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Y. Telephone Stuyv Nl checks to the Daily Worker, 26 Four 'y Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sund lay, bi 1696-7-8. Cabl entral Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. X By Mail (in New York only): $p. By Muil (outside of New York); SUBSCRIPTION: RATES: $2.50 three J. $4.50 six months: ; $2.00. three months 00 a year: $3.50 six months; $6.00 & year; “PARTY LIFE A Little Brother of the “Militant” By EARL BROWDER. Cannon's “Militant,” of slander against the Comintern, against the Soviet Union = inst all the revolutionary bodies in the United State brother, born with the date November First on it, lutionary Age.” The two children of renegadism show resemblence, so much so that they might be taken It is an old trick of renegades to perform their treachery under banners with a highly-hor Thus the Brandlerites in Germany use the name “Gegen ¢ sed in the struggle against social chauvinism durin ' their opportunist sheet. The Lovestoneites use the name “Revolutionary Age” in the same fashion. They repeat history, however, only in the sense made famous by Marx, when he said: “Hegel says somewhere that, upon the stage of universal history, all great events and personalities reappear in one fashion or another. He forgot to add that, on the first occasion they appear as tragedy; on the second, as farce.” it was with the 2 an revolution in Rus- Bolshevik Party of Lenin, for he struggle against reformism and a historic one! When the “Revolutio: appeared in 1919, the foundation of the C in the United Stat A The present “R the second appearance on the stage of history, cc agble against the newest achievements of the proleta v on in Russia, against the Bol- shevik Party of Lenin, against the Comintern and the C. P. U. S. A. Truly a miserable role, that of the scab! The little brother of the o fits elder. Its first words familiar to us by Cannon & €o. if it is possible to be sure which paper “Militant” follows closely in the footsteps repeat the same phrases already made Read the following quotation and see t comes from: “The invesitable disintegratior CPSU. 7 Whichever way you gu correct! This sentence was first writ- ten by Trotsky, printed in the U.S.A. by the “Militant,” and now graces the pages of the first issue of “Revolutionary Age!” The touching unanimity of the Right and “Left” renegades can be seen on almost every question which they are bold enough to touch. On the Tenth Plenum of the E.C.C.L., we read: “The Tenth Plenum of E.C.C.I. was essentially a political va- cuum.” the Stalin leadership in the “The Tenth Plenum of E.C.C.I. could find time only for prog- nostions of second-rate importance.” Does it matter much which of these judgments appeared in one » rthe other paper? The political content is the same. And so it goes. On the Gastonia case, both brands of opportunism are at one with the liberals, and with such organs as “Advance,” in denouncing the defense for in: ing upon fighting for the right of the strikers to defend themselves when attacked. Both are agreed that the August First Red Day demonstrations should never have been held. Both issued strikebreakers manifestos. Buoth judge the Party’s participation in the New York elections as of a “thoroughly opportunist character.” Both are against the T.U.U.L. and the new unions, and for a re- turn to the A. F. of L. Two samples from the two papers: “This ‘new line’. . . leads to splitting and the isolation of the smal! left wing- and its followers as is now actually the result.” And: “After wrecking the T.U. . Foster again commits the same damnable crime against the working class and organizes the T.U.U.L. as a party caucus for inner party purposes.” And so on, ad nauseum. The slogans of the renegades are all well- | nown tous. There is very little originality about them. They are the slogans of all those who try ot destroy the revolutionary movement. We have heard them for years from the socialist party, from Gompers, Green, Woll & Co., and from the capitalist press. The only thing astonishing” is that the renegades, a short time ago among the Patty leadership, can so quickly and shamelessly parade their prostitution to the bourgeoisie before the world. One question remains. Why all the elaborate camouflage? Why does not the “Revolutionary Age” come out boldly with its champion- ship of the cause of Jilek and Hais, of Brandler and Walcher? Why does it not explain and defend the platform of these international rene- rades? And why is its organizational solidarity with the Right wing of ul countries pushed so modestly into the back in some obscure notes? At least the Trotskyites were more courageous. paises Sabet er Veena mb The League and the South By WILLIAM SROKA. In the present period we have splendid possibilities in building the League in the South. We have taken the first steps in getting a footing in the Carolinas. Cl: ce Miller had been sent down by the N. E. C, to carry on organizational work. The capitalist class got ‘ goose pimples when they found out that a Young Communist League was being organized in the strike area. When the shooting took place in the union hall and tent cqlony, Miller was one of the first to be arrested and was charged with murder. The boss class was determined to smash all attempts at organizing of woung workers. Today we find Miller being sentenced to 20 years in jail—a living death. Will we sit back at such a challenge of the boss- class? I say NO! First we must organize protest meetings wherever we have a league unit and we must make our protests heard and demand that Miller and the six others be unconditionally released. But we must not stop at that. We must send in more forces into the South Ff with the active support of the whole League membership. The N. E. C. has taken the first step in following up the work whcih Miller had started by sending a League District organizer and a : pioneer director to the South. Now the membership must take the sec- ond step and help in the raising of money so that we will be able ' to support the comrades in the field. It will be necessary to open up a district headquarters so that the work can be centralized. The success of this campaign of building the League down South will depend largely on how the membership will respond towards this drive: Onward to- wards a mass League in the South with the active participation of the entire League. Exceeding the Five-Year Plan ——-——__»— Further Increase of the Production Program of Soviet Industry. i Late in August the Presidium of the Supreme Economic Council set a 28.7 per cent increase of industrial production in the program of industrial production for the coming economic year, The corresponding figure contained in the Five-Year-Plan for this same year was 20,2 per cent. Further examination of the possibilities, however, have shown that even this increased program is already exceeded, Accord- ing to the newly ratified industrial production plan, industrial produc- tion will increase next year by 31.2 per cent. Heavy industry, including the production of the means of pro- duction, will increase its production in a single year by 42.1 per cent (as compared with 23.5 per cent in the Five-Year Plan and 37.5 per cent in the increased production plan 1929-30). Light industry will increase its production in the same period by 22.5 per cent (as com- pared with 17.5 per cent and 22.3 per cent respectively). According to the various branches of industry, the increase of production will be as follows: Coal mining 24.5 per cent; petroleum 29,5 per cent; peat 47.1 per cent; iron ore and manganese ore 32.2 per cent; raw minerals, 97.3 per cent; black metallurgy 24.2 per cent;+col- ored metals 34.7 per cent; general engineering 44.2 per cent; agricul- tural machinery 75.7 per cent; building materials 60.5 per cent; chemi- cals 45.3 per cent; textiles 14.6 per cent, etc, In the same economic year 100 new tractor and agricultural ma- * chinery stations will be formed which will till 11-2 million hectares of used for a great development of roajl building. peasant Jand. The labor power released by this rational tilling will be H | THE BOSSES LITTLE PET. > By Fred Ellis. The New Chinese Wars By EARL BROWDER. re months ago, writing from Shanghai in my article, “Preparing New Wars For China,” I described the two main factions in the Kuomintang militarist camp, and predicted that their struggles would break into open warfare in March, this year. In that article, the two factions were characterized from the point of view. of their relations to the rival imperialist powers, as the “American” and the “Anglo- | Japanese.” The expected war did break out in March, but was not decisive. | The actions of the Anglo-Japanese group of puppets, widely dispersed | over the vast country, and itself honeycombed with rivalries, were not well-coordinated nor determined. Upon the surface it appeared that Chiang Kai-shek, head of the “Amertcan” group, had won an easy vietory. . With the outbreak ‘of the present new wars (“Series of the Fall Season, 1929”), the world is permitted a clearer glimpse into the tangle of desperate forces which are tearing China to pieces. The new wars mark a further maturing of the militarist factions and their. imper- ialist alignments, to a stage advanced beyond that described at the end of last year. Last spring the two principal factions were grouped as follows: Anglo-Japanese Group: (a) Manchurian war-lords, headed by the young Marshall Chang Hsueh-liang; (b) Yen Hsi-shan, the “model governor” of Shansi (also controlling Pekin), a feudal remnant of im- perial days; (c) the Kwangsi faction, with three big armies: 1. In Canton afd the south, headed by Li Chi-sen; 2. In Hankow, controlling the inland central provinces, headed by Li Tsung-jen; 3. In Shantung and part of Chihli, headed by Bei Chung-hsi. These were all forces of the traditional “right wing” of the Kuomintang, plus the remaining old militarists who had always fought the Kuomintang, and forming a complete circle around Nanking, seat of power of the other, dominant, ; faction. , American Group: (a) Chiang Kai-shek, based upon the control of Nanking and Shanghai (biggest revenues of China), posing as a “Central Government”; (b) Feng Yu-hsiang, the “christian” of news- paper fame, whose “Kuominchun” (people’s army) controlled Shensi, | Kangu, northern Honan and part of Shantung. These two militarists, | in precarious alliance, held nominal sway over the whole country, with | the support of two non-military groupings: 1. A section of the old Western Hills faction, and 2. The so-called “left wing” of the Kuomin-. H tang, headed by Wang Chingwei. “THE SPRING WARS” AND THEIR RESULTS. When hostilities opened on the basis of this line-up, last March, on the occasion of the “Third Kuomintang Congress,” the Anglo- | Japanese Group was evidently ill-prepared. They were playing for | position and time to perfect their alliances and bargains. Chiang Kai- | shek took the initiative; tricking Li Chi-sen and Li Tsung-jen to Nank- | ing, by promises of “security guarantees,” he suddenly ordered their arrest in the midst of the hird Congress. Li Chi-sen- has been his | prisoner since then, and Li sung-jen barely escaped into the Interna- | tional Settlement in Shanghai, cut off from his army in Hankow, which was quickly surprised and came to terms with Chiang after a few | battles. | Bei Chung-hsi was ousted from control of the army in Shaptung_ | by a free use of money, carried thru by Ten Shen-shi, who only a year before had been driven out of thecountry by Chiang, but was now brought back from Japan by him to mect the needs of the moment. The Manchurian armies, and those of Yen Hsi-shan, had no opportunity to get into action. , » ve ~ While Chiang was carrying through these sharp actions, Feng Yu- hsiang was sitting on the fence, disgruntled by the results of the Third Congress, but proclaiming his neutrality as between Nanking and Kwangsi. The “left wing,” an appendage of Chiang in the: period The Party Plenum before the Third Congress, was given a kick in the face at that Con- gress, as. was Feng, by Chiang Kai-shek, who felt very strong as a result of his defeat of Kwangsi. But Chiang’s victories were Pyhrric in their nature. He stood on top of the manure-pile of Nanking, crowing of victory, but his boasts were premature. He was now alone, and the forces aligned against -him were coming closer together, preparing for a more serious up- rising. The new ef/orts to overthrow the Nanking regime, which has more completely than ever come under the influence of American” im- perialism after the Third Congress, were vitally necessary to the Anglo- Japanese imperialist bloc. The war now under way, was doubtless ‘or- ganized and inspired by Japan and Britain, working in close cooperation. THE NEW GROUPING OF FORCES. Important shifts in the group line-up, arising out of the: spring events, prepared for the wars of the fall season: Feng Yu-hsiang, the most important military ally of Chiang, had withdrawn from Nanking and brooded sullenly in the nortHwest. The “left” Kuomintangites were openly calling for the overthrow of Chiang, and had opened head- quarters in Hongkong (evidently with the “benevolent neutrality” of Britain, their ancient enemy). The army in Shanttiizg was headed by Teng Shen-shi, who bore a deep grudge against Chiang for the rough treatment of 1927, and who was deeply indebted to Japan. And worst of all, the insatiable demands of his numerous “generals” together with his own voracious appetite for money, had depleted Chiangs treasury in Nanking to its lowest ebb. The time was getting ripe. Rss Then came the seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railway. The ‘plans for this coup had been long prepared by Britain and Japan, but had been delayed, among other reasons, by the reluctance of American im- perialism to allow Japan to get control of Northern Manchuria. With the apparent dominance of American influence in Nanking; with Nank- ing in nominal control of the country; with American advisers directing the operations of Chiang—it seemed on the surface to be a stroke-of genius for the Americans to push thru the scheme originated by Japan and Britain, deliver a smashing blow against the Soviet Union (to which all the imperialists were in enthusiastic agreement), and at the same time consolidate American influence against Japan and Britain, by strengthening Nanking power over Manchuria and raising its pres- tige with the whole bourgeoisie and reaction. But the scheme did not bring its expected results. Therg had been some miscalculations. f Britain and Japan had not been idle. They bruskly rejected Amer- iea’s proposal for “internationalizing” the Cltinese Eastern Railway and began moving their own military pawns. And on the other hand, the firm but peaceful policy of the Soviet* Union, and its clear principled stand in the diplomatic negotiations, brought out in sharp relief the tricky, hypocritical maneuvering of Nanking, and exposed its grovelling servility to imperialism. At the same time, the masses of workers and peasants stirred with indignation and revolt against this latest betrayal of the Chinese Revolution. Chiang Kai-shek’s adventure brought Nank- ing to the edge of the abyss. Thus was the stage set for the combined assault against Chiang, the alliance of his militarist rivals, which is now going on. Let jhere be no mistake about the character of this war. It is a militarist war on both sideg, and each side represents a set of pawns in the hands of rival foreign imperialist powers. The masses of the toiling Chinese people have nothing to hope from the victory of either. By their mutual destruction, the militarists are helping to pre- pare the ground for the victorious yising of the workers and peasants which will sweep them all into. oblivion, restore the revolutionary al- liance with the Soviet Union which first brought the Kuomintang to power and which was Sun Yat-sen’s greatest contribution to China, and establish a workers’ and peasants’ Soviet Government in China. History marches’on to great ends over the morass of intrigues, oppression, and exploitation by imperialism and its militarist: agents. The day of reckoning is appreciably nearer. By JOHN WILLIAMSON. | The basic prerequisite ni any given situation is that the Communist Party adopt a correct political policy. In the present situation, our Party, for the first time in mnay years, hasea correct political policy. The address of the CI was the instrument to win the Party membership away from its past opportunist policies. The present thesis ‘adopted our October plenum basing itself upon the decisions of the Tenth um, analyzed the present situation and present in a concise and ive manner the tasks of the Party, However, the adoption of the correct politicall ine—while the most fundamental necessity for the Party—is not sufficient in itself. This correct political line must be applied thru the Party organizations and in order to achieve the maximum results it necessitates the application of the proper Leninist organizational principles. As stated by Comrade Kuvissinen at the 10th Plenum, “The leadership of each Section must lerstand the supreme political importance of the appropriate or- izatino for carrying out and enforcing the resotutions which have passed. A change si necessary in this respect in all the Commu- nist Parties.” THE PRESENT ORGANIZATIONAL SITUATION. The present organizational situation of our Party is unsatisfactory. Outstanding in its shortcomings are: 1. Due to the long factional struggle, failure to build up a real functioning organization department in the center and a general under- estimation and lack of understanding of the functioning of Organiza- Departments in the various districts. 42. The small size of our membership, with such characteristic events as failure to reap organizational results from our political leadership and influence (Passaic strike of 16,000—at present a unit of 15; Western Pennsylvania coal strike of amie present 75 mem- bers; New Bedfrod strike of 26,000—at present: a aunit of 60 members; ene OF BREA Reprinted, by permission, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, publi and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN (Continiled) : Then Mishka tried strategy; he took Serioshka’ by the hand and shouted still louder: “Let us‘through!” “Who's that?” “We want to go to our mother!” } He pushed his way through to a corner where a peasant woman had laid a piece of canvas sacking on the-floor. The woman cried: “Where do you think you’re going? Did I ask you t ocome hand- ing round heng?” ° j One must ‘be crafty, crafty. Without craft nothing could be ac complished. Never before had Mishka spoken ‘so politely as he ‘spoke now. “Auntie, are you from Buzuluk?” : “Get off that sacking!” i SS “We won't touch anything.” A peasant lying near said without raising his head: “Take him by the hair, then he’ll understand you.” “We've lost our mother and our father died in the famine.” Again the peasant spoke, without raising his head: “I’m an orphan too—traveling without my father.” Mishka warmed himself ner the sacking and began to dose off. As soon as Ke was really getting to sleep, Serioshka ¢ried out deliri- ously’: “The Kirghis!” < The woman’s baby began to howl.- She said angril, Don’t make a noise! You freightened my baby... .” But again Serioshka cried out: “It burns! . It burns!” ‘ He awoke to consciousness, and wanted to go outside again. Ther he began to whimper quietly, his head fallen on his knees. Despair- ingly Mishka closed his eyes again. He thought of Tashkent, the-unseen city, and fifteen pounds of seed, and two sacks of bread kept whirling through his head. He im- agined he was riding the buffers, clambering on the car roofs, hiding away in engines, and no soldier, no station master could catch him. They climbed up on the roof the train, he was already down. They climbed up on the engine, he was already off. And everywhere they were talking about him. “There’s a bandit up there!” “Who is it?” “A Buzuluk boy from the Lopatino district. He’s traveling with- out a ticket and without a pass. Every one’s tried, but no one can catch him to bring him-before the Tcheka.” By his side Serioshka tossed and whimperedin his fever, like a sick puppy. ‘ Mishka glanced at him with reproachful, angry eyes and thought: “Why did T evér get mixed up with him? Certainly it would have been better ‘not to, but’ what’s the use now! _There’s the agreement. If I leave him he’ll die. If I take him, it will be a long time before I ever get to Tashkent. I was a fool! I didn’t want to travel by my- self! But then, ifeI had collected six pieces of bread, I could have eaten ail ‘six myself.” Mishka felt stifled by the burden of heavy thoughts that weikhed upon him, his head went round like a wheel. He got up and forced his way through the waiting room nad went out to the station plat- form. Beneath the railroad cars he saw bandy-lekked Vanka from whom he had:snatched the bread, and another boy called Pyetka. They were sitting in a dry spot near one of the car wheels, half.asleep, half lost in meditation. Vanka recognized his rival of the afternoon and said peaceably: “Crawl in here with us!” “What: for?” = - “To warm yourself 4, little.” Mishka sat down by the wheel and gegan telling them about Seri- oshka’s diarrhea, and how they had sworn not to abandon each other. Seriogshka would-be in a bad fix if he were left alone—he couldn’t look out for himself “at all: So he, Mishka, had to hustle for both of them, all by hmiself. Why, he had just got six pieces of bread, and if ‘he had wanted, h ecould have had'them all for himself, Vanka glowered at him from under his eyebrows. “You think you’re very strong, don’t you?” " “Why shouldn’t I think so? Just give me enough to eat, and I’ fight two at a time.” NS: “Wonderful! Give me enough to eat, and I’ll do the same.” Pyetka looked &t Mishka and demanded with blazing eyes: “Maybe you could beat our Yashka too?” “How old is he?” “Thirteen.” “Huh, what’s that? I can even beat big” fellows.” Pyetka began to get angry. He wasn’t afraid of two at a tima, eh? Suddenly, as if by-accideng, he thrust out his elbow. and caught Mishka right on the jaw. Mishka settled his sack on his back. “What do you think you’re doing?” “And you?” “Listen, I’ll give you one punch and you'll be flat on the ground!* Vanka. shoved him with his leg. i Pyetka put up his fists. ’ The next moment all three were a tangle ef arms and legs beneath the train; for a long time they clawed and pummeled one another in a storm of hatred. With those long nails of his Vanka scratched up Michka's whole nose! But he.didn’t bet the better of Mishka. Mishka rammed Vanka’s head against the ground so hard that he squeaked like & mouse, . é (To be Continued) ° shortcomings but make forward strides, both politically and organiza- tionally. G BASIC ORGANIZATIONAL TASKS. The organizational activity of the Party must conform to the Party tasks. In order to win the majority of the working class under the influence of our Party means to sink our roots amongst the broad sec- tions of the workers wherever they are—in the shops, trade unions, shop committees, cooperatives, sports organizations, relief or defense organizations, ets., and»furthermore we must strive to organize the Southern Illinois coal strike of 50,000—at present only a few scattered units, ete., ete., and the great fluctuation in membership. 3. Weak roots in factories. Less than 50 per cent ot members in basic industries and only 15 per cent organized in shop nuclei, most of witich have only a nominal existence. Negligible number of members in such basic nidustries as chemical, railroad, marine. Very small per- centage of Negro workers, 4. Insufficient number of shop papers, and failure to recognize regularity of issuance as basically important. While total number of shop papers increased, the best established shop papers in. the auto in- dustry have lagged behind. . 5. Great discrepancy between dues sales and actual membership in all districts (except Detroit). - 6. Insufficient fractions in trade unions and where existent, hap- hazardness of functioning. i 7. Lack of political life and systematic organization work in nuclei. 8. Failure to draw in active members to leading committees. Ten- dency for District Departments to be one-man affairs, Bureaucratic . methods of dealing with lower organizations and comrades. 9. Insufficient organic connection between ledaing committees and Party organizations. Definite lack of planfullness by all committées and Party districts and sections. 4 These shortcomings are the result of years of factional, struggle and abnormal life of the Party. Today, the opportunists Lovestone and Cannon, try to make capital of the shortcomings of our. Party when we point them out—but it is they, the one time leaders of our Party, who are responsible and today, with them overboard and bound. by read express freight for the camp of the bourgeoisie, our Party. will | advantage of the very favorable conditions and not only overcome these © Hs at { + ttig'Daily majprity of the workers into these mass organizations. Only in this way ewill our Party be able,to mobilize and lead the workers in their struggles against the bossse, the state and the social reformists. Today the opportunities for our Party extending its political in- fluence and increasing its organizational-strength, exist. as never before. The workers are responsive—the Party has cleansed ifself of the op- portunist Lovestoneites and Canonites—and the Thesis of the CC Plen- um gives,a clear political line of directives for the Party. In carrying out and applying our organizatinoal tasks, which we will outline here; we must get away from the spectacular and consider them more seriously. We must develop a responsiveness,:kindled with determination and enthusiasm. for the carrying out of tasks, regardless of how’ routine-we may think them and above all we must nicilcate into,our ranks, from top to bottom the spirit of Socialist competition in the achievement of tasks. ‘We must'sweep away, together-with the opportunists, the remnants of factionalism, which’ find expression in synicism in regards to] aed chi tee of tak ving all methods of ie nt roto rote at methods, Instead of thinking « age ae : , BicHias,—con- .ducting. an orderly meeting: tartnig meetings on tim Sregniar] g fniaitialresponsible—talking and associating with new: nigingy your tterature sales—distributing. and sell- kers; etc. us fit.only,for the waste baskek’ér applicable to the ‘strikes,’ we must learn t ocatry the mout in every district, Then we will establish our Party as.a machine, every part working accord- ing to a worked ‘out plan:of work, and the whole Party serving asa generator of the class struggle) transmitting its driving force, guid- canice and leadership to the: working» a ii rious tr cance a iri Cleans, Ses ita vartons Aeanatiom, t mass organizations, ~~ ing dues ¥ | Prvers M nis th the