, I was overwhelmed with joy. I felt at home once again. omradely yours, L, KESSLER. Great Turko-Siberian Railway The building of the Turko-Siberian Railway (Turksib), the longest railway now in construc- tion in the world, is coming to its end. As a result of Socialist competition, the road will be finished much sooner than called for by the plan. On April 28 the southern and northern parts of the railway will unite and movement of trains will begin. Part of the road is already being exploited. The problem of uniting Stheria with Central Asia, which is of tremendous economic importance for the Soviet Union, 1s thus now on the eve of being actually solved. The southern and northern parts of the read will meet at the Aina-Bulak station where many workers’ delegations from Moscow, Leningrad and other labor centers will come together to celebrate the opening of the line, The festivities will end in Alma-Atte on May 1