The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 7, 1930, Page 4

New York City, Page Four Square. Publishéd by the Comprodally SS anuae Co. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. Tno., Gally except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable Y. 8 Union Square, New York, BE A COMMUNIST PRESS For A Clear Working Class Line By M. ALPI. URING the period especially after the last plenum of the Central Committee some of the Party language papers made some pro- more of the gress in the way of becomir character of Party papers, and are becoming Stronger in the struggle against the rene- gades, against Right tendencies and oppor- tunism in the ranks of the Party and the language fractions, and in general they are coming closer to the Party line, yet they must Still increase their efforts to better themselves from a political point of view, they must con- nect themselves more with the life in the fac- tories, with the workers struggle, increase the number of worker correspondents, free them- selves from the national sphere of the or- ganizations, which are their basis, and widen the outlook of the greater problems which con- front our Party and the entire working class of the U. S., ete. Don't Lag Behind! ple, the Some of our paper exa le, Lithuanian daily “Laisve,” “Vilnis” still lag far behind. They do publish the material of the Party, but the general material in the paper does not reflect the line of the Party, the new situation. These papers are full of articles in which are expressed not a Commu- nist line but certain bourgeois conceptions about society. Some of our papers, therefore, instead of becoming teachers of Marxism, Leninism, become papers y bourgeois ideology among the workers. This we can see very clearly from the example in a critical article by Comrade Cowl. (The ar- ticle by Comrade Cowl will be printed later— Editor.) This is not only the case with the Lithuan- ian paper. We have other examples in some other Communist papers. For example, our comrades in charge of the paper give abso- lutely no attention to the advertisements or else they look at this problem only from an administrative point of view: not long ago the “Trybuna Robotnizcy” printed advertise- ments from a religious fascist literature or- ganization and bourgeois candidate for office. The “Vilnis” advertised the excursion to Lith- uania for the Jubilee Excursion of the W.L.K. Wittoff, which the Lithuanian fascists pro- claim as the year of the Lithuanian prince Wittoff, this advertisement therefore being a - direct fascist monarchist advertisement. It is not long ago that some of our language papers were full of Christmas greetings; there is no discrimination in the publishing of cuts, spreading petty- , for example, “Rovnost Ludu” published on the st page cuts from an orchestra which was going to Europe, which has nothing whatever to do with the proletarian class struggle or the labor movement. In the February 18th issue of “Rovnost Ludu” there was published spondence from a member of the Social Labor Party in which this fellow said that he is for Soviet Russia but cannot believe that the situation is so beautiful as in the picture from Comrade Schmidt. There was not one word of comment from the editor con- cerning this correspondence from a member of another part The “Rovnost Ludu” speaks about the necessity for organization of the unemployed councils, but does not connect this problem with the general situation, the in- asing unemployment, and does not give an is of the unemployment, ete. Overcome Resistance to Party Line. These few examples clearly show that some of our papers maintain still a resistance to enter in the Party line, that with the simple printing of the Party material they think they can accomplish their Communist duty, but they make no efforts to utilize the Party ma- terial, to take the line from this material. They live far away from this period, far away from the increasing struggles of the workers. They on the one hand try to satisfy the Party in the simple printing of the Party material, but on the other hand they aim to satisfy the readers in following the old line of the papers and maintain in good standing the finances with any and every sort of advertisement. This is not a Communist line. This con- ciliatory opportunistic method must be stopped, because with this method they do not satisfy the Party or the readers who are work- ers, who are a part of the hardest struggles, workers who are part of the American prole- tariat, which is developing a counter-offensive against the capitalist offensive. To mainta their finances in good standing, the Pari press should increase the number of sub- scribers, the number of collections, and not through the printing of advertisements which deform completely the character of the paper. Our language press in general must make an effort to bring the workers of the differ- ent languages closer to the Party, to develop new forces in the editorial staff, in the ranks of the workers correspondence; and stop col- laborating with petty intellectuals, petty bour- geois elements whose “Marxism” is frequent- ly nothing more than their’ own _petty-- bourgeois theories under the cloak of Marxian phraseology. Mobilizing Forces for the Daily Worker Campaign By A. WAGENKNECHT. The Party members, and departments, sympathetic workers and workers organizatoins must at once get into action in the campaign for mass circulation for the Daily Worker. The campaign must strike deep roots in our Party beacause its success depends upon the extent of mobilization of our own forces: Organizing our forces for the campaign must not lag, mut not be postponed. Within this week, the campaign program must receive gen- eral discussion and tasks must be assigned. We here give a concise outline of work for every district, section, city, unit. This must be given attention today, completed within a few days, so that the actual work of securing tens of thousands of new readers can be entered into speedily. 1. Thorough discussion of the campaign pro- gram in every district bureau, section commit+ tee, unit. 2. Name Daily Worker campaign commit- tees in every district, section and in every city where the Party has membership. & Name capable Daily Worker representa- tives in every district, section, unit. Where rep- resentatives do not function or show no ability for their tasks, replace them. 4. Districts to assign quotas to sections im- mediately, sections to assign quotas to units. , Instigate revolutionary competition. 5. Districts and sections must at once con- eretely apply the campaign program to every city and territory so that the efforts of the Party members will be directed towards secur- ing mass circulation among workers in the big industries, mining regions, factory towns by selling at factory gates and securing readers in working class neighborhoods. 6. Organization of groups of comrades for factory sales and distributions, for house to house canvassing in workers’ neighborhoods, the centralization of adequate forces at the large industries, must be given attention. 7. Every Party member must enter the | campaign, must secure a minimum of $5 worth of subscriptions, will receive a special stamp | Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. NAME .....0.0ccecccesenesccceccccceses Occupation settee eeeeweeseeecenes ABCs sees Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 12bth St.. New’ York, N. Y, all Party committees | | in his membership book upon the accomplish- ment of this task thereby assuring his good standing in the Party. 8. Delegate conferences to mobilize for the May First demonstrations must be made Daily Worker conferences as well, and definite tasks assigned to all organizations participating so that they will help spread the Daily Worker and use it as a mobilizer for May First. 9. Strengthening workers correspondence, calling worker correspondents to meet, electing a district correspondent to report the major political and economic struggles and events. Che Significance of the Revolu tionary Songs By S. POUPODOUPOLIS I want to suggest to the comrades to correct one of the shortcomings of our Party and in this way help bolshevize the Party. I saw many times at demonstrations and | meetings a small group of comrades take the initiative and start to sing, but the majority of the demonstrators don’t follow their example and in this way degenerate the purpose of the songs. What is the matter with the member- ship of the Party, quite a number of whom do not know even the “International” in English. This shows that they do not understand the significance of the revolutionary songs and their utilization in the struggles of the work- ing class. Let us take an example from our enemies, | the capitalists and their institutions, the army, the schools, ete. | | The soldiers are obliged to sing patriotic | songs. The capitalists know the significance | of the patriotic songs, for it creates blind en- thusiasm and leads the soldiers to war like sheep. When we sing and teach the workers to sing, we create conscious revolutionary enthu- , Siasm in the daily struggle against our enemy. The Communists must learn and teach the workers revolutionary songs. At every meeting and every mass struggle of the workers, the comrades must sing and especially now when our Party is preparing for the May Day demonstrations in which we | are going to meet the forces of reaction, ve | must not forget the significance of the y >- lutionary songs in our battles with the police and reactionary forces. OUR LANGUAGE PRESS MUST | New Revolutionary Song Book International Publishers are preparing a Revolutionary Workers’ Songbook for use at mass meetings, by singing groups and individ- uals. The book will be issued in a convenient size and at a low price, making it accessible to all workers. It will include the best liked and most popular revolutionary songs, as well as some not. yet generally known, but particu- larly stirring. : In order that the book may best represent the needs of the workers for whom it is de- signed, International Publishers are asking for suggestions from interested persons or groups. Leaders of singing groups and individuals are | invited to submit lists of songs which they feel “DAIWORK ~ Daily Sz Worker > 11 (in New York City only): $8.00 a year; By Mail Gutaiae of New York & SUBSCRIPTION RATE! ity): $6.00 a year; 1S: $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.00 three months Central Organ of the Communist tariy of the U. S. A 2 IN FAVOR OF FIGHTING!” The Economic Crisis in Egypt By P. CH. (Cairo) HE return of Egypt to the Parliamentary system of government, which in fact is noth- ing but a more or less bad democratic facade for the actual dictatorship of the British High Commissioner and his Egyptian hirelings, syn- chronizes with the sharpening of the latest economic crisis, the high point of which has not yet been reached. The effects of this crisis are at p:esent already so disastrous, that its further inevitable accentuation is bound to lead to a complete collapse of Egyptian econ- omy. This development of Egypt’s,economic policy is in the first place the result of the policy of British imperialism which is deliberately work- ing to undermine all independent economic- political activity of Egypt and which leaves no stone unturned in order to render the economic forces of Egypt serviceable to its lust for power. If now MacDonald, with an imposing gesture, presents Egypt with the Anglo-Egypt- ian Treaty, it is solely in order to prepare the way for an even more brutal economic plunder- ing of the country. The English imperialist press is already dis- cussing the new path which is now to be pur sued. It recommends the granting of large long-term credits to Egypt. This is no new path, but the repitition of those methods made use of by British imperialism in the time of D'lsraeli, who establishedsthe British power in Egypt. Just as D’Israeli made use of the dif- ficult financial situation in order not only, by purchasing the Suez Canal shares for 4 million pounds, to secure domination over the Canal by. England, but also by further loans to secure control of Egyptian finances, in order then sys- tematically, step by step, to destroy its inde- pendence, precisely in the same way the social imperialist MacDonald is endeavoring, by grant- ing huge credits, to chain Egypt, which is striving for its national independence, econo- mically to British imperialism. The only posi- tive result of the conclusion of the Anglo- Egyptian Treaty will be the complete subjuga- tion of Egyptian economy to the interests of British imperialism. That is the purchase price for the sham democracy which has now been set up by the Waft Cabinet under the leadership of Nahas Pasha. The chief cause of the Egyptian economic crisis is the ever declining purchasing power of the population, which has already led to a purchasing strike lasting a month, and resulted in numerous bankruptcies. This constantly de- clining purchasing power has a casual connec- tion with the difficulties which have existed for years for the export of Egyptian cotton, which are attributable, on the one hond, to the ever more successful competition of Sudan cot- ton and, on the other hand, to the international crisis of cotton production. The actions carried out by the government in the last few years in support of the cotton industry have not been able to do away with the difficulties on the Egyptian cotton market. The Egyptian pea- sant is waiting in vain for payment of the cotton delivered by him to the exporters, and which now lies stored up in the Egyptian docks and harbors. He therefore increases the prices of the other products produced by him for the market. These produts are, in the first place, articles of food for the toiling Egyptian popu- lation. The result is a constantly increasing cost of living, which as it is not compensated for by increased wages and salaries, will lead to a further deterioration of the standard of living. At the same time one must bear,in mind the tremendous low level of wages, which is far below the existence minimum not only for the native workers and employes, but for European workers and employes who have settled in Egypt. At the present moment public interest in | Egypt is concentrated on the new customs tariff which is being prepared by the govern- should be included to International Publishers, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York City. The lists shpuld include about twelve titles, half of which should be selected for their gen- eral popularity and half.of which should be individual or language favorites which may be- come popular, , ‘ ment, and by means of which the treasury, which has been rendered completely empty as ‘a result of the cotton export crisis, is to be , replenished. The European and native import- ers are endeavoring to lay in a big stock of goods before the new customs tariff comes in- to operation. According to a report of the Cairo Chamber of Commerce, the customs re- venue increased one hundred per cent in the period from May 1 to November 20, compared with thé income in the corresponding period of the previous year, The customs revenue in this period amounted to 1,171,854 Egyptian pounds, which means an increased import of goods to the value of 14 million pounds. It is estimated that up to the time of the coming into opera- tion of the new customs tariff there will be an increase in imports to the value of 17 to 18 million pounds, These increased imports are based on purely speculative grounds. Commer- cial circles are not waiting for the coming into operation of the new customs rates in order to increase prices, but are already now screwing up prices, and in first place the prices of food. é The Nahas Pasha government is completely mpotent in face of this development. As the ting’s speech, read by Nahas Pasha on the oc- asion of the opening of parliament, and its \pproval by the Wafd parliament has already shown, it is just as much a willing instru- nent of British imperialism as was the dictator- ship government of Mahmud Pasha. Nothing has changed since the liquidation of the dic- torship and the taking over of the government by the Wafd. There is still valid today that which Lord Balfour laid down ten years ago as the principle of British policy in Egypt vhen he declared: “British rule exists in Egypt, British rule will be maintained there, nobody in or outside of Egypt should deceive himself regarding this principle of the policy of the 3ritish government.” Today it appears expe- ‘ient to British imperialism to grant a few ham concessions to Egypt but economically 9 subject it completely to its profit interests. ‘o the ‘social imperialist MacDonald is alloted he task of deceiving the Egyptian people re- arding the actual. situation. The growing anti-English sentiment, which + spreading to ever larger sections of the ‘gyptian population, the radicalism of the \rab working class, which has already led to ‘trike movements, are sure symptoms that this British social imperialist maneuver will en- counter the growing resistance of the toiling population of Egypt. In the Marx-Engels Institute The library of the Marx and Engels In- stitute has at the present time 330,000 books, 45,000 periodicals, 32,000 handbills, 140,000 por- traits engravings, etc. The library in the In- stitute is the best in the world for the study of Marz, the history of Socialism, and the in- tellectual development of mankind during the last century and a half. Not long ago the Marx Engels Institute ac- quired in France part of the manuscripts of the first volume of “Capital.” This fact is very significant since up to the present only the manuscripts of the second and third volumes had been found. The newly found manuscript is the rough draft of the chapter of “Capital” on commodities and money. It is full of correc- | tions, additions and variations added by Marx. This manuscript passed from Lafargue into the hands of the well-known syndicalist La- guardelle, who, on leaving politics, began to sell his valuable archives. He intended to sel! rector of the Institute, Com-ade’ Riazanov, heard of this, and pointed out to Laguardelle | that the proper place for this document is not the country of capitalism—America, but the country of Socialism—U.S.S.R. Laguardelle agreed to hand over the manyscripts to the Marx and Engels Institute, The Daily Worker is the Party’s * best instrument to make contacts aumppz tke masses of workers, to mf a mass Communist Party. By Fret Ells «CTR ANSWER TO THE ‘HOLY? CRUSADE” An Extra Industtalization Fund for the Country Building Socialism ABOTCHAYA MOSKVA” publishes an ap- peal by the workers of the Moscow ma- chine factory “Dynamo,” which was passed at a meeting of protest against the attacks of the pope and other inspirers of the “Crusade” against the U. S. S. R. ; In the appeal the “Dynamo” workers say, in part: “In answer to the appeal of the pope of Rome for the organization of a crusade against the U.S.S,R., in answer to the bitter anti-Soviet campaign, we workers of the “Dynamo” factory call on the working class of the U.S.S.R. to answer the imperialists by forming new shock brigades and by more widely developing socialist contests. “The best answer to our enemies will be the formation of an extra fund for the in- dustrialization of the country by more than fulfilling the indices of the industrial plan, by fulfilling the five-year plan in four years, and by increasing the defensive power of the country. “We undertake: “1, To more than fulfil the industrial and financial plan for our factory this year, to issue 17 million rubles worth of production in- stead of 15 millions, to lower cost of produc- tion by 15 per cent instead of 11 per cent, to increase the efficiency of labor by 26 per cent. In. order to carry out these undertakings, we promise that by the anniversary of the social- ist contest, i. e. by the First of May, there will not be a single man or woman worker in our factory outside the shock brigades, and in this way we shall turn our factory into a real shock factory. “2. Under the guise of prayers, armed at- tacks are being prepared against our country. In answer to this, we will commence to verify our military work with the aim of strengthen- ing it, and also we undertake to give the Red Army four airplanes which we shall build with cur own funds, “3, We undertake to strengthen in every way international contacts. For this purpose we make ourselves patrons over the political prisoners in the prisons of Warsaw, and under- take to give another t! --and members to the International Red Aid. “We declare ourselves to be mobilized for the struggle to form the extra fund for the industrialization of the country and we chal- lenge the workers of other Moscow factories tu compete with us. “We propose to the Central Council of Trade Unions and the Supreme Economic Council of U.S.S.R. to form an ‘Order of the Red Star’ to be awarded to the best fighters for the formation of the extra fund. ‘Answer to the Crusade’ to be awarded to the factory giving the best results in the exceeding of the industrial and financial plan and also to the men and women workers who display industrial heroism in the struggle for the carrying out of the five-year plan. . “If in capitalist countries the exploiters re- spect parasites and oppressors, in the Soviet country we respect labor, and the enthusiasts of socialist labor. “We call on our brothers in foreign coun- tries to'stand firmly in the defense of the only fatherland of the proletariat and the oppressed of all the world—the U.S.S.R.” Class Against Class in the South By GILBERT LEWIS. X its campaign of reaching the Negro masses of the South and winning them for the revolutionary movement;~the Party and trade unions under its leadership cannot raise too sharply the issue of class against class. Every opportunity must be utilized to impress upon the mass of the Negro proletariat the utter hostility of its interests to those of he upper and middle class Negro. For he petty-bour- geois Negro of the South, as well as his brother of the North, is definitely lined up with the white bourgeoisie and actively sup- porting its campaign of suppression and ex- ploitation of the working class, to the extent of segregation, jim-crowism and by their pas- sivity, even lynching. Recent facts will serve to bear out the above statement. When the Trade Union Unity League opened its headquarters in Chattan- ooga, Tenn., and began carrying out its pro- gram of organizing both Negro and white workers into the same unions on a basis of absolute equality, the Negro misleaders were among the first to come forward in a bitter attack upon us. The Chattanooga headquarters of the Trade Union Unity League (T.U.U.L.) was opened on February 1, with a mass meeting of some 250 workers, of whom 185 were Negro prole- tarians from the railroad shops and metal plants in the vicinity. It was beyond a doubt the largest gathering of Negro and white workers ever assembled in one hall‘ in the South. The white workers were composed of skilled and semi-skilled workers from the metal plants and furniture factories, with | a small number from the textile centers. It was a decidedly responsive group and hung upon every word of Negro and white speakers as well, applauding enthusiastically whenever any of the basic principles of the TUUL was outlined. After the meeting the workers crowded around the organizers cager to join the TUUL or leave their names to receive literature. The following morning the southern ruling class, frightened stiff at our appearance in this part of the South, lost no time in mobi- lizing its agents in an effort to smash our organization; the Negro misleaders were among the first of these agents to be enlisted! Negro Bourgeoisie Attack TUUL. In the February 4 issue of the Chattanooga “Times,” a newspaper boasting the same own- ership as the supremely reactionary New York Times, we find that one Milton S. Hampton, Negro secretary of the Southern States Edu- cational Committee, is calling a special meet- ing of the organization to “lay plans to coun- teract the activities of the Reds here.” Says this petty-bourgeois traitor: “The Negro shall never be a party in any attack upon private property, for we have as much to Jose pro- portionally as the American white man.” A little later we get an item which should * prove very revealing to both Negro and white workers who still think in terms of race in- stead of class. After voicing his opposition to the TUUL and Stating that the Negro wants the sort of “harmony” that “the better class of whites” are striving for, one D. C. Harper, referred to the “Times” as a lead- er of his race, declares: “Of course, we are not asking for social equality, but we do want, more than anything ‘else, to gei aiong wiih the white people and this I think will help us all. I am asking every Negro pastor in Chattanooga to instruct his congregation next Sunday against these Communists.” That this tool Harper kept his word and that there were Negro pastors in Chattanooga quite willing and eager to comply ‘with his | request is shown by the following item which the manuscripts of Max in America. The Di- | Sbpeared. date. STiipes! | 208 | Meureaty £8: Under the caption: “Minister Suggests Ne- groes Shun Reds,” and vicious subtitle: “Rev. Hill issues open appeal and calls attention to lurking danger,” we find the Rev. P. B. Hill, pastor of Union Hill Baptist Church, declar- ing: “I wish to advise you against the move- ment that is launched by the Communists to organize white and Negro labor, and I wish to advise that you do not take part in it, it is not for the best and will do nothing to promote your advancement ... It would be unrighteous and ungodly for a poor man to rise up against a rich man. . . .” When one considers the inflitence of the church in the South, the grip that religion has over large sections of the Negro (and white) proletariat, one can readily realize just what such doctrines mean. One instantly realizes that in just so many words do the Negro middle class not only condone the whole category of segregation, discrimination, class and race oppression but lend moral support to the bourgeoisie in its campaign of violence, mob-rule and lynch law. Negro traitors and the southern Negro prole- $2.50 three months ‘ Much more can and will be said about <] | tariat in this article. However, the forces of black reaction formed such a complete united front in their attack upon the TUUL when it opened its southern headquarters, that a word about it will not be out of place here. The press, the Chamber of Commerce, the American Legion, the Klan, the police, the American Federation of Labor, the church, the_ Negro politicians were all joined hand in hand, After a slimy attempt on February 2, to ridicule our meeting, held the night before, the bourgeois press openly showed its fangs and on Feb. 8, the “Times” blazed forth with the following headline: “Labor leaders keeping watch on Communists.” Reading through the body of the article we find this: “Observers of the Saturday night meeting stated yester. day that the speakers swayed the crowd and that the propaganda being preached here by the trio representing the Trade Union Unity League is a menace to the peace of the com- munity.” In the Chattanooga “News” for February 4, under an editorial entitled: “No Cause for Alarm,” we find: “Chattanooga labor is far too advanced for the Communist agitation to be considered seriously, Then, too, the eye of the agitators who have appeared here appears to be centered on the amount of money con- tributed when they pass the hat. Those who wish to pay to hear violence preached may lend them an ear. Others—sensible laboring men—will not be bothered.” Opposite this dribble is a long editorial welcoming William Green and the A. F. of L. to the city. Fol- lowing the long list of betrayals and sell-outs of the working class by Green and the A. F. of L. every worker knows why Green is wel- comed while the Communists are attacked. Attacks by various other agents of the rul- ing class came in rapid succession. The Cham- ber of Commerce announced its intention of investigating our literature, the chief of po- lice declared that his ‘department would con- duct an investigation of the appearance here of a group of Communists if it were deemed advisable.” The American. Legion called a special meeting to decide onthe most feasible plan of driving us out of town, Labor Bureaucrats Join Chorus, The fakers of the American Federation of Labor, leaping to the crack of the whip of its capitalist masters, joined the chorus in a loud howl against us, Says Robert M. Cooke: “Organized labor can be depended upon to do its part in blocking the progress of Commu- nism and class hatred in Chattanooga... .” The part of “organized labor” in blocking the progress of the TUUL in Chattanooga was to mobilize a band of thugs to smash our meet- ing the following Saturday night. When, however, the thugs saw the powerful follow- ing of Negro and white. workers that had been won to our program they immediately changee their minds. A. F. Whitney, grand president of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, (A. F. of L.), after being welcomed to the city by the mayor and feted at the city’s finest hotel, declared, in a bitter attack upon the Daily Worker for exposing Hoover’s fascist “Econ- omic Council” and the Hoover-Green pact, that the president very wisely stepped in and made an effort to stem the tide of business reaction.” In this manner do the so-called “leaders” of labor not only betray the work- ers by fighting a real workers’ organization but actually defend the bosses in their attack upon the living standards of the workers. (To be Continued) *TALK to your fellow worker in _ your shop about the Daily _ Worker. Sell him a copy every day for a week. Then ask him to | H |