The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1929, Page 3

a ahy. te vn rin. ite i} Zz fage Three DAYLY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1925 E 5-Year Plan of Socialist Construction Initiative Not Killed But Born Under Workers’ Rule! SOVIET CITY TO. “Seeialist Rivalry” of Toiling Masses Unpre- cedented in World History By I. Rv. At every turn of the revolution, at every steep ascent, we meet with new forms of the massmovement, with new expressions of the readi- ness of the Soviet proletariat to fight for the successful continuation of the great event which began in October, 1917. During the period of struggle for the possession of in- dustry, workers’ control arose, which alone made it possible to contsnue the organization of the Soviet man- agement of nationalized industry. Thus, during the period of recon- struction of economy, which was ruined by the war and the blockade, the working-class began to form in- dustrial conferences—a new form of participation by the masses: in econ- omic construction. And now, when Soviet Russia has entered a new period: the period of Socialist recon-" struction and the final elimination of the remains of capitalism, when simultaneously with the creation of grandiose tasks of the five-year plan, the working class, its party, and its power, have come face to face with big difficulties—once again we are the witness of a wide mass movement the like of which is unknown in the history of mankind. This Movement is Socialist Rivalry. What is Socialist rivalry, what are its aims and tasks, what is its poli- tical meaning, and what influence has it on the further construction of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.? This rivalry is the reply of the working class to the five-year plan, the reply of the great masses to the policy of the Communist Party and Soviet which is directed towards ely overcoming all political and economic difficulties, and the | working class youth—the “komso- |mol.” Q nthe initiative of the “kom- |somol” the so-called “fighting” bri- gades were formed in the factories. A group of young enthusiastic work- ers formed themselves into a brigade and undertook the task of showing |an example of highly productive and | disciplined labor which would be much more productive than the la- bor of the rest of the workers; they \then challenged other workers, chief- ly the young workers, to compete with them. The brigades voluntarily raised the rate of production, ap- |plied new methods to their work, |and aimed at considerably lowering the cost price of goods in the So- | cialist factories. As in the case of all pioneers the “fighters” met with |distrust at the first. But soon the |‘fighting” brigades became |popular. Others—not only the youthful workers, but the adult and |old wokers 2s well—were infected |by their enthusiasm. Rivalry was becoming common to all the workers. The workers of the Kamensky pa- | Per factory and of the Red Elector jlaid the foundations of rivalry amongst the workers generally, They jpublished a letter in the press in which. they put before all the work- ers the necessity of carrying out, and if possible of exceeding, the |tasks, of the economic plan in the sphere of productivity of labor, lowering of cost prices, ete. They challenged the workers of other fac- | tories to compete with them. This | appeal met with the warm response |of the prolearians. A mass move- |ment of rivalry began. A decisive very | ‘A $30,000,000 - RISE ON DNIEPE Huge Industry Center | Already Building | MOSCOW, Ot. published kere of plans for a huge $300,000,000- industrial center to be built by the Soviet Government on the ba of the Dnieper River ad- joining a $10,000,000 hydro-electric plant. .—Details are | Equipment for factories, mills; | warehouses and railroads in the new city which will be Med “Bolshoi Zaporojie” ill cost $100,000,000, while the cost of the construction will $200,00,000. | A large brick factry with an uut- put of 20000,000 bricks a year h: already been completed whilé two additional brick factories with a combined capacity of 60,000,000 bricks annualy are under way. An immense lime plant also is nearing | completion, The plans, as announced here, call {for the construction of more than a |hundred model workers’ apartment |buildings, accommodating 20,000 ployes. Schools, hospitals, houses, workers’ clubs, railroads and sawmills are expected to be finished | some time next year. Light, heat and power for the new jcity is to be supplied by the Dnie- \prostrio hydro-electric plant, one | power station of which is already |in operation. | ‘Many Large Strikes Looming in Sweden ware- | impetus was gievn by the historic “Tver Contract.” On the 8th of! STOCKHOLY , (By Mail.)—Wide | April a conference was called of the | scale wage struggies are pending in hastening of Sociaist reconstruction | textile workers of various districts | Sweden. October 31st a large num- strides. The start was in industry and in agriculture. The Rights and the conciliators became frightened of these difficul- ties. They fell into a panic. They began to defend the ideas of capitu- lation before the “kulaks” and “Nep- jin Tver, In the same of sixty-eight |thousand workers a Socialist con- ‘tract on rivalry was concluded. The |conerete duties which the workers in leach factory had to fulfil were de- | workers have beer concluded. The | |taied in the contract. The exact r of national agreements ex The agreements for jhe bool hinders, for the miners in South Sweden and for che hoot anhd shoo |bookbinders demand an_ all-round men,” and of relinquishing the |amount in the increase in the pro-| wage inerease and the extension of stronugholds of Socialism to its enemy capitalism. In 1928 already, when the process of reconstruction wa sfinished and, on the basis of the growth of productive powers in the Socialist section of economy, a great increase had begun in the pro- cess of socializing industry and dis- tribution, we came up against great difficulties, chiefly in the food ques- tion. The “kulak,” the chief repre- sentative of capitalism in the land, organized resistance to the policy of the Soviet power and tried, by means of corn sabotage (refusal to sell corn), to delay the gradual move- ment of socialization. Then, already a feeling of capitulation was noticed amongst the unruly members of the party (those very members who, subsequently, appeared in an organ- ized form a sthe Right wing). In- stead of a firm attack on the “ku- lak” and “Nepman,’ they advocated the theory of “concessions” (Liadoff and others). The five-year plan of economic development evoked the sharp criticism of the Rights and conciliators, who feared the difficul- ties, and put forward demands which would have really meant a slow de- scent to capitalism. The political aspect and true sig- nificance. of the Right deviation and the conciliators, have been suffi- ciently exposed in the documents of the C.P.S.U, and Cimintern. It is unnecessary to repeat what is known by everybody. We need only point cut that the party voted unaimously for a forced Socialist attack, for an inceased speed of reconstruction, for socializatién of agriculture, for the firm overcoming of difficulties, for a pitiless fight against the class enemy, for the five-year plan in its improved form (that form that had been ratified by the Fifteenth Party Conference and the Fifth Congress of Soviets). The working masses discussed the five-year plan. And the workers re- plied to this great plan of works by the organization of Socialist rivalry. The Bourgeois economists and philosophers have always, in their fight against Socialism stated as one of their greatest arguments that So- cialism would kill private initiative —the mots important factor of pro- gress and that there will be no ground for competition. Already in 1918 Lenin proved the groundless- ness of these statements: “Socialism does not only not kill rivalry: on the contrary it creates the possibility for the first time of using it widely on a real mass seale; of attracting a real majority of the workers into such work where they can reveal themselves make use of their talents, of which there is a virgin source in the people, and which capitaligm bent, oppressed, and stifled by the thousand and mil- lion.” y “A wide, true, mass creation of ~ the possibility of showing initiative in rivalry can make a bold beginning only now” when “fo rthe first time after centuries of working for oth- ers, of forced work for exploiters, the possibility of working for one’s self has arrived.” “And indeed, the working class masses have begun to realize Lenin’s theory#at he present stage of the revolution, when Socialism in the UkS.S.R. is approaching by greatest made by the | ductivity of labor, and the decrease in cos prices for each factory was lclarly statd. The contract was con- cluded in the presence of thousands of workers amidst scenes of unpre- cedented mass enthusiasm. After this wave of challenges and contracts began which rolled over the whole country. Hardly a fac- tory was left which had not chal- lenged another or had not been challenged itself. The roll-call of the |factories lasted about two months. | Rivalry had taken on a wide mass character. As as an example of the terms an extract from a contract concluded gy the workers of the tobacco fac- tories: “Filled with the ardent desire to realize the great task undertaken by the Communist Party in accord- ance with Lenin’s tstament, we enter into Socialist rivalry with factory ‘of thees contracts on rivalry, this is | holidays to twelve days, the shoe and boot workers demand wage in- | creases and the shortening of work- |ing hours from 48 to 45 hours a week. All these workers are highly | organized and in a position to force |through their demands if a deter- mined struggle is made. | formist leaders, however, will prob- | ably do their utmost to throttle the | threatening. struggle. The sodial | democratic press hints for instance that the leaders of the metal work union are in favour of renewing the |old agreemert, although a’ great | | majority of the metel workers have voted against doing so. ‘meet working-men and working- women who are full of enthusiasm for Socialist rivalry, and who, by their personal example, give ex- amples of real Socialist labor. The jenthusiasm of the wokers has been ;communicated to the engineering The re-| ter World apitalist Economy ‘American Workers! ‘Spread ‘SOCIALISTS IN ‘Collective Farming, What It This Page in Your Shops! |Tell the Workers Everywhere of the Heroic Achievements of the Soviet Workers! Let All Know That @nly By Revolution Can | Labor Build Industry for Itself | The five y | tempo of ind collecti enth | achievement not only of th ‘of the whole international pr the mest eff action p: proletariat on the capitalist elem From this standpoint the five ye | of the world proletariat’ jatist. construction—based on the rapid f the U. S. R. and on the extension of is being carried through with tremen lous of the Soviet Union, is the greatest king masses of the Soviet Union, but iat. The realization of this plan is n the whole attack of the So wns and in the village 's’ plan is the most important p attack on capitalism: it is in essence a plan | for the destruction of capitalist stabilization, a mighty plan cf world revolution. It strengthens the socialist ba: of the proletarian dic- tatorship in the U. S. S. R., and in doing this it strengthens also the trenches for the revolutionary movement of the inteernational prole- ri This plan should be the handbook of every Communist, arming h facts in the struggle against the mean soeial-demo: slanders on socialist construction in the U. S. S. R.; it should be spread by the Communist Partics among the widest masses of the workers in every country; the achievements on the path to its realization should be jet the object of systematic enlightenment in the Communist press, and | should be most attentively studied by every factory group. It is only | by this means that it will become a real mobilization plan in the or- ganization of the workers of every--country to support the country | where the proletariat rules and sqgialism is being victoriously built up. The working class can set it against social-fascism, as a war banner of the masses and the capitalist essence of MacDonald’s “socialist con- struction” and of the German social-democrats’ “economy democracy” | and be exposed. * * * | MOSCOW, Oct. 25.—The final check by the Supreme Economic | Council on all figures of industrial production of Soviet industry for | the past economic year, shows that production for the year beginning Oct. 1, 1928, and ending Sept. 30, 1929, increased 23.4 per cent and was valued at 7,600,000,500 roubles (1 rouble equals about 50 cents U. S.). This figure of 23.4 per cent actual attainment, exceeds the estimate of 21.4 per cent set in 1928 as the highest goal possible to attain in the first year of the Five-Year Pjan. i | | | Forward to Socialism! Read the Theoretical Reason Why! | By R. ROPACH. Equilibrium in Communist Society. tensive devclopment of branches which require durable constructicn, To avoid antagonisms in Com- is accomplished chiefly by high imunist society it will be necessary | prices and increased imports of ma- {according to Marx to figure out in/terial values of which there is a advance how much labour, means|shortage. The first method has of production and means of sub-|been repeatedly advised by the op- sistence that society can spend | position and explained to the Party | without harm in such lines of pro-|in great detail and finally unani- duction as the building of railways,|mously rejected as a method which for example, which for a long time,| would lead to a monopolist exhaus- say a year or so, give no return!tion of our socialst industry. of means of production nor of| In capitalist society, the mechan- means of consumption and in gen-|ism of prices operates automatically eral, give no more or less ap-|and invariably raises prices as soon preciable effect, but which of course as there is a shortage in goods; by absorbed in the course of their pro-|doing it automatically lowers the duction, labour, means of produc-| buying power of the masses, and ition and means of consumption this is a prospect which is absolute- (Capital, Vol. II). ily not acceptable to us. However, we are not as yet living| Another natural consequence of jin Communist society, but at the a stringency in the supply of com- very beginning of the road leading | modities |to it out of capitalist society. On side by side with the rise in prices |the other hand, we cannot simply in increased import. This method M FRMANY ENACT FASCIST LAWS New “Defense” Law Is ‘Aimed at Communists j (Wireless by Inpreccor) BERLIN, Oct. 25.—The new “re- nublican defense law,” preposed by 8 Severing, has passed the Reichstag. This new law represents t sharpen- ing of the former law and an ad- D, vance toward fascist dictato: , providing imprisonment for tho members of organizations which cre the state, for those who in- form of sovernment, or who insult the Reich pr nt o members of the Landes or Reichs government. The draft of the law also gives authori the bodies “hostile to bers and eve! dition, the 1s all the repress sages of the former law directed agains’ the press, ete. |STRIKERS IN PEKING FIGHTING Street cars and ‘rickshaws were halted in Peking, China, today after fighting, in which ‘rickshaw men at- | | tacked trolleys, according to a capi- |talist news repor. Hundreds of ‘rick-|@uctio nand private property into | It was | Collectivity, but this should be done, | |shaw pullers were arrested. |thought possible the tramways had been disabled permanently. j jinternal industrial development can really solve the problem before us.” _ Means in the Class Struggle Soviet P- roletariat Fights to Industrialize Agri- Culture in War on Capitalism j The main object of the Proletrian Dictatorship is to break down the rule o fthe bourgeoisie and uproot; the foundations of capitalist econ- ticular, alluded in its findings to the necessity of a more active construc- tin of the Socialist section of agri- culture, ie., the Soviet Estates and cmy. This demands a number of | Collective ms. measures in respect to small peasant! ‘Thoce slogans of the Fifteenth undertakings such as will even-| Congress met with a friendly re- tually assure the development of | s5onse in the countryside itself. The large-scale Socialist production iM | sttention paid by party organizations agriculture also. Both Marx and/+, the construction of collective Engels alluded to this, and it was|raius encountered a corresponding on this theory that Lenin based his| wave of activity on the part of the plan for the co-operative develop- |poor and m!.dle peasants in this con- ment of rural economy. structional work. It goes without “The proletariat,” wrote Marx, jay ‘ing that the proletarian state “as the government, should under- plays a leading role in this collectivie take measures, the result of which |2ation of agriculture. ll be that the position of the peas- The leading role cf the proletare ant will directly improve and that|ian state in the socialistic transfor- he will himself go over to the side| mation of agriculture i& seen plainly of Revolution. These measures will] in the varied and complicated meth- contain the embryo of the transition | ods of planned economy, In the main from private landed proprietorship | this role is defined by the following to collective ownership; they will facilitate this transition in such a| that the peasant will himself ve at this by economic means.” (Annals of Marxism IL, p. 98.) Engels makes a similar observa- tion: “Our task in relation to the small peasants,” wrote Engels, “is above all to turn their private pro- {not by force, but by means of ex- |ample, and the application of public | aid for this purpose.” | “We shall do everything possible,” |wrote Engels, further on, “to make it factors: 1. The planned system of economy, regulation of the market, maneuver- ing with the commodity mass—these things make it possible to influence |real economy nad co-ordinate the de- velopment of agriculture with the in- \terests of national economy as a whole. 2. Socialist Industry, producing the means of agricultural production lis a decisive propellant of agricul- |ture. This factor determines the | tempo of development of the various | branches of farming and the intro- |} duction of advanced methods of pro- | However, this method cannot be ac- i more tolerable for the small peasant | duction, improved cultivation, appli- cepted by us on principle because if that were carried to its logical con- | to li to facilitate his transition to | collectiv: ” “The material clusion it would seem that instead of | losses which in this respect will investing capital in the development | have to be borne in the interests of of heavy industry, we would have|the peaasnts, might seem, from the to invest it in agriculture as a! viewpoint of capitalist economics, to in the capitalist society | | wait until we have such powerful reserves of labour, as means of pro- duction and means of consumption | which could without injury be ex- ppeuaed for any length of time. “Injury” is to a certain extent in- as a way of getting out of the deficit in commodities was very en- ticing for the author of the “Eeonomie Nature of Our Lack of Commodities.” He says that: “Only a change in the policy of industrial | means of export. Such an economic policy would obviously not lead to the industriali- zation, but rather to the agrariani- zation of the country, not to its emancipation from dependence on the foreign market, but to its per- petual dependence, to its technical jconservation and lasting stagnation lin’ industry. Therefore, this line was also resolutely rejected by the |Party, just as the line of high prices, which was one of the ultra- jindustrialist manifestations of the | Trotskyist tendencies. | This being the case, a way uut of the situation is sought in the curtailment of the demand by re- | ducing the monetary appropriations jand by diminishing our new con- struction as well as the develop- ment of industries which require 2 durable period of construction. The | chief background of this is of course an uncritical, non-dialectical panic, |s capitulation in face of temporary | hardships of growth instead of try- | ing to surmount them, an actual un- willingness to abide by the indust- rialization policy, of the Party, im- material as to the oaths*in favou: | company this unwillingness. |of the industrialization which ac-\ tg gp be wasted money. will constitute an excellent invest- |ment of capital because such losses | will save perhaps ten times larger sums in the expenditure on social |reconstruction as a whole. Conse- cuently, in this respect we can af- |ford to be more generous to the |peasants.” (The Peasant Question |in Germany and France.) This teaching by the founders of | revoltionary Marxism as to the lines | of development of small peasant economy after the seizure of power by the proletariat was brilliantly ex- tended by Lenin in the co-operative plan for the development of rural economy. Lenin conutinually em- phasized that “when the proletarian revolution takes place in a country where the proletariat is in the min- jority, where there is petty bour- geois production, the role of the pro- |letariat in.such a country consists | |in directing the transition of these | mall undertakings to socialized \collective labor.” Collected Works, | Vol. XVIII, part I, p, 118, Russian | Edition.) -: October Revolution in the in vanquishing the land- owners and bourgeoisie gave a tre- The But actually this | workers and undertake to raise the Eng inests) and technical staffs. | evitable for us and that is the price development (from the point of} Our Way of Surmounting the | rendous spurt. to the initiative of labor productivity of one worker in | the second half of the year as comn- pared with 1927-1928; 35 per cent in the “Java” factory; 40 per cent lin the “Doukat” factory; 30 per cent lin the Red Star” factory; 50 per cent in the “Clara Zitkin” factory; |44 per cent in the “Rosa Luxem- bourg’ factory; 46 per cent in the ‘Oussachev factory.” The decrease in the cost price must, according to contract, be from 8.8 per cen tto 11.25 per cent in every factory. The limits of waste and idleness allowed ae laid down exactly for each factory separately. In the “Java” the workers under- take to decrease idleness from 6.8 per cent to 5 per cent; in the ‘“Dou- kat” from 6,9 per cent to 5 per cent, ete. Waste in the production of cigarette case bobbins must diminish from 4.5 per cent to 3 per cent in the “Java,” and from 5.8 per cent to 2.5 per cent in the “Doukat,” ete. We see thus that the contract is by no means just a show—and agi- tational document. It has an ex- tremely seious business character. The workers undertake certain obli- gations on the basis of precise cal- culations and of an all-around study of the conditions of production in each separate factory. Entirely con- crete obligations are undertken. The tobacco workers’ contract is typical of the great majority of the con- tracts. At th esame time, before the contract is signed, it must be dis- cussed by the workers of every fac- |tory entering into rivalry. The conclusion of a contract of rivalry between various factoris is followed by the organization of riv- alry within the factory; between guilds and shifts, between separate brigades and groups of wrkers, and between individual workers. This rivalry is carried on everywhere. Giuld with guild, shift with shift, group with group, ete. all conclude a contract where they state the ex- act obligations relating to produc- tivity of labor, reduction of cost price, and so on. The enthusiasm of the workers has not stopped at this second stage of rivalry. We have thousands of cases of workers who voluntarily offer to increase the rate of production and reduce cost prices. We have an unprecedented growth of mass production and manifesta- tions of real heroism in the Soviet factories. At any factory one can technicians, masters, etc., take part |that we have to pay for the in- in the rivalry movement, |dustrialisation of the country. The rivalry movement is not only| Equilibrium in Capitalist Society. in industry: it has entered transport,| In capitalist society the mode of building, and all institutions begin- | regulation of production in condi- ning with the Co-operative shops | tions similar to ours, i. et. in an in- view of a revision of the magni- tudes and structure of development of the various branches) and a simultaneous raising of the role of |foreign trade as compered with in- |ternal ‘industrial consumption and and | ending with the militia, the customs, . ete. The technical workers; scien- | Fy wvst tists, doctors, argiculturists, teach- ee ers, writers art workers—the whole | of the hired labor in the country |has gone into the movement. While the rivalry in factories takes place over the increase of productivity the| A new, high economic level was |decrease of cost prices, etc., in the |Teached by the Soviet Union during institutions there is rivalry over the |the Soviet fiscal year 1928-29 just |improved service, precision in work, |quick fulfilling of various tasks, the |for industrial production, for the |rationalization of the apparatus, a |OUtput of many agricultural prod- decrease in expenses, and so on. | ucts, The metal workers of Toula sent | The production of large-scaled in- ja letter to the plenum of the Russian | dustry .advanced to about 60 per to the poets, the writers, and the |cent above that of 1913, while the and People’s Commissariats | \ended. Record totals were attained | Years’ Production Exceeds Plan’s Estimate Steel production, totaling 4.8 million tons, for the first time exceeded the pre-war level, by 13 per cent. Other industties showed even greater increases in production. The output of agricultural machinery in- jereased 43 per cent over the pre- ceding year, and was three times the pre-war output. Production of lelectrical equipment was 344 times that of 1913. jatists: “Flock to cur guilds and | workshops. Strengthen us and buoy to our workshops for the sake of | agree, there is nothing at the pres- ent moment which so interests and excites the masses as Socialist riv- alry. The masters of metal hope to receive the masters of the pen and of the brush.” The “masters of the brush” took up the challenge. Writers and painters visited the factories ‘and workshops in order to give real types of the rivalry movement in their literary works, and to show living examples of the best work. It must not be thought that riy- alry is only a temporary spark, a passing mass caprice. The Toula metal workers very clearly expressed the attitude of the working masses to rivalry in the letter just quoted (published May 30th). “We look on rivalry, not as a temporary cam- paign, but as a system of labor, Our class eneniy says that rivalry is just a Bolshevik idea and a game for a minute, Let us turn rivalry into a mighty advance to Socialism. Our class enemy remarks that our rivalry has often a showy character. Letgus reply to this by serious, every-day, and energetic work.” Not onl ythe metal workers of Toula, but the whole vanguard of the working- class looks on the matter in this light. % ¥ joutput of electric power was 342 \times the pre-war total and railway | expansion of 4.5 per cent in the area |the production for 1913, | still greater increase in the area that of the pre-war years. junder industrial crops: | Th eoutnut of many vroducts not A favorable trade balance of over produced in Russia before the war | $10,000,000 was attained for Soviet | such as tractors, textile machinery foreign trade during the year, and certain chemicals, was greatly whereas a eres east her a exvanded during the year. ance was incurred last year. Sovie' Transportation of passenger: American trade for the fiscal year) Soviet pe tale pi pa i 35 ended Sept. 30, 1929 recahed, ac- pillion passenger-kilometers, not only cording to preliminary data, the ree- exceeded the program for the year, PAE Kaen as against but was even in advance of the pro- 000, in le previous year gram for the present a and $48,000,000 in 1913, he I ‘cul ‘ page The achievements of the year end- ,, 17) *Sticulture, the newly organ- (rie Sept: 10; which owas the first | Zed large-scale state farms and the | year of the period covered by. the ool lective farms achieved excellent ‘recently adopted Five-Year Plan for | Tesults. The state farms cultivated |the economic development of the So- °y°" HeON) Abeee ot end itt 1928, viet Union, exceeded even tha most of which tho “Giant Farm” in the optimistic expectations of the Soviet | i th Caucasus accounted for 120,- Government. Industrial production y cs apres making it the largest nicreased 24 per cent over the pre | #4"™ in the worlg. vious year, reaching a value of over seven billion dollars, although the schedules of the Five-Year Plan called for an increase of only 21.4 ped cent. Practically all Soviet in- dustries reported on output for the year substantially above that of the best pre-war year, The output of coal, for instance, totaling 41 million metric tons, was 42 per cent above the 1918 produc- tion, while the oil productino of 13.7 million tons was 49 per cent higher. The acreage of collective farms, which was planned t oreach 4.2 mil- lion acres durnig the year actually attained an area of 11 million acres. Productio of nidustrial crops show- ed an especially great expansion during the year. The area sown to cotton, for instance, recahed 3,142,- 000 acres, an increase of 82 per cont over the 1913 area. The favorable trade balance was attained by in- creasing exports 14 per, cent and \eurtailnig imports somewh: pric ntetapaet mae hiel ele ot tedoteng rm itant future, — ; ecto We Rea. ec aa Difficulties. | * Since the problem of industriall- ;zation of the country has no+ cropped up accidentally, since that | problem is historically necessary and inevitable for us, a simple cur- tailment of new construction i therefore not so “simple” for us— we must seek a less elementary, but | a more palpable way out of the | ceonomie difficulties, a way which | would dissolve the cluster of diffi- | culties which we now have without a naticeable retreat at the front of | socialist industrialization of the country. | Neither the straight road of) avoiding an accentuated commodity |famine, the road of which Marx | (poke with regord to communist | society, nor the capitalist rond, ara | | suitable in our case. We must seek and uce special new methods, | | methods suitable to the peculiarities | of the transition period. | Apparently such a temporary Electrical power production reach-| way out (prior to the conclusion-of | |us up with your good poems, stories, | freight operations 1-3 above the pre-|ed a total of 6.5 billion kilowat-| the period of constructin and be- |and pictures. We do not invite you; War level. Agriculture recorded an | hours, a gain of 220 per cent over fre the newly constructed objects o! manoeuvering with the available |and produced commodity supplies o | most planful and rational distrihu- tion of these supplies and give the greatest satisfaction to the con- sumers, finally such a method as would make possible to pass through the stringency with tho | least pain which is inevitable when there is a shortage in commodities, endeavoring to mitigate and reduce the shortage as much as possible, but not submitting to a panic, not \vetreating and not capitulating be- fore the blind forces of the market, struggle and victory, demands cer- tain privations, hardships and sel!- denial. And when the Party, in raising hefore the working class the hard: ships and the problems arising dur- ing the period of socialist construc- tion, speaks of them as hardships of growth, it gives a serious, eco- nomieally correct and theoretically well-founded definition which finds its full confirmation in Marx's pro- found anelysis which we have given above. Our hardships are’ hard- ships of growth, and we therefore have full reason for considering them as temporary, we have full reason for looking forward towards their disappearance in the not dis- a victory over which as any othex | re cultural ymachine-production in pai Fy Sastre NTORT NATH TO TSE NIE NT NE the masses in developing forms of | Socialist construction. The poor and peasant sections of the ide have widely ex- tended the construction of collective farms—the Socialist form of col-| lective production in agriculture. | The first collective farms to a} large extent started as “communes,” | ie, large-scale enterprises with common means of production, com- mon labor and ‘equal distribution. The revoltionary enthusiasm of the first years of the Revolution led the! | middle Soviet county: jconstructors of socialized agriculture to create Socialist enterprises of a more consistent type. But this form (collective farms) demands from the small peasant radical changes in the forms and conditions of the produc- tion and the conditions of living to which he is accustomed. For this reason, side by side with the Com- munes, and considerably exceeding them in number of other forms of a similar type, such as artels, socie- ties for joint cultivation of the land, | sowing associations, etc. The great f t n Factory | begin to produce for the markets) | variety of forms promoted directly | singing our praises, but, as you will |SOWn to grain crops last spring, and; prdouction of shoes was 6% times would be a cautious system | by the builders of arge-scale produc- tion in the countryside bears witness to the great activity of these sec- tions in their fight for new produc- tive and social relations in the Sov- iet rural areas. The Fifteenth Party Congress took | place at the time of the change from the oratory to the reconstruction period in the national economy of |the U.S.S.R. Soviet industry had entered this stage slightly earlier than agriculture. The latter, how- lever, could not considerably lag be- hind the reconstruction processes in other branches of national economy. Whereas in capitalist countries the development of capitalist industry intensifies the contradictions be- tween town and country, under con- ditions of proletarian dictatorship one of the main tasks of the regime is to do away with the opposed posi- tion of industry and agriculture. This task cannot leave the proletar- iat indifferent to the lines of devel- opment of agriculture, to capitalism, which has poduced millions of small peasant farms, the proletariat inter- poses a different way—that of So- cialist development. The Fifteenth Party Congress, having in view the considerable successes of Soviet in- dustry, which has passed the pre- war level, an dthe progress of agri- |eation of :rtificial manures, build- jing of refrigerators, granaries and so on. id : 3. The building up of a state budget, of a banking and credit sys- tem, the redistribution of parts of the national income, and the man- oeuvring éf credit resources deter- mine the structure of the rural money-market, and the character of agricultural finance and the trend of expenditure in rural economy. 4. Limitation of the deveiopment of rural capitalism, liberation of the dependent sections of the country- side fro mthe usury of the wealthy peasants, the legal, fiscal and other State measures, have a very strong influence on the nature of social re- lations in the countryside, Such are the “commanding heights” which enable the Proletar- ian State to influence the process of development of agriculture. It should be added that the na- tionalization of the land relieved ag- riculture of the burden of outlay for the purchase or rental of land, re- leasing funds for increasing the means of production. For the State, this means devoting a part of the population’s resources to the work of economic development. The production of argicultural ma- chinery inside the Soviet Union ex- ceeds pre-war by two and a half times; the construction of tractors and the production of mineal man- ures, etc., has now started. plans of work for the next five years envisage, however, a further very considerable extension of industrial production for agricultural purposes, Thus, two new tractor factories will produce by the end of the five years 100,000 tractors per year; the pro- duction of agricultural machines will be five times more than in 1928, while the number of mineral man- ures manufactured in the country will be still further increased. There is also planned a most extensive sys- tem of creameres, poultry farms, bacon curing factories, refrigerators, granaries, etc. Thus the Socialist industry of the U.S.S.R. is energetically at work and has already achieved big successes in the way of supplying agriculture with implements and means of pro- duction such as ‘will be able to bring it up to the standard of all demands of modern agricultural technique and create the basis for its socialization. During the two years that have elapsed since the Fifteenth Congress the number of collective farms has increased almost, fourfold. The population an darea sown in these farms has grown still more. On May 1st, 1929, there were altogether 50,- |000 collective farms in the U.S.S.R. | They were peopled by 900,000 fam- lilies with a total population of 4,- 000,000 and an area of more than 4,400,000 hectares under cultivation. In 1927 there were 13,500 collective farms with 164,000 families and 774,000 hectares area sown. The most rapid construction of collective farms has taken place in lthe districts producing marketable | grain where, at the same time, there lis class differentiation to a greater degree than in other districts, Thus, lin the Ural region the cultivated area of the collective farms was 30,- 800 hectares in 1927, 80,600 hee- tars in 1928, and 335,500 hectares in }1929. In the Lower Volga region the cultivated area of collective farms was 67,000 hectares in 1927, 98,900 hectares in 1928, and 406,900 hectares in 1929. In Siberia for the same years the figures are 55900, 150,000 and 593,200 hectare srespect~ ivey. The tremendous cale on which col- lective farm construction has devel- oped bears witness to the large.and rapidly-growing numbers f revolu- tionary peasants who are breaking forth from the framework of their social “surroundings, from the framework of the small plot of land.” The