The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 9, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Ine., daily, excent Sunday, at 26-28 Tnfon Baily RSE Page Four = square. New York City, N. ¥.. Telephone Stuyves if &. Caile:” “DAIWORK Add and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 26- New York, 3 THE LIBERALS AND MARCH 6 Some Aspects of Unemployment Campaign By WM. Z. FOSTER. HE liberals are showing much activity in connection with the New York M 7 demonstration. This holds true of t Liberties Union, as well as of the groups o professors and other intellectuals followi lead of Norman Thomas. These petty-bou struggle to their own advantage. line shows that, true to their class make-up, they are part of the car united front against the worker: To begin with, the liberals, ists in general, try to play down the basic is of the March 6 demonstration; struggle of the great mass: against the intolerable conditions confronting them. They ignore almost completely that the big struggle developed around the demonstration primarily because millions of workers have no jobs and the unemployed, in New York as elsewhere, seized upon March 6 as an occasion when, under the leadership of the gle in defense of their demands. To hear the liberals tell it, the Union Square demonst tion developed almost out of thin air. In thus ignoring the central issue of unemployment, the liberals play the game of the capitali and tend to sidetrack and defeat the whole movement. The liberals try to reduce the Union Sq demonstration merely to a question of pol brutality. They do not even raise the ques- tion of civil liberties. They admit that Whalen was within his legal rights to prohibit the parade and thus to deny the workers the op- portunity to bring forward their intolerable grievances effectively. Did not the Civil Lib- erties Union in fact send a letter of praise to Whalen complimenting him for his prepara- tions for handling the March 6 demonstration, preparations which consituted a gigantic mob- jlization of New York’s 25,000 police and fire- men to terrorize the workers and to deny them their alleged civie rights? To the liberals the issue was not that elementary civil liberties of the workers were suppressed but that Wha- len used unseemly violence in so doing. Following their line of distorting the political character of the Union Square demonstration, the liberals try to narrow the struggle down simply to between the Communists and the police. Here again they follow the propa- ganda of the capitalist pr They try to make it appear as though the gigantic demonstration consisted primarily only of a smali group of Communists, plus masses of more or less dis- interested and curious onlookers, and that the trouble arose when the Communists under- took to march and thus came into conflict with the police. For them the issue is “the reds versus the police.” This falsifies the whole situation. The Union Square meeting was not simply a Communist demonstration, but a great mass turnout of the workers generally. The great masses were active participants. Not only did the Com- munists come into conflict with the police but | This the the as well, so did the multitude of worke is made clear by the moving pictures of which the whole when gigantic ma: ad down Br demonstration, show tha ade started into motion a . Natur the demons conflict with the police after the demonstration. du and to before, But to attempt reduce the issue simply to a struggle between ing, not only misses but ng of the dem- “the reds and the police” ats the real political 1 com onst he liberals attempt further to narrow down the issue to their own petty-bourgeois concep- tions by secking to divert the struggle simply into a legalistic effort to remove Whalen from his post as police commissioner. They saw nothing wrong in the capita state of which Whalen is a part: It is only a case of a “bad” and “‘illiberal” official. Remove him and all will be well. All these tendencies of the petty-hourgeois to destroy the mass working class eter of the March 6 demonstration we t combat, It is necessary to emphasize and levelop our whole line on the fact that the March 6 fight was a great struggle of the workers around the issue of unemployment. We must use this demonstration as a means to enormously strengthen our campaign among the unemployed workers to organize them, to link their fight with that of the employed, and to bring forward their demands for social in- surance, the shorter work day, ete. We must also make the unemployed masses realize that all the workers arrested in connection with the unemployed demonstration are in first line the leaders of the unemployed, and then draw these masses into support of the March 6 prisoners. We must militantly resist all efforts of the liberals which follow the same line as the social democrats and the capitalists themselves, to portray the March 6 demonstration simply as a meeting of Communists. This is an at- tempt to divorce us from the masses. On the contrary, the March 6 demonstration must be utilized for the purpose of strengthening our mass contacts, of building the Communist Party and establishing the Trade Union Unity League in the broad ranks of the working class. We must also fight against the dangerous liberal illusions that the problem will be solved by the removal of Whalen. While fighting for the elimination of this capitalist lickspittle, we must emphasize that the main enemy is the Whalens. When Whalen goes he will be succeeded by another chief of police equally loyal to the capitalists and probably far more efficient in carrying through their program of suppressing and exploiting the workers. Above all the March 6 demonstrations must be utilized to disillusion the masses regarding the capitalist em, to inculcate in them revolutionary prin- ciples, to draw them into our program of de- fense of the Soviet Union, and of revolutiona: attack against capitalism. liberals Ruthenberg vs. Lovestone the ccasion of the anniversary of the death of Comrade C, E. Ruthenberg, a few weeks ago, the Lovestone renegades made strenuous efforts to claim him as “their own,” and thus to capitalize, for their opportunist disruption, the reputation of a leader universally honored in the movement for his qualities which were the opposite of Lovestone’s—namely, stead- fastness and loyalty to the revolutionary line of the Comintern. This ghoulish adventure of Lovestone is the more particularly dishonor- able, because precisely in the weeks before Ruthenberg’s death, in February, 1927, Love- stone was engaged in intrigues for the re- moval of Ruthenberg from his post as secre- tary of the party. This disloyalty of Love- stone, well known to all leading elements in the Party, was one of the factors which made it possible to liquidate Lovestone so quickly and thoroughly when he finally came into the open against the Comintern. Now the Central Committee has come ihto possession of a letter written by Comrade Ruthenberg just in these weeks, which shows that he was perfectly aware of the intrigues of Lovestone, that he realized the danger to the Party that Lovestone embodied, and in what seems almost a foresight into the events to follow, predicts Lovestone’s later adven- tures. Writing from New York to Chicago, where he had left Lovestone in charge of the Party National Office, Comrade Ruthenberg wrote: “As usual everything is hectic here. Hec- tic activities, appointments every hour, telephone calls every few minutes, hectic telegrams from Jay (Lovestone—Ed.) and two long distance conversations thus far. Some one in the Party has to remain cool and calm and be orderly, efficient and econ- omical, That seems to be my role. I CAN FEEL JAY LETTING LOOSE THE MO. MENT I AM GONE and what I heard in the office over long distance indicated the same condition there.” If Comrade Ruthenberg could “feel Jay let- img loose the moment he was gone” for a Notice of the Central Control ee Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City.” 4, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Address ....s0ceccccccemesse Vit¥sscseeeee Occupation .......cssesesceeeeses ABCrs sees Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. Y, week from the office, how much more did the Party feel Lovestone “letting loose” when the restraining hand of Ruthenberg was perma- nently removed by death! Lovestone “let loose” in the most fundamental political sense, setting about systematically to loosen the ties of the Party with the Communist Internation- al, and within the Party loosening the most un- restrained factionalism, covering it all with ap- | peals to the memory of Comrade Ruthenberg. Now Comrade Ruthenberg’s letter, written to a close personal friend, reaches out from the past to smash this damnable lie of Lovestone, and once for all to establish that the tradi- tions of Ruthenberg belong wholly and en- tirely to the Party. Commission Decision on the Expulsion of James E. Carr As a Spy The Central Control Commission has def- initely established that James E. Carr (known) as Edward Carter) is a spy. Having expelled him from the Communist Party of the U.S.A., the Central Control Com- mission warns all workers’ . organizations against this scoundrel and stool-pigeon. Formerly of San Francisco, when his ac- tions had aroused certain suspicion as to his real character, he left there in the spring of 1929 and went to Chicago for a week or two. From there he went to New Orleans and then to Baltimore, where he arrived about August, 1929 and where he succeeded to sneak into the Party organization. He came to New Yo about the end of September 1929 and shortly thereafter, when he saw he would be exposed, he disappeared, The Central Control Commission has obtain- ed the following description of this spy: height, about 5 feet 8 inches; weight, about 140 pounds, slender; complexion, fair; hair, dark j blond, thin; eyes, blue; nose, straight; age, about 85 to 40 years; clean shaven; talks ra- pidly with a Texan accent, like a lawyer; wears overalls; carries a railroad enginee! pass on which he can move around freely, He, no doubt, will try to ply his slimy trade somewhere else and all workers’ organizations must keep a sharp lookout for this snake and to close their doors to him wherever he may appear. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION OF cr, USA 's Notice! The article printed in yesterday's issue: “How Job Sharks Skin the Unemployed” was written by Solon De Leon. The author’s name was omitted by error. The Daily Werker is the Party's HIS REAL ENEMY Conical Organ of the Communist L “Damn Right I Will!” Worker Yurty of the U. S. A. es By Fred Ellis * By C. CLARK. N Tuesday, April 1, a conference took place in the city of Los Angeles which is certa to have far reaching effects, and marks the first organized effort for a mass organization of workers defense groups. The Conference included a number of organ- izations but was called with a view of enrol! ing as great a number as possible into direct membership in the defense squads. The con- ference put before itself the goal of 1,00 workers, men, women and youth, by the first of May. This goal, judging by the splendia enth n prevailing at the conference an! the fact that the conference was called at on» week’s notice, will not only be easily attained but in all probability will be surpassed. One weakness was noticeable. Most of thosc who enrolled into workers defense squads were non-Party members. The Party membership | underestimated and failed to respond suffi ciently to this exceedingly important work. Not withstanding this fact, the splendid response of the workers, the enthusiasm with which the organization was launched, and the great u derstanding by the workers of the necessity of such an organization proves conclusively that workers defense squads are not organized on the basis of abstract preparations but are now based on the condition of the class strug- gle itself. The possibilities for the growth and activities of workers defense groups are tremendous, Workers Defense Protects Meetings. The enthusiasm for this work evidenced in the conference grows out of the experience of thousands of workers in Los Angeles at the Feb, 26 and March 6 demonstrations. In Los Angeles an extremely acute situation exists with regard to police terrorism. Not only are open air demonstrations and meetings viciously broken up from the very beginning, but also the police follow a systematic policy of di: rupting every meeting arranged indoor Organization of Workers Detense Corps Speakers are arrested sefore the meetings be- gin. Workers are intimidated and prevented from entering the hall. Beatings of workers often take place. In view of this situation, even before the conference workers defense groups were or- ganized with the result that two victories can already be recorded for the workers of this section. At a meeting of the LL.D. in a Negro neighborhood the attempts of the police to lisrupt the meeting were smashed by an or- ganized body of 50 workers. At the defense ‘onference, for the first time in many months, the so-called “red squad” failed to show up in spite of the fact that the conference was wide- ly advertised and was known to the police. Defensive and Offensive Organization. The conference adopted a resolution which clearly indicates the organizational methods posed for the carrying on of defense work. Special emphasis was laid on registration of the workers vho enrolled. Such information as whether the worker is an ex-service man as well as other information valuable from the iew point of defense work was secured. This defense conference opens the broad per- spective of an entirely new field@of activity for the Party. This work must be energeti- cally pushed by the Party throughout the coun- try. Tens of thousands of workers will en- | roll and will build the shield of defense of working class activities. The workers defense organization is not only a weapon of defense for the working class, it is also an offensive weapon. The working class cannot defend it- self without dt the same time waging an of- fensive struggle against capitalism. The very nature of workers defense is an offensive against the offensive of the bourgeoisie. The workers’ defense groups will play an import- ant role in the immediate struggles of the work- ers as well as a defense’of the Soviet Union and the offensive against the capitalist sys- tem as a whole. Mall (in New York City only) EH Mall (outside of New York City): 96.00 a year; OUR GERMAN BROTHER | PARTY | Report ot Central Committee Flenum “Stop the Bunk Sheet!” The Daily Worker has received the follow- ing letter sent to the counter-revolutionary Trotsky organ: F ” Rochester, Minn, The Militant, Dear Sir: I have read the “Militant” for some time and I want to say that I have tried hard to grasp the points of your paper and for the life of me I am unable to see even one. When I met you here while you were speaking for the I. L. D. I did net think that you would turn out to be a reactionary in the labor movement. The “Militant” will receive no support from me nor any of the other comrades in Roches- ter. Your tirade against the Communist In- ternational is bunk and based on nothing. Your elitorial board of the “Militant” are all of them reactionary to labor and have been e: pelled from the Communist Party of Americ: I shall not shed any tears over any of them. The Communist Party of America has been burdened with rascals like you for years. You are all obstructionists and that is the reason you have been spewed out on the ground. ‘Now you will no longer obstruct the aims of the Communist Party of America which is for the dictatorship of the proletariat and henceforth all offenders of the Party will be punished under strict discipline, Hats off for Comrade Stalin, the Communist International and down with oppovtun'sm, right danger an! renegades! hest instrument to make contacts among ite masses of workers, to build a mass Communist Party. Stop the “Militant.” I want it no longer. It is a bunk sheet. Good by. Yours truly, GEORGE F, PARTRIDGE, | A Reply to Kulak-Emigrants The following news has been received from the Republic of the Volga Germans: Members of collective farms of the Marien- thal canton of complete collectivization, having met in a one-day’s conference prior to the spring sowing, declared their intention to con- stitute a shock brigade. “Tn answer to the challenge of the first All- Union Congress of shock brigade workers,” de- clared the conference, “collective farm mem- bers of the Marienthal canton will prepare themselves energetically for collective sowing and organization of labor of a high standard. We look upon our decision as a Bolshevik reply to the attempt of the kulaks and emi- erant-colonists to get the imperialists to attack the Seviet Union. “We say to the imperialists: “If you try to hinder us in the constrne- tion of socialism, you will meet with the united front of crack towns and villages! “We are aware thdt we are taking an enor- mous responsibility upon ourselves. By con- stituting ourselves into shock brigades, we un- dertake to organize our labor in an examplary manner, to raise its productivity, to prove that our ranks are well organized and to he always in the forefront of the collectivization move- ment. “Difficulties don't frighten us. We will make collective farming the basis of rising prosper- ify and the constant source of industrial pro- duction, in order to guarantee the development of our socialist industry,” s RIPTION RATES: $8.00 a yea HE Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany met in Berlin on the 20th and 21st of March. Com- rade Thalmann dealt in a comprehensive re- port with the decisions of the Enlarged Pre- sidium of the Executive Committee, Commu- nist International, the achievements and weak- nesses in the work of the C. P. of Germany and the measures which are necessary for improving this work and overcoming the exist- ing shortcomings. The Central Committee then thoroughly discussed the problems con- fronting it and adopted unanimous decisions. The Enlarged Plenum of the E.C.C.I. had thoroughly analysed the world situation and the development of the revolutionary class struggle and ascertained that the accentuation of the fundamental antagonisms of world capi- talism is being accelerated to the highest de- gree. The Plenary sion of the C. C. of the C. P. G. agreed with the statements of the Presidium regarding the beginning world economic crisis and the further growth of the revolutionary upsurge in the capitalist coun- tries. The Central Committee emphasized the powerful advance of socialism in the Soviet Union which changes the relation of forces be- tween the two world economic tems in favor of international socialism and renders the Soviet Union still more a factor of the further revolutionary upsurge of the prole- tariat and of all the exploited masses of the world. With the growth of the crisis of capi- talism and the simultaneous achievements of the Soviet Union in the carrying out of the Five Year Plan, of industrialization and col- lectivization of agriculture, in the liquidation of the kulaks as a class, the danger of an imperialist intervention war becomes more acute. The Young Plan not only increases to an enormous extent the plundering of the Ger- man proletariat and of the other toiling sec- tions of the population by international fi- nance capital, by the German bourgeoisie and the social fascist hangmen who are playing the role of task-masters of capital against the German workers, but also enhances the danger of an imperialist attack upon the country of the proletarian dictatorship and of socialism. The danger of an imperialist intervention war was never so great as it is today. The whole attention of the Communist advance guard of the world proletariat must be devoted to the war preparations of the imperialists. The re- pulsion of the war incitement against the So- viet Union, the active defense of the Soviet Union is more than ever the main task of the revolutionary proletariat, The Plenum of the Central Committee dealt thoroughly with the position and the perspec- tives of the class struggle in Germany. Com- rade Thalmann in his report examined with Bolshevist soberness the effects of the world economic crisis, of the fall in prices on the world market and the acceptance of the Young Plan upon the revolutionary development in Germany. The international fall in prices is counteracted in Germany by the accelerated establishment of trade monopolies, the in- creased customs barriers, the enhancement of indirect taxes imposed on mass consumption, increased unemployment, ete. There is not the least doubt that the Young illusions will be dispelled much more quickly than were those illusions which a portion of the German proletariat cherished in connection with the ac- ceptance of the Dawes Plan. The general line of development rests upon the extremely shaky foundation of capitalist stabilization, unon the stormy character of the class struggle, the radicalization of the masses and the disinte- gration in the ranks of social democracy and the other bourgeois parties. All these factors have the effect that the revolutionary upsurge in Germany, in spite of its uneven develop- ment, is on the upgra le. as The special character of this session of the Central Committee consisted in the fact that the chief portion of its work was devoted to the most determined examination of all the weak positions in the practical work of the Party, to ruthless self-criticism and the meas- ures necessary for overcoming the weaknesses and shortcomings. In particular, certain fail- ures which occurred in the last few weeks in the factory council elections together with great successes of the Party and the ‘revolu- tionary trade union opposition, were thorough- ly investigated. The defeat of the Party in the Berlin Free Thinkers elections, the failure at the factory council elections in the Leuna works and in the Berlin street car and underground rail- way depots, the stagnation at the Krupp works—all these and other phenomena serve] as occasion for a serious examination of the whole work of the Part; According to the decisions of the Wedding Party Congress which have been confirmed by the Tenth Plenum of the E. C. C. again emphasized by the Enlarged Pr the C. P. of Germany is confronted with the central task of capturing the majority of the proletariat. This means drawing the decisive sections of the proletariat into the revolution- ary class struggle, the organization of revolu- tionary mass actions, starting from economic struggles for higher wages and bread and raising them to the political mass strike for the general class demands of the proletariat up to the final struggle for power, The lead- ership of struggles and mass actions by the Communist Party—this is the central task and the revolutionary line laid down by the Wed- ding Party Congress. | The turn to revolutionary mass work is only in its initial stage. This fact has been estab- lished by the Plenary session of the Central Committee on the basis of the fighting exper- iences of the last few weekseand months. oy The greatest hindrance to the carrying out of this Party line is Right opportunism in practice, This opportunism against which the Party must conduct a ruthless and determined struggle if it wishes to do away with the shortcomings in its work and to carry out the line of the Wedding Party Caneress, is the chief enemy in its own ranks, Those tenden- cies which undermine the independent revolu- tionary tactie of the Communist Party in the trade union movement, in the leadership of mass struggles or attempt to chain the Com- ¢ munists to the social fascist trade union ap- $4.50 six mont $3.50 six months; | | i | hs; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months it TEE paratus, no matter whether they come forward in theory or in the practical work, must be ruthlessly overcome. The Central Committee further stated that in the last few weeks, in particular in con- nection with the factory council elections “Left” deviations from the Marxist-Leninist line have made their appearance which give rise to the danger of sectarianism, of the isolation of the Party from the main masses of the proletariat. The struggle against the chief danger of Right opportunism cannot be successfully conducted without at the same time an irreconcilable struggle against Left sectarianism. The Central Committee, there- fore, devoted its attention to those shortcom- ings in Party work which are based on sectar- ianism masked by Left phrases and sham- radical shouting. Certain tendéncies to abandon the struggle for the proletarian united front from below, ‘o} neglect the struggle for the social democratic workers and work in the reformist trade unions / and other mass organizations under reformist leadership, are decisive hindrances to the car- rying out of the revolutionary policy of the Party. The Central Committee declared most sharply in its political resolution that every real advocate of the Party line and of the de- cisions of the Wedding Party Congress must boldly attack and eradicate also these Left mis- takes. The C. C. condemned the fact that in the last campaigns the united front tactic from below was partly neglected and partly was not applied at all, The C. C. was of the opinion that the establishment of the united front from below in all the future actions and cam- paigns must become the chief task of the Party. The open self-criticism with which the C. C. exposed the shortcomings and weaknesses in the work of the Party and the unanimity with which it adopted the necessary decisions for their overcoming must find response in a pow- erful stormy initiative of the whole Party for the determined carrying out of the line of the Welding Party Congress against all deviations, hindrances and distortions. The acceptance of the Young Plan and of the Law for the Defense of the Republic, the rushing through of the financial reform with, | | its new taxes and customs duties on food— these attacks of the German bourgeoisie an/i i of their social fascist hangmen upon to, masses of the working people in town ati} country confront the Communist Party with great tasks. The organization of the offfn-~ sive of the proletarian masses in the strugzle ” for their class demands, the breaking down of the barriers which still separate the social I democratic and christian workers from the Communist Party, the establishment of the i proletarian united front for the common strug- 1 gle against capital and its social fascist lack- eys—all this requires the bold eradication of all the mistakes in our Party work, the im- provement of the methods, and the overcom- ing of all half-heartedness and vacillations. The decisions of the Central Committee give | the guarantee that the Party will march for- ward to new successes and new victories, “Pravda” on the Second International (By Inprecorr Press Service) Referring to the proposed conference between the presidium of the Second (Labor and So- cialist) International and the International Federation of Trade Unions (Amsterdam), to deal with the disarmament problem, “Pravda” declares that the conference can be nothing more than a further proof of the hypocrisy of the socialist leaders, Paul Boncour, Emil Van- dervelde and the others were those who acted as whippers in for the rejection of the Soviet proposal for complete disarmament in Geneva. It was the Socialist leaders who sabotaged the disarmament proposals and substituted the im- perialist phrasemongery of “security” and “guarantees.” In Germany the social democrats in the government were responsible for the building of modern cruisers and for the con- struction of poison gas factories. The British Socialists organized the London naval confe@ ence which is exposed as nothing but an im- perialist bargaining meeting not for disarm- ament but for armament. The British Social- ists introduced the remarkable principle that t kill people with submarines is inhuman, where | as to kill peovle with battleships and armorei cruisers is absolutely humane and in order, \Berlin Anti-Soviet Conference (By Inprecorr Press Service) The “Rote Fahne,” the “Welt am Abend” and a number of bourgeois newspapers publish re- ports of a conference of about 70 prominent personages in Berlin in order to organize an anti-Soviet campaign in Germany. The prom- inent leaders of the Protestant, Catholic and Jewish churches were present, the new Presi- dent of the Reichsbank, Dr. Luther, the former Reichswehr Minister Gessler, the former Min- ister of the Interior for the Reich von Keudell, the leader of the Catholic Centre Party von, Papen, the former Cabinet Chief of the Ex- Kaiser von Berg and a number of Russian mon. archist emigrants. A committee of action for the leadership of the anti-Soviet campaign was appointed under the leadership of von Papen and Prince Ali yon Loevenstein. A causus session also took place at which the most prominent leaders “dis- cussed the Russian problem without reserve,” to use the words of the Catholic leader, who also declared that the Catholic church had made all the necessary preparations for the campaign and that the necessary funds would be supplied by the Congregation for the Propa; anda of the Faith in Rome. ON He also declared that the new Roman Nuntius Orsenigo in Berlin had come with detailed in- structions from the Cardinal Secretary of State ‘acelli concerning the organization of the cam- paign, and that the public declaration of the } anti-bolshévist crusade would take place at a general conference of Catholic bishops at the Grave of St. Boniface shortly, ha | | 4 -_