The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 8, 1930, Page 4

2S: ished € the Compredaily New York N. Address and mail all chi i Page Four to the Daily Worker. 2 Publishing Co., Mhe., Gaily, except Sunday y. Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8.> Cab Union Square. PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE Flashes From the Recruiting Drive Front ree ruited which leads the Party 5 new members as new Pa 5 new n Char- tonia, an] 6 of Workers’ Con- gia, follows in ( y unit mem- mbers membe om Ge rom Tenne: Buro of the CC , took the Re he Buro has mob- Party fractions in the ations and the Uj Elace gives to the Drive. As a re- tions in mass organizations members for s forthe YCL. Pz actior the ILD Convention in new members. The D ts Boston, Philadelphia, Buf- ago and Minnesota are is- h Recruiting Drive ogress of the Drive, gestions how to im- aking up all other f the Districts. All these examples. week the p ild follow rs recruited by Cleve- weeks of the mongst the fol- Youngstown 10; Springfield two first distribute | veland, 23; ; Cincinatti 2; week of t yuted as follows: Boston, Bedford, 6; Fall River 1 and Lanesville 1. Of great significance is the fact that to date 13 new members have been recruited from that famous city of struggle—New Bedford, which shows the response of the textile workers, while a city like Boston, with a: long estab- lished Party organization and the District Committee resident, has only recruited 20 new members to date. This orientation to the cen- ters of industrial struggle must be continued and intensified, while Boston. must wake up. What about the striking. shoe workers of Boston? During this last week Boston printed and distributed leaflets on unemployment and on the recruiting drive. The South Boston nu- cleus held an open meeting under its own aus- pices with 50 workers present, In New Bed- ford two neighborhood mass. meetings of tex- tile workers were held, one with 350 present and one with 100 present. Philadelphia district had an excellent week. It recruited a total of 40 new members of which 21 were, recruited in Philadelphia, 9 in Baltimore, 6 from the Anthracite, 3 from Le- high Valley and 1 from Washington, D. Amongst these 40 new members were 10 } ‘One shop nucleus in a large fac- in Allentown, Pa. was organized and a shop paper issued in the Navy Yards in Phila- delphia. During the first two weeks Chester. recruited 16 new members and all of these were Negro workers. Similarly we see the Anthracite—a real industrial area—recruited 11 new members, nearly all coal miners. * Cleveland’s point of merit in “the last week was the organizing of three shop nuclei. in Youngstown, Ohio, the large steel center. All of these were in separate steel plants. LOVESTONEISM IN MEXICO 1 atly informs_his herd that ation of his activ the rep ies has crossed even the ¢ uarded line of the Rio Grande and has penetrated into Mexico. The echo, so Love- stone's information continues, came back in form of a hundred dollar donation and a prom- se for more. Lovestone naturally expects that this news will enthuse his herd, especially since | in the long years of existence and struggles of | our Party it never incited a rich Mexican, or | for that matter a rich American in Mexico, | the extravagance of such a substantial | jon. The exploited masses in Mexico are poor, very poor indeed; and what they can | scrape together out of their poverty to con- tribute to the revolutionary movement they ibute to their own Mexican Communist To appreciate fylly the “donation” received from Mexico by Gitle Lovestone, Wolf dnd company it is necessary to throw a little light on the donors. Our Mexican brother Party is at present persecuted to the point of complete illegali: tion. Its leaders are murdered or otherwise spirited away; its paper “El Machete” is sup- pressed; membership in the Party and activity for the Party is an invitation to death. In this hour of the most serious battle for life of | the Mexican section of the Communist Interna- tional some “philanthropist” sends a donation of one hundred dgllars (not to the Mexican section of the Communist International,’ but) to the American section of the enemies of the Communist International. For the last twenty years and more there xisted in Mexico a revolution in permanency | of the agrarian masses. In this highly agri- cultural country the Communist Party has to mass itself in activities very much upon these revolutionary agrarian masses. The revo- lutionary proletariat under the leadership of the Communist Party could never influence this revolutionary movement and gain leader- | ship over the broad revolutionary agrarian | masses without ‘active perticipation in the lat- | ter’s struggles. With the imperialist penetration of Mexico especially by the United States capital the revolutionary struggles of the peons and poor peasantry took on a clearly anti-imperialist character. This was inevitable first because | ‘American imperialism in its concession hunger | for oil, ore, and other natural resources ap- peared as an additional expropriator .of the already expropriated agrarian riasses and, sec- ond, because American imperialism just natural- ly appeared on the plain as the powerful ally of the great land-holder class, the immediate enemy of the revolutionary agrarian masses. Before the appearance of a revolutionary proletarian movement in M 0 and before the organization of the Communist Party of Mex- jco the leadership of the agrarian revolution was in the hands of the petty bourgeoisie. After the Commu Party of Mexico appear- ed it made the mistake of contending itself for a long time in the role of an ally of that leadership in. the revolutionary struggles of the Mexican masses. It neglected its duty of an independent fight in the revolution for the hegemony of the proletariat. It failed to orien- tate its activities toward a definite challenge of the petty bourgeois leadership. As long as our Mexican Communist Party | practically accepted the slogans of the petty pie Workers! Join the Party of | Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name cc cccces esses eee cee eeeee eee geenmenee OAS yobs isbn bs sebeec bows WILY) va vecese DMecupation ......aseecceesccrosees AGC erees Mail this to the Central Office, Communist | tionary forces in Mexico. Party, 43 Host 125th St., New York, N. Y. | bourgeois Obregon, Calles, De Negri, etc., it could attract into its ranks elements’ foreign to the aims and methods of the proletarian revolution. It was in'this period that elements like Diego Rivera, Reyes Perez, Louis, Monzone and others came into the Communist Party and achieved prominence in it. ‘These are the “gentlemen friends” who have made, Lovestone happy with a hundred dollar contribution into his silk stockings. These ate the men who are so impressed with “the wonderful work” of Lovestone that they are even willing to part with their “hard earned cash” to support this wonderful work. To understand this whole transaction still better let us, remember the fact that Diego Rivera and Bertram D. Wolfe are close friends. In order to unilerstand this: whole transac- tion still better we must follow, the recent developments in Mexico. A fundamental change has taken place in the line-up of the revolu- In spite of the lack of a clear policy on the part. of the.Commu- nist Party of Mexico toward the establishment of proletarian hegemony in the revolutionary movement in Mexico the very active participa- tion of the revolutionary working class put upon these struggles beside the stamp of 2 liberation movement of the peons and the poor peasants from the exploitation of the land | barons, and beside the stamp of a movement | against imperialist agression of a foreign pow- er, also the stamp of a revolt of the exploited city proletariat against its exploiter, the capi- talist class. And thus events took a turn not contracted for by the petty bourgeois revolu- tionist. In spite of the most serious neglect of the Communist Party in Mexico in not open- ly and consciously fighting the petty bourgeois leadership of the revolution this leadership, | in its turn, began very openly and consciously to fight the Communist Party. The obvious and. inevitable tendencies of the revolutionary movement in Mexico to take on more and more of an anti-capitalist character turnéd the lead- ers of the nationalist agrarian revolution into organizers of the capitalist counter-revolution. United States imperialism was much quicker to see this transformation than our own Mex- ican Communist .Party. This was a natural result of the influence which the fundamentally counter-revolutionary | element: . like Diego Rivera, Louis Monzone, and others had estab- | lished in the Party. A revolutioiiary reorienta- tion of the Party was not possible with these people at the head of it but could be achieved only over their expelled bodies. 4 American imperialism represented by the House of Morgan and Company reorientated itself in its Mexican policy from a counter- revolutionary alliance with the big land owners to a counter-revolutionary alliance with the petty bourgeois leaders of the agrarian nation- alist revolution. American imperialism sees a great advantage in the exploiting of the revolutionary past of these leaders for their counter-revolutionary purposes of today. These petty bourgeois nationalists of yesterday are expected* not only, to prevent further revolts of the masses against imperialism but also to hitch up as great sections as possible of these masses before the chariot of imperialism. The first step taken by these new agents of American imperialism in the government of Mexico, the Calles’, the De Negris’ the Portes Gils’, and Ortiz Rubios was to initiate the most bloody persecution of the Communists. In the initial stages of this campaign the Com- | munist Party of Mexico, with the help of ‘the Communist International re-evaluated its posi- tion and came to the correct conclusion that its attitude toward the government was funda- mentally wrong, that this government which has enjoyed a practically non-critical support of the Party on the assumption that. it is a revolutionary government, was in reality a. counter-revolutionary government and had to be fought to the, point of revolutionary over- throw. At this critical juncture in the life of the Communist Party of Mexico the counter- revolutionary lackeys of American imperialism at the head of the Mexican government were well represented in the councils of the Party. Diego Rivera, a member of the Central Com- mittee, had accepted a well paid job from the, government; he refused to resign as instruct- ed by his Party on the ground that he could not give up his mode of high living: made pos- sible by the income from his government job. Monzone was promised by the government a good position if he fought against the Party line. He did fight and the government kept its promise by making him “labor” attache to the Mexican embassy in Berlin. Fritz Bach “WE NEVER STRIKE” By J. AMDUR. hes Moscow there has recently been opened the Central Anti-religious Museum. The ex- hibits- reflect the life and activity of the Rus- sian Orthdox Church over a period of hun- dreds of years. The church is reflected as a State institution which served Tzarism and strenuously aided it oppress and debase and enslave the workers and peasants. A large icon representing a saint, gorgeously dressed in flowing garments of gold and silver, flashing. and sparkling with brilliants meets the eye upon entering. notes him as the first Russian saint—Lord Vladimir of Kiev.: And then: at every .turn one meets their luxuriously garmented figures. One traces theif social origin to find that very . few are, or have sprung from worker or peas- ant stock, In fact of not one of them, can it be said, that he ever “toiled for his daily bread by the sweat of his brow.” Thirteen per cent of these holies were lords and ladies of the highest social strata; 45 rer cent archbishops and episcopes; 32 per cent priests and monks (hermits, etc., and others of the lower order), while only 10 per cent of the “eternalities” had been large land owners and men of military fame. Av huge fund of material (portraits, carica- tures, official documents, various articles of an: allegedly holy and miracle-bearing power) go to make up a powerful and distasteful pi ture of this medieval, dark-age, inquisit: church (it existed right up to 1917), casing its ominous shadow over and shrivelling the lives of a 150,000,000 uneducated, ignorant, superstitious toilers with its slavish, pernicious teachings of the Tzar as God’s annointed upon earth, imbuing the population with savage. barbarous puritanical emotions of fear to the church and its servants. The church had long innings and lived well on the fat of the land and the sweat of the working masses. Together with the monas- teries it owned 2,500,000 hectares of the rich- est and most fertile land, it possesed 1,112 tene- ment houses, 84 factories, 1,040 large cattle | and dairy farms. ... A property bringing in a yearly rental of over 400,000,000 roubles. The State did its:bit too. It assigned the church for the upkeep of its apparatus a mere trifle of 66,735,000 roubles (this was the last sum. granted by the State in 1917). Tzardom showered the church with’ privi- Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. By Fred Ellis By Mati (in New Yurk City only): $3.00 a yea: By Mail (outside of New York City): 36,00 a year; SUBSUR IE bie 4.50 six months: 5.50 six months; $2.50.three months $2.00 three months The Russian Church Under Czar leges, When it came to a question of hard ma- terialistic economics, the Holies found that they were as other men—mortals of the same flesh and blood. They raised a demand for a “fair day’s wage for a fair day's work.” And, without calling. a strike, with hardly any fuss at all it was established that the Metropolitan (Archbishop) of Novgorod receive 850 roubles per day, the Peterbourg Metropolitan 710 rou- bles, the Kiev Metropolitan 230 roubles and the Archbishop of Moscow only 220 roubles per day. (No tion is made of the hours, | neither is any explanation given for the vary- A printed card de- | ing wage—I suppose they had district agree- ments). The “Holy” Money Passes. In a corner of one of the rooms are some tins of small and large heavy iron plates in which have been collected thousands of roubles in copper coins each year. Nearby, is a carved bone vessel, the remains of Barin (Lord) Ser- gei Radonezhsky, now a saint. In it was col- lected 30,000 roubles, in copper coin, each year. Talk about easy money. The Sergeivsky Monestary (Moscow Province), made holy and famous by the miracle-performing Radonezh- sky, drew a steady yearly income of 600,000 roubles: v And the church needed the money. It had many hungry mouths to feed. In Russia there were 1,125 monestaries. Some 115,000 monks and nuns wended their way in long black shrouds beneath the stark grim walls. More than 77,000 churches, chapels and houses of prayer were scattered throughout the country supporting an army of 113,000 persons. For nine years prior to the war (1914) 9,500 churehes and chapels were built. Some of the documents are of a particularly interesting nature, especially those clearly es- tablishing the fact of eontact between Russian Baptists and bourgéoisie abroad and its active participation in the war (civil war, integven- tion) against the Soviet power. Driven to Suicide By Starvation MADISONVILLE, Ky., (By Mail).—Unable to support his wife and four children: on the meager wage he earned during irregular em- ployment, Dan Porter killed himself with a shotgun. ee a later addition to this collection of enthu- siastic Lovestone supporters in Mexico, was given a job as a “statistical worker” in the Department of the Minister of Labor in Mex- ico, Mr. De Negri. Perez, still another‘ Love- stone enthusiast in Mexico, and unquestional contributor, the hundred dollar donation from Mexico to Lovestone’s Counter-revolutionary Age, received a sinecure as organizer of a “Rubio for president” club, In spite of the vigorous defense of the murlerous capitalist government of Mexico by all these agents the Party reorientated itself and expelled the trai- tors. _ It is such expulsions, by the way, that Lovestone, Wolfe and Gitlow are pointing to as signs of “disintegration of the Communist International” Now all of this expelled gentry is contem- plating and planning to organize a new “Com- munist” Party for Mexico. The Mexican gov- ernment is busily*engaged in clearing the ter- ritory for this new Party. It is arresting the leadership of our Mexican section of the Com- munist International; it is applying torture and murderous means of destroying this lead- ership and of intimidating the rank ani file of the Party. And while this bloody persecution is carried on under orders and under the direction of »Portes Gil, De Negri, Rubio and other agents of Wall Street in the Mexican government, Diego Rivera, Fritz Bach, and Reyes Perez are confering with De Negri and Portes Gil con- cerning the establishment of a “government Communist Party” in Mexico. It was very probably in one of those conferences that the Minister of Labor of Mexico Mr. De Negri passed the hat in favor of the Counter-revolu- tionary Age in New York. He turned over the results of this collection in form of the equiva- lent of one hundred American dollars to Diego Rivera. As a result of this transaction Lovestone was enabled to treat his herd with the jubilant- ly proclaimed news that his “excellent work against the Communist International” had el- licited enthusiastic support from Mexico to the tune of one hundred dollars. Lovestoneisin in’ Mexico manifests itself’ in the shamelessly open and paid for support of the counter-revolutionary Mexican government. ‘In appreciation of ‘this support this counter- revolutionary, sovernment appropriates a con- tribution which it directs its Mexican support- ers to transmit to Lovestone, Wolfe, Gitlow and Company in New York for their similar services, Editor's Note: During the months of Jan- uary, the DAILY WORKER is running a spe- ial Lenin Corner in connection with the Lenin Campaign of the Communist Party. irst part of Lenin’s lecture on “The Proletariat and the War.” was printed in yes- terday’s DAILY WORKER. The present in- stallment printed below concludes this lecture, which is taken from Lenin's Imperialist War— the Struggle Against Social-Chauvinism and Social Pacifism, constituting Vol. XVIII of his collected works. (English edition by Interna- tional Publishers.) * The Proletariat and the War. ered Oct. 14, 1914. Newspaper report. (Conclusion.) y od end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century are characterized by imperialist politics. Imperialism is a state of capitalism, when, having fulfilled all that is possible for it, cap- italism makes a turn towards decay. This is a different epoch, not in the consciousness of the Socialists, but in social relations as they exist. The struggle is going on for the dis- tribution of the remaining pieces of territory. This is the last historic task of capitalism. How long this epoch will last, we cannot say. There may be several such wars. We must, how- ever, understand clearly that those wars are not the same as wars conducted earlier, and that accordingly, the tasks confronting the So- cialists are also different. An entirély new type of organisation may be required for the proletarian party to solve those new problems. In his pamphlet, Der Weg zur Macht (The Road to Power), Kautsky, care- fully analyzing economic phenomena and draw- ing conclusions from them with extréme cau- tion, has pointed out that we are entering a phase entirely unlike the past peaceful graual development. It is very difficult to say at present what should be the new form of organization to fit that new phase, It is clear, however, that in view of the.new tasks, the proletarians will have to create new organizations or change the old. The more foolish is the fear of dis- rupting the old organization, so strikingly man- ifested among the German Social-Democrats, the more absurd is this legalism at any price. We know that the Petrograd Committee has issued an illegal leaflet against the war. The same was done by the Caucasian and a few other Russian organizations. There is no doubt that this can be done also abroad without sever- ing connections. Legality is, of course, a very precious thing, and it is not in vain that Engels said, “Messrs. Bourgeois, be the first to violate your legality!” The things happening now may teach the Ger- man Social-Democrats a lesson, for it is a fact that the government, which has always prided itself on lawfulness, has violated it without com- punction all along the line. In this respect, the brutal order of the Prussian commandant which he forced the Vorwarts (Forward) to print on its front page may prove useful. The Vorwarts itself, however, having under threat of suspen- sion renounced the class struggle, and having promised not to mention it until the end of the war, has committed suicide. It has died, to use the correct expression of the Paris Golos, which at present is the best Socialist paper in Europe. The more often and the more violently I used to disagree with Martov, the more reso- lutely I must say that this’ writer is doing now what a Social-Democrat ought to do. He criti- cises his government, he unmasks his bour- geoisie, he abuses his ministers. Socialists, how- ever who, having disarmed in relation to their own government, occupy themselves in unmask- ing and’ putting to stame the ministers and rul- ing classes of another country, play the part of bourgeois writers. Objectively, Sudekum him- self plays the part of an agent of the German government in the same way as others play that part in relation to the Franco-Russian al- lies. Socialists who have not realized that this war is an imperialist war, who do not look upon it Such Socialists are apt to think of it in a child- ishly naive manner, assuming, for instance, that in the dark of night one fellow has seized the other by the throat and the neighbors have either to save the victim of the assault or, like cowards, hide from the fray “behind locked doors” (Plekhanov’s expression). Let us not allow ourselves to be fooled; let us not allow the bourgeois counsellors to ex- plain the war so simply as to say that people lived in peace, but one attacked another and the other had to defend himself. Comrade Lenin then reads an excerpt from Luzzatti’s article which was published in an Italian paper. In that article the Italian states- man rejoices over the fact that the victor in the present war proved to be the- fatherland, the idea of the fatherland. Luzzatti says: “We must remember Cicero’s ‘saying that ‘civil war is the greatest disaster.’” fe I, This, Lenin continues, is what the bourgeois have already gained; this is what excites, what gladdens them most; this is what they ‘have spent a heap of money and effort for. They try to assure us that this is the same old time- honored national war. But this is not true. The historic era of na- tional wars is past. We are now confronted with an imperialst war, and it is the task of Socialists to turn the “national” war into civil ‘war. ‘ We have all anticipated, we have all been preparing for this imperialist war. This being the case, it is unimportant who has made the’ attack, Everybody was preparing for the war; the attack was made by the one who considered it most auspicious for himself at a given mo- ment. i Comrade Lenin then takes up the term “fath- erland,” which he analyses from the Socialist point of view. e Thi: term was precisely and clearly defined by the Communist Manifesto in those splen- did pages which have been entirely verified and corroborated by life. Lenin reads an excerpt from the Communist Manifesto ‘in which the term “fatherland” is treated as an historical category corresponding toethe development of society in one of its stages and then becoming superflous. The proletariat, says Lenin, can- not love what ‘it does not possess. The prole- tariat has no fatherland. What are the tasks of the Socialists in the present war? fi Comrade Lenin reads the Stuttgart resolu- tion latet confirmed and, amplified in Copen- A lecture Deliv- | historically, will not understand anything in it. | | mune. | | | | LENIN ON THE PROLETARIAT AND THE WAR DANGER hagen and Basle. That resolution, -he says, clearly indicates the methods of struggle to be applied by the Socialists against the tenden- | cies that lead to war, and their duties in rela- tion to a war that has already broken out. Those duties are indicated by the examples of the Russian Revolution and the Paris Com- The Stuttgart resolution was’ couched in cautious terms in view of the various ctim- inal laws, but the task is indicated cleatly. The Paris Commune is civil war. In what form, when and how our work must be conducted, is another question, but its direction is perfect- ly clear. 4 From this point of view Comrade Lenin then analyses the positions taken up’in practice by the Socialists of various countries. . Outside of the Serbs, he says, only the Russians have done their duty, as noted by the Italian paper Avanti (Forward); the same is being done by Keir Hardie, who exposes the policy of Ed- ward Grey. : Once the war has started, it is unthinkable © to run.away from it. ‘One must go ahead and do the work of a Socialist. In, the war, people think and brood, perhaps, more than “at home,” One must go there and organise. the proletariat for the ultimate aim, as it is Uto- pian to think that the proletariat will achieve its aimin a peaceful way. It is impossible to pass from capitalism to Socialism. without breaking national frameworks, as it was im- possible to pass from feudalism to capitalism without adopting. the idea of a nation, Nearing Excluded From C.P. U.S. A. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the United States issued the follow- ing statement concerning Scott Nearing’s rela- tions with the Party: “The Central Committee of the Communist Party of U.S.A. received a communication from Scott Nearing concerning his membérship in the Communist Party. In this: communication Nearing states that he had prepared a manu- script on the ‘historical and economic corela- tion between ancient, classical and modern imperialism.’ This manuscript was submitted by him to an authoritative Marxian body ‘in Moscow and was rejected. This rejection, Nearing states, presents him with the follow- ing possibilities: “‘1,To abandon the idea ‘of publishing the manuscript. This, I do not care to do, as I believe it presents an important historical syn- thesis heretofore unstated. : “2. To publish. the manuscript outsidé of Party channels. This action might lead to additional inner Party controversy.’ Already we have had too much of that. “3. To resign from the Party and jblish the study.’ u ar “Scott Nearing informs the Cehtral: Commit- tee that he decided to follow the ‘third courte’ and to resign his membership in the Party, al- though ‘continuing, as ‘in the’ past, t uphold athe principles of the Party and to support the “Party work.’ ‘ ‘ “This communication, together with letters of resignation sent by Nearing to a number of proletarian revolutionary organizstions, show how little fit intellectuals of the type of Néar- ing are to stand the pressure which the duties of the revolution put upon a revolutiofiist. * _“‘Scott Nearing was never a Marxian. .But his Subordination under Party. direction and discipline could have made him of. service: to the proletarian revolution. .But he wants to be only ‘a friend.’ But.no member of the Comitiu- nist Party can be a mere ‘friend’ of the revoly- tion; he must be an active’ soldier in, it. Te be a friend of the revolutionary working. clés is to be a fighter in its ranks, To-be a ‘tried of the Party is to be a soldier in ‘its lines, Out- side the ranks of the Party’ the ‘friend’ ‘ceases to be a positive factor on the side of. the work- ing class in the’ revolutionary struggle afd, vherefore, strengthens the enemy of the prole- tariat, the bourgeoisie. mg “The revolutionary party of the working class cannot be satisfied with ‘sympathy’ from its members. It must demand: subordination of the individual to-the line ‘and to the’ actiy- ities of the Party and the revolutionary ‘work- ing. class, i “For the working class, a disciplined advance guard is the question of victory or défeat; for “Scott Nearing the publication of one of his pamphlets or books which was refused. publi- cation by a most authoritative body: as non- Marxian takes precedence in importane e over the discipline of the advance guard. In his let- ter of resignation from the Executive Commit- . tee of the Workers’ School; Scott Ne i velops the idea that 25 years as pba is enough. He doesn’t know that the prdletarian revolutionist . serves a ‘cause and does not merely serve time. The active services of the proletarian revolutionist ‘continue ‘he is either physically or politically incapacii ted, “The visibly sharpening struggles pass .up such elements as Scott Nearing and deposi’ them, on.the scrap heap 'of evolution. Nearing’s non-Marxiah conceptions di: able im from giving the self-sacrificing erie ‘which the hour demands. ~ He himself Tecognizes that the duties which this period’ places on the mem- bers of the Communist Party are burdens that cannot. willingly be borne-by him: * === * _“A proletarian révolutionist does not. con-* sider such duties as a burden, but he considers them. as a: service which he’ erithusiastically volunteers to his principles and to his’ class. . “In consideration of all’ this the Central Maier the ‘Communist Par vo gee S.A. les to drop Scott Nearing ‘list of its members.” , a hiss ae - Low wages will help the bosses attain ‘pros- perity, says H. T. Parson; president :of F.' W:. Woolworth Co. In a statemerft published: in the New York Telegram, January 3; the presi- . dent of Woolworth Co. says:. > » ‘ “The basis of prosperity in this country is the employment’ of the wage earher* at our present dtandard of wages.” The Woolworth ' Co. is the most notorious’ exploiter of youth labor in the United States.” The'wages ‘of the girls employed in these stores is the) lowest paid petites They na bd ‘from $8- to $10 a week. ’ The hours are long and ‘the conditions \h: een nn I,