The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 23, 1929, Page 4

Page Four PARTY to be Comrai fight together with tyranny of the capi cial legislation, for a shorter work for better wa women must be taught to fight to their brothers husbands ag and against capitalism for their full eman- cipation. The lesson is taught first of all by the factory itself, which unites the work- ing men and women labor.” into one family of little has been carrii still estimation of the impc dencies. is considered the partment or the wom onl: We must re work in the and comt esent membership 2 with buildi aratus for work the by f the Cl, ay in part the f The C. P. can only function as a leader of the proletariat of the USA insofar as it recognizes (not merely theoreti but in practice) how to arouse and ¢ nize the working women, d understands how to do it. In the present period of post-war capital- les are the order of the day. st undergo drastic changes in This applies to work n in particular. In order to ful- 2 necessary to reorientate Party for work among women. Our main n should be directed not towards house- and skilled workers, but towards the s and mills of the unskilled and Negro and white working no attention h&s been recruiting Negro Party. This will mu s of work. ited ts in the women into be remedied. On Meeting Agenda. nittees in laying plans for ve on the agenda a special Women,” this question to be e entire committee, plans to be 1 surveys of the factories in the h employ large numbers of wom- portant work cannot be left to Department alone. It must be k of the v e district machinery, as egral part of Communist activities—or- trial, Negro, agitprop, anti. he success in this direction will on the manner in which we succeed in et a whole for recruit- into our ranks. aratory work in this campaign, the question of reeruiting on the agenda of every meetiif& in sections and units, trade union fraternal fractions. Only this will assure atte on to the problem. We must bers from basic industries, proletar- women to better the present composition f the Party. ate At the present time half of our membership f women are housewives, and the remainder mainly needle trades workers, office work- clerks, school teachers. The geographical ution also very bad, most of the mem- being concentrated in New York, Boston, and other big cities. In the big in- sections where the large plants are trated, in the South, in the textile we have practically no women mem- bers. In laying plans for reaching women and ruiting them for the Party, each district ill be n. For fted to the sm towns where the large are concen’ is by no means a small job, and much consideration will have to be given to this problem. The Young Com- nunist League will have to be drawn into 's work—the comrades,to be colonized will have to be trained. Only through full Communist understand- ing of the importance of work among women carefully planned systematic n and day out, can we in practice through the decisions of the “Sixth ld Congress and the Fourth Congress of RILU, that of building a mass Communist wns, faced with the problem of coloniza- from the cities will have to be He We must come out of this campaign stronger nizationally, with more proletarian and in the Party, more shop nu- , Shop papers, entrench ourselves in the facto , build our Party_apparatus for work among women, build our new unions, and the ations, proletarianizatioén of develop Communist forces shops and factories. Our work in the sans must be: Working women enroll under the banner of Communism!! Join the Communist Party of the U.S.A., section of the Communist International! “DAIWOT Lovestone Ends His “Isolation” By BROW DER. EARL LOVESTONE wan E in de loping he cc t open oughout th brothers t right-w } found it necessary, if-he would his position in the American Party, to echo the Comintern denunciations of the right-wizg ele- ections of the Comintern. As ments in other a result came the famous theories of “excep- tionalis lation” of opportunists ing the inevitable “iso- ” demonstre attempting to operate in a Communist Party Since Lovestone broke his connec the Party, he has moved rapidly to end thi isolation from his brother opportunists. The Bra and Thalheimer whom he denounced policy to the Love- identifies itself with with the traitor the expelled y counselors go, now give th stone organ, which open the liquidators in Germ Hai: Alsace nationalists in with nch their collaboration Czechoslovakia, nd I used to break o! socialist party, and with all renegade its thrown out of the Communist Inter- !-ding Trotskyists, The latest step in this direction is reported in No. 4 of Lovestone’s counter-revolutionary organ, in. which he boasts of “receipt of a donation of $100 from our comrades in Mexico and a plcdge for further support.” Who are Lovestone’s “comrade They are Diego Rivera, Rey Lu on and Fritz Bach, recently expelled from ‘van Party, who have joined with the bourgeois politician Denegri to found an “Op- position C.P.” supported and financed by the Mexican government, which in turn sup- ported and financed by Wall Strect. This ,°.) and “plecze for further support” comes from the treasury of the Mexican gov- <tnment, whi... i. turn secured it through Ambassador ‘ow, representative of Wash- {ington and Wall Street. When the Mexican government began its campaign of terror and murder against the workers and peasants, the M n Commu- nist Party ordered those of members in government employment to leave their jobs and join the struggle against the government. Diego Rivera refused to resign from his posi- tion of Director of the Government Schoo! of atts, on the ground that he \ % “lead a bourgeois life” and could not give accustomed Monzon received split from the salary. r he ttache to the Mexi- p his government his government job becomi: x “labor mbassy in Berlin. Perez accepted the position of head of a “Rubio for president” on in Jalisco, and campaigned for t’s candidate. Bach remains in a job in the Bureau of Labor, by being ” to the government. This choice collection of scoundrels find it quite fitting to declare their solidarity with Lovestone, by sending him some of the blood- money which they receive for supporting the assassination of Rodriguez, Jeader of the peas- ants’ league, and the massacre of several thousand peasants and workers. It is a part of the government price paid to these rene- gades for joining it, the outlawing of the Communist Party and the revolutionary Trad Union Confederation. . * Ani Lovestone boasts of this support from his “comrades in Mexico!” In the light of Loyestone’s latest evolution, new understanding be had of his appearance in court in 0 as a state witness in the case of Harry Winitsky, Which was mentioned in passing in the Daily Worker editorial of Nov. °30. He received immunity from prosecution by agree- ing to testify; his testimony was referred to by the judge in charging the jury as the basis for a verdict of guilty against Winitsky. About that time there were several splits in the un- dersround party, and in the confusion Love- stone escaped from having to answer to the Party for his ‘uct. This case came be? re the International Control Commission of the Comintern some years later. That body, after reviewing the case, declared that Lovestone had been guilty of conduct impermissible in a Communist; but in view of his own admission of this faet, and of the lapse of time since it happened, with the Americ: 1 Party having in the meantime ac- ed him as a worker in its ranks and in its leadership, that the case should be clused. Unc normal circumstzaces the case would have been closed even now. But Lovestone has shown by his present renegacy, by his slanderous a’ upon the Party and Com- intern, and by his open collaboration with the snemies of the revolutionary working class, that his testimony for the state in 1920 was not an accident. Lovertone has ended his “isolation” from his brothers in treachery, entering in open and shameless solidarity with them. But this marks the completion of his isolation from the rev- olution working ¢ which knows him 4 By HARRISON GEORGE. (The Second of Two Articles) * N a previous article we spoke of the great significance, both to the Haitian masses and to the international proletariat, of the forma- tion in Haiti of the National Workers Party. The organization of this Par@ was regaled au-Prince on November 25, just before the martial law decree of imperialist America. The letter was addressed, publicly, to a Haitian leader, Antoine Pierre Paul, authorizing him to speak for the Party to American authorities. In the previous article we referred to the weak- ness of the Party in lacking a class program. deeper than a lack of clarity on the imperative need of independent class program and action. For the letter indicates a reliance and hope of imperialism transforming itself from an op- pressor to a liberator; Upon imperialism ver- sus imperialism! What futility! We see, for example, these officials of a Workers Party of oppressed Haiti, appointing Antoine Pierre Paul, to the vain task of “ap- pealing to the loyalty the President of the United States” for “a gesture of superior justice and magnanimity on the part of the American rulers in Wash- ington” (for the “restoration” above mentioned and for “the election of the successor of Mr. Borno”). Why Imperialist Occupation. But if we understand that American imper- ialist interests, its necessity for markets and raw materials, for coffee and a place to invest capital at big profit, America’s imperialist de- mand to expand exploitation from the proletar- iat of the United States to all Latin America, to swallow in its iron maw the profits wrung from the Haitian peasant, the Cuban sugar worker, the Mexican miner, the oil worker of Colombia and Venezuela, and to drive British imperialism from control, to fortify Haiti ‘against British Jamaica’s naval | base—if we understand these things, we at once know that it was not the lack of “high morality” which caused American imperialism to invade and subjugate Haiti, nor can any appeal addressed to the conjectured “high morality” of American imperialism’s present spokesman have the faintest chance of releasing Haiti from the talons of Yankee rule. Moreover, Hoover's “loyalty” is not to the interests of the Haitian toilers, but to the National City Bank which exploits the Haitian people. Indeed, the facts of life, since the Haitian Workers Party wrote the letter referred to here, have given overwhelming answer to such absurd expectations. And’ that answer has been written in the blood of the heroic peas- ants of Aux Cayes! To appeal to Hoover, to petition the “rulers at Washington” to be “just and magnaniméus” is to appeal to the tiger to release its fangs from the throat of its prey, to appeal to the leopard to change its spots! . And what follows from this? In reliance upon the enemy to cease being an enemy, is to forego the only effective means of attaining the end desired. For the movement of the masses must rely upon the masses themselves, not something or someone outside of them, and certainly not the very imperialist ma- chine which is robbing and oppressing them. What Is the Bar to Freedom? Do not the Haitian masses passionately de- mand freedom from Haiti as a prerequisite to their solution to the problem of bread and | land? Then who dares stand between them and that aim? The Marines, the Garde d’Haiti and the insect Borno! The letter says: “You will not forget to inform the agents eDaily S85 Worker Cent#al Organ of the,Communist Party of the U. S. A. by a letter printed ‘in “La Presse” of “Port- | But the weakness revealed in the letter goes | and high morality of | By Mail (in New York City on’ By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year; SCRIPTION PAT: ): $8.00 a year; si $2.50 three months xX months; $2.00 three months The Haitian Masses in Motion responsible for the public peace that the worker, being by his nature a pacifist, the National Workers Party intends to maneuver only upon legal grounds... . dnd that anyhow, the Haitian proletariat and even our citizens of other classes are disarmed.” There are difficulties, therefore we succomb to them! Such is the timid logic of the Na- tional Workers Party. Rubbish! No people can escape slavery except by their own struggle against difficulties, and the masses of Haiti, calling upon those of Santo Domingo, of Cuba and all Latin America, appealing to the work- ers of America and the world to stand behind them in struggle, could with whatever weapons possible to secure in their hands and courage in their hearts (they have both and would usé both were it not for the timid and confused leadership!) drive all the vermin of Yankee imperialism into the sea! But not only does the Haitian Workers Party castrate itself by the false claim that “the worker is by nature pacifist’ and its inten- tion “to maneuver only upon legal grounds” (within the boundaries of martial law as set by the commander of the U. S. marines, we presume!) but it enters upon a path of dabbl- ing in denunciation of those who may overstep or urge the masses to overstep these niceties Thus the Party’s letter rather v: guely com- plains of “machinations,” and remarks: “The American officials who have as- sumed the direction and control of the in- terior police of the country, should have enough loyalty and disinterestedness. to ren- der illusory and yain the malevolent work of spies.” True, this is mentioned, this strange trustful- ness in American police commanders, this plac- ing of the Workers Party on the side of the police chiefs as against spies (who would be sent in by anybody by these same police chiefs!) as a measure of caution. But caution is not.the primary factor in the winning of battles, but rather are courage and daring. Cowardice has lost more battles than those lost by brave troops with audacious leaders—how- ever much they were spied upon. And surely the National Workers Party of Haiti does not wish to enter a path which leads to competition in vile police informing with the reptile “intel- ligence men” sent out by Brigadier General Russell! ; Listen To Aux Cayes! An ocean of heroism throbs in the veins of the Haitian masses. That it needs only the release of a united and clear-headed leadership as heroic as itself, was proven that morning at Aux Cayes, when the peasants, as stated by .the capitalist press of New York, heard | “with curses and jeers” that the leaders of the strike had called it off under pressure of martial law. The National Workers Party of Haiti, if it is to live up to the requirements history places on those who speak in the name of Haitian toilers, if it is to be what the whole interna- tional proletariat hopes it will be, must dis- card these érrors of thought and action Which have naturally arisen in the beginning of the movement, must resolutely turn from all legal- istic begging at the door-step of imperialism, turn from reverential listening for further empty promises from Washington, and listen rather to the echo of Aux Cayes! Remember Nicaragua! No trust in marine controlled elections! No illusion that America will voluntarily replace Borno except by an- other like Borno! No hope that imperialism will cease being imperialistic! ‘No pacifism and no intriguing behind the backs of the masses! Against these—an appeal to the world pro- letariat, particularly to the workers of all Americas, North, Central and South, and a resolute fight on the soil of Haiti to drive from it every agent of Yankee imperialism! SOME MORE PREPARATIONS FOR ‘PEACE’ By Fred Ellis S OUTHERN COTTON MIL By MYRA PAGE. ! (Continued) | During the six-year period, from 1910 to 1925, Carolina mill workers had their earnings reduced by nearly one-sixth, while the dis- crepancy between the earnings of northern and southern textile workers more than doubled. Deductions from the latest figures of the Cen- COMPARISONS ON WAGES OF VARI MILL WORKERS OF NORTH AND ; UNITED Wages and Hours in Cotton Goods view, Feb. 1927, p. 53. In the last year the stretch-out system has been introduced into southern mills, whereby each worker is required to handle more looms, or spools, ete., and the rate on each operation has been lowered until workers find it im- possible to maintain their former wage level, even though they are speeding up at a terrific rate. For example, one worker reported that his wages had been cut from $25.00 to $11.00, and his work increased from eight sides to sixteen. Another, who used to operate twenty- four looms for $19.00, now operates seventy- two for $21.00. These schemes of rationaliza- tion, together with the falling wages and long hours have lead to a series of revolts in the | southern industry within recent months. While in southern mills men and women are usually paid an identical fate for the same work, there are few operations equally open to men and women, and on those operations | which are primarily “women’s jobs” the rate is far lower than on those performed by men. This condition prevails regardless of the rela- tive skill of the operation. For example, | “drawin’ in,” a highly skilléd process per- | formed wholly by women, is poorly paid. Ne- | gro workmen also are discriminated against. Colored men and women are not employed at | the machines, except in rare instances, but | clean the cotton and do manual work around | | | | | | the mill, and for this they receive miserable pay. A government study on Negro Women in Industry shows that the average earnings of colored women in textile mills range from four to six dollars a week. Because of the practice of sex discrimina- tion in wages, mill employers are especially keen on having white women in the mills. In the cotton-growing states, in 1919, women composed 36 per cent of the total textile wage-earning group. About forty per cent of | these are married women. This is a much higher rate than that for all American indus- | tries, which is 24.5 per cent. As soon as chil- | dren reach working age, fourteen years, they | also enter the mill, Child labor below the age of fourteen is not as common as it for- | merly was, although it is still prevalent. The | 1920 census report six per cent of North Caro- | lina’s textile workers as below the age of six- teen, and six and three-tenths of South Caro- lina’s mill force, with approximately 7,500 child laborers in cotton mills in the southern states. How many of these child laborers are below fourteen years of age is not certain, but the number of special working permits to children below the minimum working age is notoriously high, especially in South Carolina and Georgia mills. Also the laws against child | labor are poorly enforced in many sections, so | that altogether the figures on the amount of children at work in squthern cotton mills are probably under-statemtnts of the actual sit- uation. Yet the workers’ grim determination to keep their children out of the mills as long as possible, and to give them at least a mini- | | ganization among mill workers. | tem,” whereby each mill keeps approximately sus of Manufactures for 1927 show that south- ern cotton mill workers have weekly earnings of $12.88, a little more than one-half of the average wage in American industry. Government figures show that mill workers below the Mason and Dixon line get from three to five dollars less a week on an operation than workers in other parts of the country. OUS CRAFT GROUPS OF COTTON SOUTH CAROLINA, THE ENTIRE STATES Average Weekly Wage Entire Operation South Carolina North Carolina United States Picker tenders $13.81 nee $14.70 . $16.07 —.see Card tenders 13.42 . 15.48 sees 17.42 Speeder tenders 16.17 18.65 $16.77 + 18.90 Spinners 11.89 11.72 9.22 12.88 15.92 Slasher tenders BOO ieee 21.91 Loom fixers 22.89 esse 26.16 Weavers 5. 19.63 17.54 21.07 Industry, 1924-1926, Monthly Labor Re- mum of education, has had its effect. Due to workers’ agitation and struggles, such laws as there are restricting chiid labor have been placed on the statute books, Also the com- panies wish literate workmen and this means that children must be free to go to school for a few terms. There is another type of child labor described in the first chapter, where the oldest child below fourteen years stays at home to keep house and mind the younger children while both parents work in the mill. There is an unjntentional irony in the mill owners’ proud st®tement that the southern tex-* tile industry is “a family industry.” For the fact of the matter is, that conditions of south- ern mill life are rapidly destroying family’ or- In agricul- tural days the family formed the basic econ- omic and social unit, but modern industry has removed these older bases of family life, and also has brought many new conditions, such as mothers in industry, factory child labor, families divided between day and night shifts, and the unstabilizing effects of urban Ife, While southern mill work is largely non- seasonal in character, Dixie mill hands lose more time from work than northern opera- tives. The latter lost 13.2 per cent of their working time in 1924, while southern opera- tives lost 23.3 per cent. The “spare hand sys- fifteen per cent more help than {t actually needs in order to fill all possible vacancies, cuts down on the time worked by southern operatives, for if the spare hand does not get sufficient work to support himself, regular workers are asked to remain out a few days so that the spare hand may work! One- fourth of lost time was due to the mill “run- nin’ low” or closing down for a brief period; and the remaining fourth was due to ill health. Southern mill workers, due to their long hours of work, the heat and moisture in the mills, and their impoverished standard of liv- ing, are subject to many epidemics and other diseases. Both birth and death rates are higher and the span of life shorter than those for the total population of the United States. COMPARISON OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY AGE GROUPS, OF FIVE CAROLINA MILL VILLAGES AND THE ENTIRE UNITED STATES (Given in Percentages) Age Groups Carolina Villages Total U. S. O-9 years. oe. csccse sen 82 22 10-19 years 18 0-19 years 40 2 18 30- 15 20-39 years 33. 40-49 years . 12 50-59 years G 8 40 years and above 13 27 (To Be Continued) Junior Labor Athletics In New York, the Junior Section of the La- bor Sports Union is now holding a basketball | tournament, in which 15 teams are taking part. | The games will last for 15 weeks, Each | team plays 14 games, and the team which | wins most games will get a dandy loving cup, | donated by the New York Trade Union Unity | League. | Each member of the winning team will also | get a medal. | This is the first step in the building of the | Junior Section. The bosses have many ways to keep the workers’ children on their side, and one of these ways is sports. Belgian Congo in Crisis | BRUSSELS (By Mail).—The Belgian Congo is suffering from an economic crisis. Even the most prosperous province of Katanga has been badly hit. In a speech made a few days ago the Colonial Minister Tchoffen promised in- creased tax reductions for the colonial exploit- evs in order to assist them to tide over the bad period, The Belgian colonial exploiters are suffering severely from the competition of their “allies” the British and French imperialists. In addition, there are serious disturbances amongst the navies. The imperialist press seeks to conceal the truth by writing about “na- : tive feuds,’ religious sectarianism, etc. In reality the trouble is caused by the mass ar- rests in consequence of the persistent refusal of the natives to pay the intolerable taxes and in consequence of mass desertions from the various forced labor undertakings, Berlin Communist Party Enlists New Members BERLIN, (By Mail).—During the course of the last two days the Berlin district of the Communist Party won 350 further new mem- bers in its recruiting campaign, making a total of over 2,000 new members since the 17th of November. These figures do not in- clude the hundreds of workers who joined the Party yesterday in the 15 great recruiting meetings under the impression of the return of the workers delegation. | Pe st a RR Waban eh Disassociates From Lovestone *Renegades Statement of Harry Rubin, former member of Nucleus 1B Phila. Expelled From the Communist Party on Charges of Lovestoneism. Dear Comrades: I disassociate myself completely from the renegade Lovestone group. I have been fooled by their talk that they follow out the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, but after at- | tending some of their meetings I found that | they pursue an anti-Communist line and I | learned that there can’t be any revolutionary , Ih | party besides the Communist Party.. I wish to state that I am in full agreement with the Comintern Address to our Party and I am ready to carry out all decisions of the Party without any reservations, and to fight against all renegades who are against the Com- munist Party and who are agents of the bour- eoisie within the working class. I ask the Communist Party of which I was a member for years to readmit me in its ranks so that I ean contribute my utmost to build the move- ment. Long live the Communist International, the leader of the World Proletariat! Long live the Communist Party U. S. A., the American Section of the Communist Interna- tional! Comradely yours, HARRY RUBIN, Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. AMINE oie is sic cee aesdecee (Oe celhte mae Occupation . sees Agere. Mail this to the Nationa: Office, Party, 43 East 125th St. New York, N. ¥, me AND LABOR —