The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 20, 1930, Page 4

| i j Page Four Squar Addre Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc New York City, N. y and mail all checks to the Daily Worker Y. Telephone 8. Cable: pt Sunday, at 26-28 Un ‘ “DAIWORK quare. New Yoru. N Baily Central Organ of the Commasasi « “BOSTON CAN GO OVER THE TOP By ROY STEPHENS. HE Boston District can go over the top in the recruiting drive despite the fact that t behind in it’s quota of new members. to do this, however, every member get busy and our work among the masses be intensified to a greater extent. Our most glaring weakness at the present time is the fact that we are far behind in the re- ing of new members, especially the re- ing of Negro workers. shop nuclei and shop papers we have ssed the quotas as originally set by the ntral Committee. However, we can not be s fied with this for some of the shop nuclei are not yet functioning properly and the shop papers do not contain enough news from the s nor have the members been drawn in ciently in issuing these papers. at present is too high in com- n with other districts but we must do rything to fulfill it. However, we must rely criticize the sections and the district sing thé original quota. It would have been much better to have passed the quota of the Central Committee instead of having the quota: raised too high which has resulted in making many of the members feel pessimistic about the possibility of fulfilling the quota as it now stands. cr A Slow Start. We were too slow in getting into mass work and as a result we got off to a slow start in the recruiting drive. During the first weeks of the drive most of the new members re- cruited were sympathizers of the Party who had been very close to the Party for some time. While it was essential to bring these elements into the Party nevertheless the most important wield of activity of the Party, that of winning the masses thru participation in their struggles has begun only during the last few weeks. We have been quite successful in recruiting members at meetings of the un- employed but not very successful in recruiting members in the shops. Here is where the basic Communist activity must be done and the com- rades in the shops must intensify their activity. Many units have held mass meetings of their own to appeal to the workers to join the Party | but most of these meetings were poorly pre- pared. That good meetings can be arranged in neighborhoods was proven by the success of the Lenin Memorial Meeting held in South Boston at which over 250 workers were pres- ent. This meeting was arranged a week after the Boston Lenin meeting and the same leaflet was used (with a change in date and place, of course), but they were able to attract many more new elements to the meeting than the whole Party in Boston did at their meeting. This also shows the need of making better preparations for our mass meetings by a big- ger distribution of leaflets and a better mob- ilization of the Party membership and mass organizations. Despite all their shortcomings these neighborhood meetings must be recog- nized as opening a new epoch in the life of our Party and must be continued. Win Negro Workers. We should severely criticize ourselves for insufficient work among the Negro workers and beginning immediately we must pay more attention to winning the leadership over the Negro workers. In our work among the un- employed we have a splendid opportunity to do this but as yet we have neglected to do so. The Daily Wo: has also been seriously neglected by this district. Many of the mem- bers are not yet subscribers and this is inex- cusable. A comrade has been sent out by the district office to cover the outlying cities and we expect these units to give this comrade all cooperation possible and to see that every mem- ber immediately subscribes to the Daily Work- er. The following are the main tasks for this district during the remainder of the period during the recruiting dri (1) More re- eruiting of new members in the shops. (2) Mass meetings in warking class neighborhoods by all units to mobilize the workers for the March 6 demonstration and to recruit members for the Party. (3) Units in Worcester, Prov- idence and Negro section in Boston to immed- iately organize mass meetings of this char- acter among the Negro workers. (4) All shop nuclei to meet immediately and prepare to is- sue a shop paper. Those units that have al- ready gotten out the first issue should issue the second issue before March 6. (5) Every member not now a subscriber to the Daily Worker to subscribe immediately. Every mem- ber to get a new reader for the Daily Worker within the next ten days. 6) Every effort to be made by the members and units to keep all new members. (7) Every member to get into action to help build the Party and pre- pare for the mass demonstrations against un- employment on March 6. By carrying out the above the Boston Dis- trict can go over the top in the recruiting drive and together with other districts be in a much better position to go forward to build-/) ing our Party into a mass Communist Party. / Acute Danger ot Armed Attack on the Soviet Union By I. AMTER. HE danger of an armed attack on the Soviet | Union grows more acute day by day. That the naval “reduction” conference has the main aim of mobilizing all imperialist and reaction- | ary forces against the Soviet Union daily be- | comes clearer. The instigation of the attack on the Soviet government in China, by the American impe- rialist government through Chang Kai-shek; the interference of Mr. Stimson with what he called a “peaceful” settlement between Mukden and the Soviet government; the postponement of the conference between the representatives of the Soviet Union and the Mukden agents From January 25 to February 25, all at the behest of the U. S. imperialist government, were the beginning of a series of events point- ing clearly to intervention. The Bosses’ Front. The breaking off of relations between the | Mexican and the Soviet government, the Mex- | ican fascist president, Rubio, acting as a wil- ling tool of Wall Street; the threatened break- ing of relations by the British government, the provocation against the Soviet government by the French imperialists, in ascribing the disappearance of the white guard general Kou- tiepoff to plots of the Soviet embassy and the subsequent demand for the severance of rela- tions between the French imperialists and the Soviet government—all occurring within a short period indicate the sharp trend of events, ‘The attack on the Soviet embassy in Munich, Germany, the bitter attacks carried on by the Berlin social democratic “Vorwarts” with the open aid of full assistance to the imperialist government, show the trend in Germany as far as the fascists and social-fascist social dem- ocrats are concerned. Then came the encyclica of the pope against “religious persecutions” in the Soviet Union. Prior to that the American Zionists, led by Rabbi Wise, protested against the “indignities” placed upon the Jews in the Soviet Union, by the workers demolishing the synagogues and building up workers’ clubs in their place. Then the declarations of the Archbishop of Canter- bury and the Archbishop of York, followed by the snivelling statement of Bishop Manning of New York. The aim of these religious pronunciamentos is to arouse religious hatred against the Soviet Union, because the Communist Party and the Young Communist League of the Soviet Union, and the Atheist League, are carrying on a struggle against the medieval belief in religion and the church. This campaign of education and propaganda is proceeding with all energy and with splendid effect, with the result that the workers and peasants themselves decide to drive out the priests and convert the churches into clubs. Contrary to the lying propaganda about per- secution of the priests and all believers, now being carried on in every imperialist country, including the United States, Metropolitan Sergius, chief patriarch of the Russian Church and member of the Synod, when asked a series of questions, gave answers in which he de- clares that the Soviet Union is allowing free practice of religious ceremonies within the law, and that when churches are closed it is at the will of the workers or peasants who have heen parishioners of the church. Priests who have been punished have only paid a penalty for counter-revolutionary activity. Not an Accident. This makes no difference to the imperialists mi are doing their utmost to stir up hatred oe of the Soviet Union, with a view to attacking the Soviet Union. It is not an accident that the naval “reduc- tion” conference is deciding to increase arma- ment, that relations are broken off with the Soviet Union or a threat is being made in that direction by several reactionary governments, that a hue and cry over “religious persecu- tion” is being raised throughout the reaction- ary world by the heads of the churches—all simultaneously. The attacks of the Soviet Union on the kulaks, with the firm intention of uprooting this reactionary capitalist remnant of the old regime in the Soviet Union, are countered by the imperialists with attacks on the Soviet Union. The -**--ks on the kulaks are neces- sary in the industrialization and collectiviza- tion plans incorporated in the Five-Year Plan. The success of the Five-Year Plan is convincing the most backward peasants with small and medium holdings that this new mode of pro- duction—collectivization—is progressive. The driving out of the kulaks—the representatives of capitalism in the Soviet Union village—in many instances on the demand of the poor and medium peasants and often through their initiative—is coupled with the campaign of enlightenment carried on among the workers and peasants, intensifying their hatred against the kulaks, the upholders of religion and ig- norance in the Soviet Union. But the world capitalists are determined to support their fel- low capitalists in the Soviet Union. Thus the attacks on the Soviet Union are not based upon an opposition of “religious perse- cution,” on “freedom of thought” and the vari- ous other sham issues raised against the So- viet government, but entirely on the growing power of the Soviet government, of Soviet economy, of the growing misery of the work- ers and peasants in the imperialist countries, and the developing influence of the Communist Parties. Alleged agents of the G.P.U. of the Soviet Union making raids in Rumania; alleged agents of the Soviet government with large quantities of forged notes, etc., in Greece, agents of the Soviet government or the Communist Inter- national in India and Indo-China—all of these are issues raised in order to justify a united attack on the Soviet Union. The coincidence of these happenings is not accidental. The crisis in the capitalist coun- tries, driving the imperialist powers to war for markets; the vicious offensive against the workers of all countries to reduce their condi- tions; the fearful unemployment amounting to at least 17,000,000 in the imperialist countries, as contrasted with the rising conditions in the Soviet Union; the growing power of the So- viet Union and the rising tide of Communism as a result of the growth of revolutionary will to struggle on the part of the workers and peasants in the imperialist and colonial coun- tries; the “arms reduction” conference which is an arms increase conference—all emphasize the closeness of imperialist attacks on the So- viet Union. The rising tide of fascism, the establishment and merging of fascist organizations in the United States, the unemployed demonstrations and strikes on March 6 point out lessons for the workers. Lessons for Workers. 1.—There is immediate need of mobilization of the workers in defense of the Soviet Union. The Soviet government is resisting all proyo- cations of the imperialists, but everything points to armed intervention, against which ELEVEN DEAD, FOURTEEN DYING! Worker vf the U.S. A. By Mall (in New York OF only): $8.00 a year; By Mall (outside of New Yo SUBSCRIPTION RATES: rk City): $6.00 a year; $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; 0 three months 0 three months oa By Fred Ellis Rockefeller Is Annoyed Because He Will Have to Spend a Few New Dimes Repair- ing His Plant. The Relation ot the Workers Party to Religion By N. LENIN. T= speech of the deputy Surkov in the Duma debate on the budget of the Synod, and the discussions in our Duma fraction over the draft of his speech, have raised an ex- topical question. Interest in everything con- nected with religion has today undoubtedly taken hold of considerable sections of “so- ciety,” and has also made its way into the ranks of the intellectuals who stand near the labor movement, and even into certain work- ing class circles. nitely make clear its attitude to reli Social democracy builds its whole world con- ception on scientific Socialism—that is to say, on Marxism. The philosophic basis of Marx- ism is, as Marx and Engels have repeatedly pointed out, dialectical materialism, which has taken over the historical traditions of eight- eenth-century French materialism and of the materialism of Feuerbach in the early nine- teenth century—that is, of materialism which is absolutely atheist and definitely hostile to all religion.) We recall to mind that the whole of Engels’ Anti-Duhring, which was read in manuscript by Marx, accuses the materialist and atheist Duhring of the inconsistency of his materialism, because he leaves a backdoor open for religion and religious philosophy. We would further call to mind that Engels in his work on Feuerbach brings aganist the latter the reproach that he fought religion not in order to annihilate it, but in order to revive it, to discover a new “elevated” religion, etc. ion is opium for the people—this Marx- ist fundamental principle is the pivot of the whole Marxist world conception in questions of religion. Marxism regards all present-day religions and churches, each and every reli- gious organization without exception, as in- tremely important and at the present moment | Social democracy must defi- | struments of bourgeois reaction, which serves as a shield for the exploitation and deception of the working class. At the same time, however, Engels repeated- ly condemned the attempts of those who wished to be “more left” or “more revolu- tionary” than Social Democracy and to intro- duce into the program of the workers’ party a direct confession of atheism in the sense of a declaration of war on religion. In 1874, in the discussion of the famous manifesto of the Communist refugees, the Blanquists, then living in exile in London, Engels treats their noisy declaration of war on religion as folly, and expresses the view that such a call to war is the best means to revive interest in reli- gion anew and hinder the actual dying out of religion. Engels blames the Blanquists for their inability to see that only the class strug- gle of the working masses, which draws the widest numbers of the proletariat into a con- scious and revolutionary political activity, that only this is able really to free the oppressed masses from the yoke of religion, while the declaration of war on religion as a_ political task of the working class is a piece of anar- ic phrase-making. Also in 1877, in the Duhring, in which Engels flays without mercy the slightest concessions of the philoso- pher Duhring to idealism and religion, none the less he condemns the would-be revolution- ary idea of Duhring that religion should be forbidden in the Socialist society. Such a declaration of war on religion, he declares, is “to out-Bismarck Bismarck,” i.e., to repeat the folly of Bismarck’s “Kulturkampf” against the clericals, the fight which Bismarck in the ‘seventies waged against the German Cath- olic Party, the “Center,” by means of police persecutions of Catholicism. By this fight Bismarck only strengthened the militant cler- the Russian workers and peasants must be sup- ported by the workers in the imperialist and colonial countries. 2.—There is immediate need of the forma- tion of Anti-War Committees in the shops, factories and mines for defense of the Soviet Union. 3.—There is immediate need of the Commu- nist Party and Young Communist League reach- ing the armed forces of the government with Communist propaganda, so that they will re- fuse to shoot on our Soviet brothers. 4.—There is,immediate need of the creation of Workers Defense Groups, for everything possible will be done to keep the Communists from leading the workers in demonstration. (Already it is known that the National Guard has been given notice for service on Unem- ployed Day!) 5:—The unemployed demonstrations and strikes on March 6 must be utilized for con- necting up closely the question of the economic crisis, which has resulted in millions being without work, millions working part time, and a vicious wage slashing campaign being car- ried on against the employed workers—with the contemplated armed attacks on the Soviet Union. Undoubtedly the fascisti of the United States will be mobilized for attacks on the Communists. 6—The Communists must intensify their work to expose and destroy the influence of the social-fascist American Federation of La- bor, socialist party and the renegade Love- stoneites xd Cannonites. In this period, the imperialists utilize their most despicable and contemptible tools in the ranks of the working class to induce the workers to continue capital- ist rule. Matthew Woll, vice-president of the A. F. of i. is right when he says that the struggle today is between the organization of capitalist “democracy” and the social organ- ization of Communism, 7.—The Communists must organize the fight against the use of injunctions, Paragraph 600 in New York, the sedition and criminal syndi- calism laws, the registration and deportation of foreign-born workers, the organized employ- ment of gangsters and the underworld in at- tacks on the workers. The fight against unemployment, against the offensive of the; capitalists on the conditions of the workers still employed, against imperial- ist war and for defense of the Soviet Union— this is one fight of the working class led by the Communist Party against the capitalist class an! the capitalist government. As this is written, Premier Tardieu declares that he will not resist the rising tide of de- mand for severing relations between the French imperialist and the Soviet government. A few days ago he admitted that. “the question of a break with the Soviet government would have to be solved not from the French, but from the European angle.” Simple, plain languge! This will not be a war of French imperialism alone against the Soviet Union, but a united force of the world imperialist powers against the Workers Father- land! 6 Out answer must be: immediate energetic mobilization of the workers in the shops for defense of the Soviet Union! Immediate organization of anti-war commit- tees in the shops and mines for defense of the Soviet Union! Intense mobilization of the un- employed and employed workers for demonstra- tion and strike on March 6! Immediate organ- ization of powerful workers defense groups to protect the workers against the fascists! Mighty demonstrations of unemployed and employed workers throughout the country with the slogans: work or unemployment insurance mi the Soviet Union, the workers father- jand! The time is short—the danger is great! The Communist Party and the workers must get on the job! STARVE OR FIGHT! A Challenge to the Unembloyed = \ By GRACE M. BURNHAM, Labor Research Association. (Continued) od Public Works. HE undertaking of public works in periods of business depression is hailed by apolo- gists for the capitalist sys re-all for unemployment. “Stabilizing prosperity,” Mr. Hoover called it in his pre-election campaign following the unemployment crisis of 1927-28. And Hoover’s mouthpiece, Governor Brewster of Maine, gave this glowing description of the project: “Picture the approach of an economic crisis with unemployment threatening on every hand. The release of three billions in construction contracts would remedy or amel- jorate this situation. Follow the flow of these three billions to the contractor, to the laborer, to the material men, to the factory, to the factory employe, to the merchants, to the farmer. It goes like the house that Jack built and unemployment is at an end.” It does not take much imagination to “fol- low the flow of these three billions to the con- tractor.” We had many demonstrations of a similar flow during the last war. Speaking in support of this measure during the recent Senate investigation, Isador Lubin disclosed a most significant feature of the plan. “During recessions,” he says, “when private demand is usually small, the government could make pur- chases under much more favorable conditions than would otherwise be possible. At the same time it would be able to secure its re- quired labor at lower wages.” This, then, is the crux of Mr. Hoover's conscious policy for stabilization. A few widely advertised gov- ernment contracts granted for profit at the expense of the wage standards of the worker. Unemployment, depression of wages, and the government going in to the labor market to undercut the union scale. On becoming president, however, Mr. Hoover | saw fit to let even this scheme for stabilization drop. The Jones Bill which modestly appropri- ated $150,000,000 as a “prosperity reserve” was defeated in January, 192! Senator King, in registering his vote against the measure, put in one sentence the government’s attitule toward the workers. “We had better postpone action on this matter for a year, when hard times will come.” Hard times did come, in less than a year. But the president’s recommendation for “stab- ilizing prosperity” by governmental appropri- ations for construction shrank from three bil- lion to $175,000,000 to extend over a period of ten years. Writing in the December 25th issue of The Nation on “Prosperity by Proclamation,” Alfred Bernheim says: “I see no justification for any estimate which places the excess 1930 capital expansion budget of government and corporations combined above $750,000,000 and the wage share of that total will not afford full-time employment for more than between 175,000 and 200,000 men. This is certainly not an inexaustible reservoir of jobs, and of- fers little hope that new construction work can | | take care of any market increase of unemploy ment.” Official figures received by S. W. Strau ber, 1929, show a loss of 39 per cent compared with the same month of 1928. For the entire year the same centers revealed a loss of 12 per cent from 1928 and 13 per cent from 1927, “The decline in building,” states the Straus Review, “it would appear, must go still further.” (emphasis mine.) Building activity in New York City during December fell more than 50 per cent behind December, 1928. Permits in Chicago were more than $100,000,000 below 1928 and $150,000,000 behind 1927. The facts give the lie to the myth of business stability. Plans for increased building activity on which the entire Hoover program for un- employment relief concentrated have burst like a bubble. Prosperity advertising goes on, how- and Company from 588 cities and towns of the country for building permits issued in Decem- | ever, side by side with headlines on unemploy- ment. The New York Times of February 1 carried these two headlines on the same page “Lamont (secretary of commerce) Declare Survey Shows Greater Industrial Activity and Less Unemployment.” “Miss Perkins (indus- trial commissioner of New York State) Finds January Job Total 2 Per Cent Below December, 6 Per Cent Under November; 8 of 11 Main Groups Drop; 100,000 Laid Off in Factories of State Since October.” It is obvious that appropriations for public works will not solve the problem of unemploy- ment, Even if a nationwide building program of the kind suggested by Hoover in his pre- election campaign were seriously undertaken, it would provide work for hardly more than a few hundred thousand men. At the same time the technological changes in industry, the squeezing out of thousands of workers through mergers and consolidations, the transfer of a growing amount of American manufacture to foreign countries, the speed-up with its at- tendant discharge of the older workers mean increasing millions of unemployed. That these millions of workers who have been trained for a particular craft in a particular locality, can overnight, be shifted across the continent and be put to work building a dam, a harbor, or a post office, is too preposterous an assumption for any worker to swallow, regardless of high pressure publicity. The theory that appropriations for public works will solve the problem of unemployment is dangerous for the workers, not only: becaus it spreads the illusion that unemployment i going to be wiped out by any such metho It is dangerous because of the increased power it gives a capitalist government to use-such appropriations—whether voted by city, state, or nation—to weaken the trade union move- ment. Workers cannot afford to become parties to the advocacy of such schemes. But they should lose no time in organizing to obtain job control by shop committees, shorter hours, higher wages and limitation of the speed-up on all government jobs and contracts, those under way and those contemplated under addi- | tional appropriations. J 4 (To Be Continued) ete icalism of the Catholics, only injured the cause of real cultural advance, since he pushed into the foreground religious divisions in place of political divisions and drew away the atten- tion of certain sections of the working class and of the democratic forces from the urgent tasks of the class struggle and revolutionary struggle into the direction of an entirely su- perficial and deceitful bourgeois anti-clerical- ism. Engels accused the would-be ultra-revo- jutionary Duhring of wishing to repeat Bis- marck’s folly in another form, and he demand- ed of the workers’ party the capacity to work patiently at the organization and enlighten- ment of the proletariat—a work which leads to the dying out of religion—without throw- ing itself into the adventures of a political war on religion. This standpoint has entered into the very flesh and blood of German Social Democracy, which accordingly supported, for example, the freedom of the Jesuits, their per- mission to stay in Germany, and the remoyal of all police measures against this or that re- ligion. “Declaration of religion as a private affair’—this .famous point of the Erfurt pro- gram (1891) confirmed the above political tac- tics of Social Democracy. This tactic meanwhile has become a routine and has produced a new distortion of Marx- ism in the opposite direction, in the sense of opportunism. The statement of the Erfurt program began to be interpreted in the sense that we Social Democrats and our party ac- tually regard religion as a private affair, that for us as a party, for us as Social Democrats, religion is a privaté affair. Without entering into a direct polemic against this opportunist conception, Engels considered it necessary in the ’nineties to make a definite stand against it, not in a polemical but in a positive form. He did this inthe form of a declaration—on which he: deliberately laid stress—that Social Democracy regards religion as a private affair in relation to the state, but not at all in rela- tion to the workers’ party. This is the outward history on the views of Marx and Engels on the question of religion. For people who handle Marxism carelessly, who cannot and will not take the trouble to think, the history is a tangle of senseless con- tradictions and vacillations of Marxism: a mess of “consistent” atheism and “indulgence” towards religion, an “unprincipled” vacillating between the revolutionary war on god and the cowardly wish to suit one’s words to the believing workers, the fear of frightening them away, etc. In the literature of the anarchist phrase-makers many attacks on Marxism after this fashion are to be found. But whoever is even in the least able to take Marxism seriously and to go more deeply into its philosophical foundations and the exper- jences of international Social Democracy, will easily see that the tactics of Marxism in rela- tion to religion are completely consistent and fully thought out by Marx and Engels, and that what the dilettantes and ignoramuses consider to be vacillations are a direct and nec- essary conclusion of dialectical materialism. It would be a great error to believe that the ap- parent “modernation” of Marxism in relation to religion finds its explanation in so-called “tactical” considerations, in the sense of the wish “not to frighten away,” etc. On the contrary, the political line of Marxism in this question is inseparably bound up with its phi- losophical foundations. —_ Marxism is materialism. As such it is no less hostile to religion than the materialism of the eighteenth century Encyclopaedists or of Feuerbach. This is certain. But the dialec- tical materialism of Marx and Engels goes further than that of the Encyclopaedists anc Feuerbach, in that it applies the materialis philosophy to history and to the socia. sciences, We must fight religion. That is the A BC of all materialism, consequently also of Marxism. Marxism goes further. It says: we must know how to fight religion, and for this purpose we must explain on materialistic lines the origin of faith and religion to the masses. The fight against religion must not be narrowed down to an abstract ideological preaching; the question must not be brought down to the level of preaching of this charac- ter; the fight must be brought into close con- nection with the concrete tasks and activity of the class struggle, which is directed to the elimination of the social roots of religion. Why does religion maintain its hold in the back- ward strata of the town proletariat, in the strata of the semi-proletariat, and in the mass of the peasants? Because of the ignorance of the people, answers the bourgeois progres- sive, the radical or bourgeois materialist. So: down with religion; long live atheism; the spreading of atheist views is our principal task! The Marxist says: Wrong! Such a con- ception is a superficial, narrow bourgeois view of “spreading light and culture to the people.” Such a conception does not explain deeply enough the roots of religion, does not explain it materialistically, but idealistically. In the modern capitalist countries these roots are above all social. The social oppression of the working masses, their apparent absolute —im- potence before the blind forces of. capitalism, which daily and hourly inflict upon ordinary working men and women sufferings and ‘atro- cious tortures a thousand times more frightful than all the extraordinary happenings, such as war, earthquakes, etc.—here is to be sought the deep present-day roots of religion. “Fear has created the gods.” The fear before the blind power of capital—blind because its ac- tion cannot be foreseen by the mass of the people—the fear that hangs like ‘a menace over every step of the proletarian and ‘the smal! owner, and can “suddenly,” “unexpectéd- ly,” by “accident,” inflict upon him poverty, _ downfall, to be turned into a beggar, a pauper, a prostitute, hand him over to déath by hun- ger—here is the root of present-day religion, which the materialist must before ath ext above all hold before his eyes, if he is not t. remain stuck in the children’s shoes of ma- terialism. No mere books of propaganda are ground down by the convict ‘system' of capi- talist forced labor, who are at the mercy of the blind destructive forces of capitalism, so long as these masses have not themselves learnt, as a united, organized, systematic, con- scious force, to fight against this root of re- ligion—the domination of capital in all its forms. But does it follow from this that a book of propaganda against religion is harmful or su- perfluous? Not at all. Something quite dif- ferent follows. What follows is that the atheistic propaganda of Social Democracy must be subordinated to its principal task—that is, to the carrying forward of the class struggle of the exploited masses against the exploiters. (To Be Continued), ;