The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 18, 1930, Page 2

a age Iwo ; VV... DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATU IRDAY, JANUARY 18, 1930 aon r . 1 ' . | THE CRISIS IN THE i [EVENTS IN _| Femmerly a Chur, |LENIN on the PARTY wv f | Now Workers Club) r UNITED STATES) | Boge | and TRADE UNIONS | | an | ay ENIN a I | . a‘; L es - ind the Tasks of the Communist Party of the |) ape iGhaissy cant Union Must Be Class Struggle Organ, Party : United States | | was born on April 10, 1870, His | Leads Fight For Revolution ————_—_—_—— | father, who came from the petty og seectimetine (Leading editorial in Moscow nation come to the defense of the | bourgeoisie, was first a teacher in! S | By BILL DUNN |work we will ‘have to meet and ‘ayda of Dec. 31, 1929.) | Neprdan; ailarising the deranala P56 a Nizhni-Novogorod _ secondary 14 The engine is the Party, its cogs [overcome the influence of the agents | The development of the crisis in | full racial, social and political equal- j school and later a schoo! inspector || grip the cogs of the trade union jof our class enemies who have be- j ( he Unit s is already calling | ity for the Negroes and their right ' in Simbrisk on the Volga in which mj wheel and bring them into motion, | &4" already, in the new class strug” forth and will still more call forth! to self-determination. canes he was raised to the no- the trade unions in turn set in ures : fedlie Neonat ere ] xtremely acute sharpening of the If the Ameicran employers now | ) bility. motion the greater masses—Lenin, | Heutrallty , ‘ lass struggle. While proposing va-' resort to the astistance of the pow- Secondary studies in This used to be a den jor ped- | In the five years that have|this respect have been the Love- ‘ projects for/ers that be on the occasion of fot the universitylat a th dling religious opium. It was hand- | elapsed since the death of Lenin, the | Stoneites and Trotskyites. The “po- ¢ , the American | strikes, this will take w still idee JP avaleanany feaceecll ed over to the workers by the So- |international trade union movement |litical neutrality” of the A. F. of r heir major at- | character in accord with the degree the Naradovoltsi or People's Free | tit government, who have trans: |has undergone mighty changes. But|!. is open support of the parties : gthening of the | of further development of the class | dom Party was at its height ‘Tear| formed it into a workers’ club, |these changes have served only to|°f the capitalist class and, con- t rationalization | struggle. The Communist Party of | Alexander 11 had been killed by ers \bring into sharper relief before the Seqwently, of capitalism. } for a wide offensive | J.S,A. should impart to all discon- members of this party on March 1,/ from the-conception of the Menshe- | struggling masses of the imperial-| Lenin long ago (1908) wrote of L orld markets. This sig- | nected economic battles of the work- 1881. Gn January 12, 1886 Lenin’s | Viks. ist and colonial countries the un-| the anti-working class character of } the other hand, the Jing class the character of a wide | father died; and in February, 1887) Several years later, the Revolu- surpassablé service rendered them the doctrine of ey for the : ening of the sora i i. political movement. The question Lenin graduated from the gvymna-| tion of 1905 broke out in Russia. On|by the teachings of the greatest sae He said: “The class inter- new ee en | pepe ae jof the mass political strike is now sium in Simbrisk January 22, 1905, famous in history | leader of the working class. as te omer inte pean erathy oe mneniplay ext becoming extraordinarily real in the The very next month, the Narod- a8 “Bloody Sunday,” masses of| The trade unions were regarded | Pree to th si att eee detioltd 4 and stubbom attack against the| United States. The ‘Trade Union| niks ot Populists. including Lenin's | Workers were shot down in front of |by Lenin as the natural mass or-|ON'the basi of the existing system, pic 8 need ice | Unity League should render active | brother Alexander, attempted to as-| the Tsar’s padace, while attempting | ganizations of the workers. They | 4 Av Ps spb 5 pica and open support to the Communist sasinate Tsar Alexander III, As|to present a petition for reforms. | ate the instruments of struggle for tk pti vfall hte aie ee The American wo janes ia 1 result of this, Lenin's brother |In October of the same year, the |daily demands, against the tyranny traity tis Sk asl u i part ener srs chisuei fe eee The Communist Party of the| TINT UAT | Alexander. together with four|first Soviet of Workers’ Deputies |of the capitalist in the industries, OO iY poy Ico pores Suen sistance to the united front of the| U.S.A. should exert all of its 1 other revolutionists were contenced |was estallished in St. Petersburg. | instruments with which the workers |°f these bourgeois tendencies. ... 4 _ the American ' strength in order to give to the i [to death and hanged on May 20. |The next month at the beginning of | carry on the fight for higher living; We must win the masses for rev- Fee nd the other | struggles of the American workers | November, 1905, Lenin returned to|standards—better wages, shorter |lutionary trade unionism ahd for {\ socia } this will entail a period of stubborn class bat- tles in the course of which the wo: greater degree ve. ers will in an ever go over into the offe Before the Communist Party stands the task of organizing these maturing battles and leading them. The orn ke of the coal miner e state of Illinois, which s now ng place under the lead- | ership of the Communists, and to| stifle which the employers and the government have mobilized their | troops and the strike-breaking American Federation of Labor, is a forerunner of the approaching storm. | In order to keep abreast of the| serious task confronting the Com-| munist Party of the U.S.A, the] Party must considerably strengthen its ranks. At the present time the Communist Party of the United States consists of only about 10,000 members. To this it must be added that the Party has: not sufficient | contacts with the workers of the basic branches of industry, and it! has not yet entirely healed the| wounds of the years’ long factional | struggle and has not get finally gotten rid of the destructive conse- | quences of the “methods” of leader- ship and work of the Peppers and Lovestones. However, having freed itself | ftom the clique of Pepper and Love- stone, the Communist Party of the U.S.A. is exhibiting many signs of healthy growth and development. The attempt of Lovestone to split the Party suffered sev defeat. Only a few dozens of indi owed him—almost exclusively petty- bourgeois elements. The breaking up of the right opportunists in the Communist Party of the Soviet; Union and the developing economic cYisis in the United States, smash- itig to pieces the opportunistic the- ory of American “exceptionalism,” dealth the final blow to Lovestone ind Co. | The prolonged factional struggle | n’ the Communist Party of the U.| 3.°A. has ended. The new leadership | of the Party is consolidating the Party around the new political tasks and the real struggle with the ight danger. For the first time in ts existence the Communist Party} ofthe U.S.A. is applying real self- ism, strengthening its connec- iens with the masses. In the immi- | rent class battles, the Communist | arty of the U.S.A. will have to as- tume the leading role and consider- bly strengthen its influence among | ae working mass | The Comm arty will have 9. lead the masses into combat gainst capitalist rationalization hich is founded upon the mad peed-up of the processes of labor, te. Parallel with the systematic | trengthening of the Party itself, he task demands the strengthening f the revolutionary trade unions, nited in the new trade union center, ne Trade Union Unity League, ad the organization of a strike iovement into which the most ex- Joited layers of the workers must fegroes, women, the youth, etc. The ‘vade Union Unity League, having! ts fractions also in the reformist | vade unions, can be developed and: ullfil its revolutionary role oniy in ondueting the most stubborn strug- le against the bosses, the bourgeois tate and the social-fascists, which, ‘ith all their strength, will hurl emselves upon the class trade nions. One of the basic problems atand-! ig before the Communist Party of he U.S.A. is unemployment, The roblem of unemployment attains ll the more actual significance vom the fact that in the United jtates there does not exist any s0- jal insurance against unemploy- went whatsoever. The struggle in |runist Party of the U.S.A. will lay drawn—the unskilled laborers, | character. The | y must destroy the illusions re- garding “American isolation” propa- | gated among the workers by the| bourgeoisie and the American Fed- eration of Labor, uniting the of- fensives of the workers of the United States with the offensives of | the workers of other countries | around the struggles against war | danger, against the Young Plan, in| defense of the Soviet Union, ete. | The growing world crisis of capital- | ism, aggravated by the development of the crisis in the United States, undoubtedly will induce a consider- able sharpening of the competition between the imperialist powers in Latin-America, as well as in other colonial and semi-colonial countries. This will evoke sharp class collisions in these countries which will acquire a revolutionary character. The Communist Party of the U.S.A. should render to the workers of such countries full support in their fight against American imperialism as well as against their native bour- geoisie. 1 Mobilizing the masses in defense | of the Soviet Union the Communist | Party of the U.S.A. will widely) popularize the successes of the Five- Year Plan of Socialist Construction in the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- publics. The Party must fully utilize the successes of socialist con- struction in the Soviet Union. In the source of i2 years the social- reformists have not ceased to slan- der the Si t Union. At the pres- ent time the decay of capitalist economy on one side and the power- ful sweep of the construction in the Union of Socialist Soviet Republies on the other, give the Party a splen- did opportunity to muzzle the social- fascist agents of the bourgeoisie. The objective situation in the United States is to the highest de- gree favorable for the growth of the Communist Party. Exactly for this reason the American bourgeoisie is all the more _ strengthening the offensive against the Commu- nist Party, trying to drive it under- ground. Notwithstanding this, how- ever, the Communist party of the U.S.A. will grow and develop inde- pendently of whether it shall exist legally or will be forced to go un- derground. The American Federa- | tion of Labor and the socialist party, | by hteir treacherous conduct, are exposing themselves in the eyes of the working masses, No smal] role in this respect will be played by their latest agreement with Hoover, | according to which they took upon themselves the obligation not to put forward any demand for increases of wages. In the immediate future the Com- the solid foundation for its trans- formation into a genuine mass party of the proletariat of the United) States. Its developing struggle in| the conditions of the sharpening crisis in the United States and the growing of this crisis into a world crisis, have colossal signi nce for the entire international proletariat. Hundreds Register For the Spring Term It was announced yesterday at the office of the Workers’ School that several hundred workers had al- ready registered for the Spring Term, which begins on February 3, and that classes were rapidly filling. The feature of the Spring Teri is that a number of classes have been organized with the special pur- pose of training revolutionaries for specific tasks in the labor movement. Thus, for example, there is a class for those who are writing articles for or editing shop paprs. This efense of the unemployed should é tied up with the fights of the vorkers employed in the shops and 114 be conducted under the slo- ans cf social insurance, seven-hour st each week nevessary to tnem- two da: is eri ide scale, closely ; n¢ Trade Union 2 movement of will be -of tremend- ance during the coming he United States. ing of the class strug- cs into the foremost place ero question. The Com- of the U.8.A., which is wking real steps in this direc- saci with still more determi- class, which is given on Wednesday, ‘at 8:30, has for its instructor, Com- |vade Gertrude Haessler, who has for ; years been connected with shop pa- per work. Another new course is for those | active among Negro workers. This course is a symposium for Negro! workers. Three classes are being given for the training of | publie speakers en? speech improve- ment. This course is aimed at de- veloping a corps of speakers for the labor movement. For those interested in literature a new course, Social Forces in Con- temporary Literature, with Com- rades Joseph Freeman and A, B. | gels. | was the result of the forsaking of ef Workers School: PUBLISHED IN ENGLISH Raise Fighting Ability of Masses B y Spreading His Teachings D nglish Edition, Marx died in 1883 and Engels in 1895. After Marx’s death, Engels, his life-long -ollaborator, put in t! remaining years of his life in pr paring for publication as much possible of his friend’s literary herit- age, neglecting to devote the neces- Editor, sary ti-> ‘o and publish hi own valuable writings. Marx was able to publis during his lifetime nly the first volume of his monu- mental work, Capital, and Engels was forced to devote himself espe- cially to the publication of Volumes II and III of this work. When each of the two founders of | Scientific Socialism had died, they | had bequeathed to the workers of the world only the writings which had been published during their lives, but also a great number of manuscr‘p! in varior stages of preparation. Bebel and Bernstein were the literary executors, and the |lutionary movement, the Institute | German social-democracy made it-|was able to obtain, carefully check, | self responsible for publishing all the works of Marx and Engels. Out- side of Kautsky’s work in preparing Marx’s volume on Theories of Sur- plus Value, Mehring’s work in pub- lishing some of the fugitive writings of Marx, which covered only the period of 1841-1850, and Ryazanov’s selections, covering 1852-1862, noth- ing was done scientifically to col- lect, organize and publish the entire literary heritage of Marx and En- Even in the heyday of the German social-democracy, before the war, with its million membe four million votes, dozens of new papers, and its big publishing house, it never bot’ d about carrying out the mission with which it was en- trusted—to make available to the workers f the world the complete writings of Kat] Marx and Friedrich Engels. The social-democratic party was fast moving away from the principles of Marx and Engels and was not anxious to publish their/ complete works. August 4, 1914, the revolutionary teachings of Marx and Engels. Soviet Government Publishes Marx and Engels’ Works. Only the proletarian revolution in Russia recognized the need and the importance of bringing out a scien- tifie edition of the writings of Marx land Engels; and the Marx-Engels Institute, established and financed at great sacrifice by the Sovict Gov- ernment and maintained by the Rus- sian workers with great love and devotion, has begun the publication of the international edition of the works of Marx and Engels, which} will comprise 36 volumes. Thus only after 45 years had passed since Marx’s death, and thanks only to the Soviet Government, we are be- ing given for the first time a com- plete and authentic edition of the writings of Marx and Engels. Lenin's Works Published Without Delay. We find a happier sittation in the case of Lenin’ literary heritage. It is only six years since Lenin died, and ~Iteady we have more than halt of the scientific edition of his Col- lected Works published in the Rus- sian language, and a good start has been made with the publication of these works in German, French and English, The Lenin — Institute, founded in 1923 by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, when Lenin was already critically ill, has managed in these few years to col- lect all Lenin’s writings and to p pare for publication an edition of 30 volumes, containing Lenin’s writings over a period of 30 years (1893-1923). It was not an easy task to collect all Lenin’s writings; not only was he a prolific writer, but most of his wrilings consisted of articles for the | press, drafts of resolutions, pro- grams, ete, correspondence with comrades with whom he was in con- stant touch. Lenin wrote only two large books: The Development of Capitalism in Russia and Materialism and Empirio- Criticism. A large number of smaller books of brochures also belong to his pen, including such famous writ- ings a8 Who Are the “Friends of the Magill is offered. All workers are ‘urged to register early. People?” What Is to Be Done? So- cialism and War (with Zinoviev), R TRACE NBER Lenin’s Collected Works. |The Collapse of the Second Interna. tion, Imperialism the Final Stage of Capitalism, State and Revolution and Left Sickness. The bulk of |Lenin’s writings consist of articles written for the underground and revolutiona: ult task that the Lenin Insti- tute faced in establishing the authen- | ticity of Lenin’s articles which ap- le e not signed. Other articles to which his name was af- |fixed later proved on investigation to have come from the pens of some of his co-workers. After carefully searching the archives of various party institutions and old publica- tions, and with the aid of many of the collaborators who worked with |Lenin during the various stages of \his 30 years’ of activity in the revo- edit and prepare for publication the definitive edition of Lenin’s Col- lected Woks. Lenin Institute Prepare Definitive Edition. The translation which are being made into three other principal Et- ropean languages (German, French and English) are made from these | volumes, issued under the supervi- |sion of the Lenin Institute, Not only is the definitive text of Lenin’s Ww) used, but also the numer- jous explanatory and biographical *luets, documen’ and other ref- erence material included in each ssian volume, is taken over com- ass | ple telyinto the foreign edition. Thus in publishing Lenin’s works in Eng- lish we have the benefit of the scien- tific work of the Lenin Institute, which is ready to extend its co- |operation to the foreign editors of the Collected Works. International Publishers, who are inglish, have thus far published |Materialism and Empirio-Criti (Volume XIII), The. Revolution of 1917 (Volume XX, two books) and The P iod (Volume IV, two ng 1930 the plan for ides for the follow- ing The Imperialist War | (Volume XVIII), Towards the Seiz ure of Power (Volume XXI), The Eve lof 1905 (Volume VII), War and | Revolution (Volume XIX) and poss- ibly The Development of Capitalism » Russia (Volume III). In addition to the issuance of the Ce™ 1 Works, International Pub- lishers wi” bring out, as a by-prod- uct of the scientific edition, new translations of su widely circu- lated pamphlets as Imperialism, | State and Revolution and Left Sick- cg These pamphlets were evi- | de:.tly issued without sufficient care jin their translation or publication, (with the re. ‘t that in many in- | ste they either misrepresent or | obscure the ideas expressed in them. | International Publishers have also | issued a small volume of Selected | Writings of Lenin dealing with the |formative period of the Bolshevik |Party, and are about to bring out ‘another volume in this series which |W deal with the Bolshevik Party lin Action, 1905-1914, | Plans are also under way to pub- {lish a series of popular small books dealing wit’. various problems in the light of Leninism. All the burning questions of book volur Lenin’s Collected Works in| ‘Trial of ‘ n Embezzler Meanwhile Lenin went to the Uni- versity of Kazan and began the study of law. A month later, on December 15, he was expelled from {the university for participation in |the revolutionary student move- | movement and was banished to the village of Kokushkino in the prov- | ince of Kazan. During 1888-1889 | Lenin prepared for his examination and made the acquaintance of the | teachings of Kar! Marx. In 1891, he took his law examination, and during the next two years varried on propaganda activity, organizing numerous workers groups. In 1894, the League of Struggle press. It was a{for the Emancipation of the Work- | and Lenin | ing Class was founded, | made his first efforts at writ | socialist propaganda. in 18 Lenin went abroad, meeting «he heads of the Revolutionary emi- grants, including Piekhanov and | Axelrod | In 1897, Lenin was bannished to |Siberia for three years. After his \return from exile in January 21, 1900, he was arrested again in St. Petersburg and imprisoned for three weeks. Following this, Lefin went abroad and founded the newspaper, Iskra, together with Martov and Plekhanov. During this time, - he also collaborated on the magazine, Zarya, which was first publishe? lin Munich, Germany. | From 1900 to 1903, Lenin was a | member of the editorial board of the Iskra, and together with Plekhanov, he made preparations for the con- solidation of the numerous but un- |connected Socialist groups in Rus- |sia. Lenin also collaborated with Plekhanov in drafting a party pro- jgram and organizational statutes, which were then adopted at the Sec- ond Congress of the Russian Social }Democratic Labor Party in the sum- mer of 1903. | The adoption of Lenin’s draft pro- }gtam and organizational provisions j brought about the split in the Rus- sian Social Democratie Party, which produced the Bolsheviks and Men- sheviks. Lenin’s conception of party organization differed fundamentally | theory and tactics affecting the jrevolutionary movement must be | studied in the light of Lenin’s teach- gs. T understand and to assimi- late the teachings of Lenin—the | most illustrious pupil of Marx and Engels—is to be armed with the best weapons for the organization and leade. “ip of the workers in ‘their struggles against capitalism and in the proletarian revolution. A | party based on the bedrock of Marx- ism-Lenirism cannot be shaken from its moorings, cannot be misled, no matter how many attacks from with- in or \.‘thout it may have to live thr:agh. The study of Lenin’s writings will But this study must be coupled with active participation in the daily struggles of the workers. A Leni- nist is he who not only knows Len- in’s theories but who correctly ap- plies them in the class struggle. Daily Worker Offers Lenin’s Works Free With Subscriptions. The Daily Worker, by an arrange- ment with International Publishers, is offering Lenin's Works free with subscriptions to the paper. Workers should take advantage of this offer. Party organizations should also se- cure a Marxist-Leninist Library for their headquarters by securing the necessary number of subscriptions. Build The Daily Worker while at the same time training yourseif for a better understanding of the the- ories and policies of the greatest thinkers and leaders of the revolu- tionary labor movement—Marx and Lenin. At a Workers Club Members accused of theft of the Club funds being tried by a committee of workers in the presence of the members of the Club. he!p to understand Lenin’s teachings. | {Russia and took active part in pre- |paring large strikes which broke | out in Moscow and other places. | St. Petersburg, the Soviet Delegates |were arrested. On December 16, | 1905, the first legal Bolshevik daily |paper, Novaya Xhizn, appeared in | St. Petezsburg under Lenin’s editor- ship.‘ Then the period of reaction set in. | In 1907, the Nast Zarya, a scien- \tifie journal, edited by Lenin, a | peared. During this time, Lenin | went to Finnland, and in December, |1907, to Paris. After publishing a | study on the agrarian question, Len- ked on his Materialism and | Emprio-Criticism, which was pub- lished in 1908. | In 1908, Lenin became a member of the Bureau of the Second Inter- |national in Brussels. , And up until |1914, he worked hard preparing and participating in conferences, organ- izing and writing for Social-Demo- tie newspapers and building the | Bolshevik Party. In 1914, Lenin moved to Switzer- jland, living first in Berne and later jin Zurich. Meanwhile the Imperia- |list war broke out, the Second In- ternational collapsed and the work- ing class was driven to slaughter |one another by their former leaders. Lenin immediately took up the strug- | gle against social-patriotism, against the Socialist betrayers of the work- ing class and against the Imperialist war. From September 5-8, 1915, Lenin took part in the Zimmerwald Conference, and helped to crystallize |the Zimmerwald old Left Wing In |1917, the Russian Revolution broke out, and on April 16, Lenin arrived in St. Petersburg, having departed from Switzerland soon after the news of the Revolution reached him. In Russia, Lenin took up the strug- igle against the Kerensky Govern- |ment, which attempted to carry on |the war in the interest of Russian ‘and Allied capitalism. July 3, 1917, jthe Provisional Government opened lits offensive against the Bolsheviks, land Lenin was compelled to flee to |Finnland. Here, he worked on his | famous little study, Revolution. November 7, the St. Petersburg Soviet and the Revolutionary Mili- tary Committee seized political pow- er in St. Petersburg, and on Novem- \ber 11, the All-Russian Congress of | Soviets placed Lenin at the head of the Soviet Government. | During the years of “war com- | munism,” civil war and imperialist |intervention, Lenin performed a | titanic labor. In 1919, the Commun- ist International was organized. In |1922, Lenin was seriously ill. And \in December of that year he deliv- fered his last speech at the Metal |Workers Conference. In March, |1923, he wrote his last articles, and on January 21, 1924, Lenin, the great leader of the oppressed and exploited all over the world, the greatest | Marxist since Marx and Engels and the founder of the Communist In- ternational, died near Moscow. Lenin’s mausoleum is in the Red Square near the Kremlin in Moscow. {in wor! Hungarian Workers Club Endorses Lenin Memorial Meeting At its last meeting, the Bronx Hungarian Workers Club adopted a resolution against the imperialist activities of the U. S. Wall Street government and its drive against the Soviet Union. The resolution fur- ther points out the increased attacks on the workers in the U. S., con- nected with a wave of terror against all militant resistance on the part of the workers, and brands the strike- breaking role of Wm. Green and the A. F. of L. who pledged to prevent all strikes and wage-movements. The resolution goes on with « pledge to fight imperialist war, de- fend the Soviet Union and fight coteet the attacks of the bosses and their lackeys, against wage cuts » , tongthening hours, for bet- r conditions, and for the complete rdenerdence of all colonial coun- tries. The club endorsed the Lenin Memorial Meeting of the Commu- nist Party in Madison Square Gar- ‘den on Jan. 21, and pledged full participation of its members, Onr own age. the sourucoin age. distin hed by Uy In| jhours, better working conditions, | Ur Party program. ‘The revolution- | ete. |ary unions, which our Party leads, The trade unions in a revolution- 8nd which in turn are the only forces bringing masses into the struggle and leading them in militant combat in the industries against the oppres- |sion and robbery of the rulers, will the proletariat—the Communist | live and grow to embrace the decis- |Party—and the setting up of the| ive sections of our class, will weld dictatorship of the working class, | them into an invincible weapon in the unions become the base of the | the struggle for power, if we carry |proletarian power and administra-| ito all our work and imbue the un- tive organs, guiding and training | ions with the spirit and practice of Lenin’s definition of the Party: ° the masses in the transition period! \between the victory over capitalism! |The Communist Party is a part and Communist society, of the working class. To be pre- Lenin said: “The trade unions be-| cise, it is its most advanced, most |come the principal builders of the| class ccnscious and most revolu- new society, because the builders of/ tionary part. The Communist this society can be only the great| Party is created by a section of masses, just as the builders of so-| the best, most intelligent, most ciety during serfdom were made up| Sacrificing, most far-sighted work- of hundreds, just as the state, un-| ers. The Communist Party has |der capitalism was built up by the| no interests other than those of thousands and tens of thousands,| the worknig class. The Communist |just so can the present socialist| Party differs from the entire mass [revolution be accomplished only with] of workers in that it views the his- |the direct and active participation, torical path of the working class | of tens of millions in the governing, in its entirety and endeavors, at of the state.” the various stages of this path, to “The trade unions,” said Lenin,| defend the interests, not of indi- ‘fare mass organizations and the| Viduals, but of the working class as revolution is primarily the creation, @ whole. The Communist Party is of the masses themselves.” that politically organized lever ! But the trade union movement by! with the aid of which the most ad- | itself is unable either to carry on an| vanced section of the working class leffective daily struggle in the in-| guides along the true path the en- terests of the workers or to con-; tire mass of the proletariat and quer and hold government power.| Semi-proletariat. | Especially 5 the United States to-! day, when large sections of the; | workiag class are recovering ct On the M urder the poison of the “permanent pros- | |ary period, serve as the rallying \eenters and the combat organs of the masses. After the victory of the | working class, led by the party of | | The State andj} ist class and its agents in our ranks, when the speed-up and mass suppress the rising wave of strug- gle generated by unbearable bur- dens on our class are disillusioning hundreds of thousands of workers, and when the confusion caused by the systeatic betrayals of the so- cial reformists still retards and hampers developing counter-offens- ives of sections of our class, Lenin’s view of the relations between the Communist Party and the unions is an infallible guide. The reformist conception of the role of the trade unions was that | they should secure enough conces: | sions for the working masses to en- | able them to tolerate capitalism and |prevent them from organizing for | its overthrow. Today social reform- lism becomes social facism and unites |with the governments of capital- |ism to beat down the standard of living of the masses, aid it in plac- ing the entire burden of maintain- ing capitalism on the backs of the working class. Today, strikes for the most elementary demands be- come struggles in which the workers and their trade unions face the cap- italist class, its troops, police and courts, and its allies—the social- fascists of the trade union bureau- eracy and the leaders of the “so- cialist” parties. Strikes in the Untied States, as in the older cap- italist countries become political struggles from the beginning. Imperialism can live only by fore- ing the masses deeper into slavery. “Cheaper production” is the battle- ery with which the imperialist rulers proceed against their rivals for the world market, new sources of raw materials and strategic naval and military bases. “Cheaper pro- duction” is the slogan with which the imperialists sentence millions of workers and colonial peoples to death--either on the battlefields of an imperialist war or by starva- tion. - Said Lenin: “That the unions are ‘made up of workers is not enough. They represent an organization of their class only if they pursue a class line, a class policy.” Trade unions “pursue a class line” only to the extent that the Com- munist Party can influence the masses and organize them to carry ‘out a “class policy.” We can organize and lead the de- cisive sections of our class success- fully against the ramparts of Amer- ican imperialism only by applying in every phase of our work in the trade union movement Lenin’s teachings on the role of the Party. We must win the masses for revo- lutionary struggle and the trade unions aré the mass instruments of struggle, The organization of the millions of unorganized and low-paid work- ers in the basic industries can be carried out only by revolutionary unions led by our Party. In this unemployment and new efforts to! perity” propaganda of the | of Liebknecht By V. I. LENIN. | The name of Karl Liebknecht is | known to the workers in all coun- | tries. Everywhere, and especially in |the Entente countries, this name is a symbol of the devotion of a leader to the interests of the proletariat, of faithfulness to the socialist revolu- tion. ‘This name signifies the really honest, the really self-sacrificing, merciless struggle against capital- ism. This name is the symbol of \irreconcilable struggle against im- perialism, not only in words, but jalso in deeds, of a struggle which lis ready to make sacrifices precisely | when “one’s own” country is gripped |by the fervor of imperailist vic- | tories. All that is honest and really revolutionary among the German socialists, all that is best and most convinced among the proletariat, jall the masses of the eploited who are stirring with revolt and grow- ing more ready for revolution—all ate with Liebknecht and the Spar- takists. Noske, Ebert and Schiedemann, these traitors and lackeys of the bourgeoisie, have given free reign to the German White Guardists, these watch dogs of sanctified cap- italist property, to lynch Rosa Lux- emburg, and to kill Karl Liebknecht by shooting in the back under the obviously lying pretext that they “attempted to escape.” At the same time these hangmen shielded the White Guardists with the authority of a government allegedly innocent and allegedly standing above all classes. It is impossible to find words to express the whole dastard- liness of these executioners who are supposed to be socialists. Ob- viously, history has chosen a path which the “labor lieutenants of the capitalist class” must follow down to the “last stage of fiendishness and dastardliness. Let the little, feeble-minded Kautskyans in their newspaper Freedom, demand a “court” composed of representatives of “all” socialist parties (these lackeys still call the Scheidemann executioners socialists). These he- toes of philistine stupidity and of petty-bourgeois cowardice do not even understand that the court is an organ of state power, while the struggle and civil war in Germany are precisely around the question, who shall have this power: whether |the bourgeoisie, whom the Scheide- fmanns will serve as executioners and pogtom heroes, and Kautsky as the glorifier of “pure democ- racy,” or the proletariat which will overthrow the capitalist explotiers and throttle their resistance, The blood of the best of the pro- letarian International, of the unfor- gettable leaders of the international socialist revolution, will weld to- gether over new masses of workers for the struggle. And this will lead to victory. Jan, 1! |