The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 21, 1929, Page 4

} { New and ma York City, N. Y. ed by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc., datly, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union N. Telephone Stuyvesant 5 checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union 1696 Cable: “DAIWORK." quare, New York, N A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ‘~~ By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months : $4.50 six month $3.50 six months; The International Significance of the Twelfth Anniversary of the Proletarian Revolution \ By PAUL REIMANN. The sections of the Communist International are at present con- fronted with the task of u ng the approaching anniversary of the October Revolution to mobilize the working masses on a larger scale for the defense of the Sc t Union, of the socialist fatherland of the toilers o fthe whole world. In view of the general i%ornational situa- tion, this task is of paramount significance especially this The organization of this campaign within the next few weeks t there- fore engage the chief attention of all Communist Parties, The character of the October campaign is, on the on hand, marked by the tremendous progress of the first Workers State in regard to | socialist development; on the other hand, by the most recent signs of he sharpening of fthe attack of the imperialist world on the Soviet Union. Kt is already certain that the new forms of the socialist construc- | fon, in connection with the exe ion of the Five-Year Plan, are at- | tracting the attention of the broadest masses. This fact is all the more important because the campaign of most Communist Parties for the popularization of the Five- r Plan is extraor most cases is not of a systematic character. In spite At the present time the superiority of socialist economy over capi- talist economy is becoming very apparent. This is not due entirely to the figures concerning the rate of socialist development, which figures could not be attained in a capitalist countr: possible to give such precise figures with real practical in regard to economic plans for a territory which comprises a six the globe. At th eend of the first year of the Five-Year Plan it was clear that these figures were not only of thoroughly real character but that it is even possible to surpass them. Immediately before the twelfth anniversary of the October lution, the C.P.S.U. is in a position to consider the question of curtailing the periods provided for the Five- | Year Plan. The chief explanation of the circumstance that in the very first | year the figures provided were exceeded is the tremendous develop- ment of mass initiative through socialist construction. In the process of realizing the Five-Year Plan there arise in the Soviet Union new forms of engaging the broad masses of the proletarian on the front of construction. The most important basis of the development of mass initiative is socialist competition which, carried on on the largest scale, has already shown the best results. In addition, there arise out of the masses such organizations as the Comsomol Brigades, which in the in- dividual factories have set themselves the task of leading by means of their own example the fight for the improvement of labor discipline and for the promotion of the productivity of the individual factories. lative of the masses is also proved by the ¢ ing out of the Industrialization Day on August 6th and also by the willingness of the Soviet proletariat to undertake an uninterrupted working week, which in the very shortest time will cause a tremendous acceleration of so- cialist construction, In the country districts new kinds of farms are arising. In place of the little peasant farms are to be seen big agri- cultural enterprises, which are of the type of grain factories. These big state agricultural enterprises surpass even the most advanced forms of agriculture in the capitalist countries. The contrast between industry and agriculture, so characteristic of the whole development of capi- talistic economy, is beginning to disappear in the Soviet Union. To awaken understanding for the tremendous historie significance of this process of transition in the Soviet Union, to urge on the masses of the world proletariat through this magnificent example, is one of the chief tasks of the Communist Parties in the capitalist countries. This task must be taken in hand in the preparation and execution of the cam- paign for the twelfth anniversary of the October Revolution. The twelfth anniversary of the October Revolution cannot, how- ever, in the capitalist countries be exclusively a day of propagation of | the basic idea of socialist construction, but this propaganda must be inseparably linked up with the development of the international soli- darity of the toiling masses for the Soviet Union. It must be made clear to the masses of the capitalist countries that the fight for the revolutionary defense of the Soviet Union, the fight for the destruction of the imperialist attacking front, which today more than ever is | These defenders of the Soviet Union will take part in the coming Anniversary celebrations of the October Revolution in the historic Red Square in Moscow, coming under the leadership of the parties of the Second International, is the most important guarantee for the further advancement of social- ist construction in the Soviet Union. The twelfth anniversary must therefore be regarded as a continuation and enhancement of the cam- paign for August Ist, the first big, uniformly conducted international campaign of the Communist Parties against imperialist war. The soli- darity of the world proletariat with the Soviet Union must find ex- pression in breaking through the police terror in the capitalist countries, in the fight of the Communist Parties for the capture of the streets in extension of the proletarian united front through the creation of new organs of the united front from below, of anti-war committees, anti- fascist committees, training of proletarian self defense corps, etc. The development of new forms of socialist construction must pro- ceed parallel with the new forms of the fight of the Communist Parties in the capitalist countries, which under the perspective of the estab- lishment of the proletarian dictatorship must concentrate more than ever upon the present main strategic objective of the Comintern, upon the capture of the majority of the working class. Today, in the time of development of a new revolutionary revival among the masses, the way to capture the majority of the working class is the way of con- scious leadership of the worker tuggles. Upon this fundamental ideal depends that turn emphasized by the Tenth Plenary Session, whereby the Communist Parties must gain the leadership in this new reyolutionary upsurge. This is possible only if the Communist Parties continue the practical turn in the campaign for the 12th anniversary, if this campaign relies more than previous ones upon the factories and converts them into a base for the fight for the aims of Communism. In the campaign for the 12th anniversary, it is the duty of every in- dividual section of the Communist International to study the problems of the tactical turn in Accordance with the situation in the country in question and to apply it in the light of the experience gathered by the Communist Parties in the campaign of August Ist. In this direction new perspectives are being opened to the Com- munist Parties through the development of the revolutionary com- petition, Just as the Soviet proletariat in the fight for socialist con- struction strengthened its ranks through the setting up of quite con- crete tasks and agreements among the factories, the proletariat of the capitalist countries must set themselves concrete tasks in the fight for the defense of the Soviet Union, in the mobilization of the working masses. Upon this basis the revolutionary competition between the proletariat of the Soviet Union and the proletariat of the capitalist | the present international situation. | of the Austraian proletariat. countries must reinforce the international solidarity of the workers. The campaign for the 12th anniversary renders it possible to spread the idea of revolutionary competition among the proletarian masses of the capitalist countries, The significance of the fulfilment of these tasks may be seen from lt is characterized by the most. glaring antagonism in world polities of the moment, the antagonism be- tween the Soviet Government and the social-imperialist labor govern- ment of MacDonald. A few months of the existence of the govern- ment of the third bourgeois party in England have already brought about great disillusionment among the masses. Snowden’s attitude at the Hague, MacDonald’s active advocacy of the imperialist arma- ment plans at Geneva, the bloody massacre perpetrated by the Mac- Donald Government in Palestine and, last but not least, the non- recognition of the Soviet Union have been tremendous lessons for the world proletariat. The leading participation in the preparation of the imperialist war against the Soviet Union is the first characteristic of the present policy of the Second International. The active participa- tion in the setting up of fascist dictatorships in the capitalistic coun- tries is the second. Zoergiebel, the Berlin murderer of workers, and Wels, the high priest of the social-fascist dictatorship are not isolated. Their path is being followed by the paragon party of the Second International, the party of Otto Bauer in Vienna in adopting the fascist reform of the constitution and concluding a pact with Schober for the bludgeoning Austrian social democracy, the most “leftward” in the world, is going the way of all social-democratic flesh, the way to social-fascism. The third characteristic of the present social-democratic policy: Cutting down of the unemployment benefit in Germany, reducing of the textile workers’ wages in England. The policy of attack upon the standard-of-living of the working masses, the rationalization offensive of world capital are being realized today with the aid of social-fascism. In this manner, in the arena of the international fight for the emancipation of ‘the working class, the conflict. between the revolu- tionary world front, led by the Communist International and dependent upon the success of the Soviet Union, and, on the other hand, the social- fascist and social-imperialist Second International is constantly be- coming more pronounced. The fight between these two camps for the capture of the masses of the world proletariat permits no vacillation and no sitting on the fence. Every attempt to camouflage this fight or to minimize it, every attempt to bridge the unbridgeable gulf, leads to desertion and to a surrender of the principales of Communism. It is therefore no mere chance that the right wing and the conciliatory elements no longer stop at a revision of the tactical principles of Com- munism, but go over politically to the camp of the enemies of the Soviet Union, . While the socialist construction of the Soviet State leads on to new big successes, while the Soviet proletariat is taking up the last decisive fight against the capitalist survivals in its own country, the right wing is spreading disbelief in the strength of the Soviet Union and is trying to undermine the class fight against the capitalist ele- ments. In this manner, the right wing and the conciliators are con- verted on the whole front into supporters of social-fascism, because the development of the new revolutionary upsurge of the masses is making any vacillation between Communism and social-fascism impos- sible. In the October campaign of the Communist Parties the position of the right wing and of the conciliators must, therefore be exposed as also their reformist views concerning the socialist development in the Soviet Union. The mobilization of the masses for the protection of the Soviet Union will again kindle the wrath of the imperialist bourgeoisie against the Communist International. In the campaign of August First, the Communist Parties proved their ability, in spite of the increased fascist offensive of the bourgeoisie. If there is a proper and energetic carry- ing out of the mass mobilization for the Twelfth Anniversary of the October Revolution, the Communist Parties will be strong enough to frustrate the new attack of the international bourgeceisie. The Twelfth Anniversary wil Ibe characterized by international proletarian solidarity, by the fight for the defense of the Soviet Union, by the strengthening of the attack upon social-fascism and by the fight for the proletarian world dictatorship! Capitalist Stabilization, the 3rd Period and Lovestane Renegades a ! By JACK STACHEL., On the very eve of the Plenum of the Central Committee held on October 5th, 6th, and 7th, the Lovestone renegade group issued a cir- cular entitled, “Political Analysis of the 10th Plenum of the ECCI,” in which this group of right opportunists developed its openly Right plat- form, not only in line with the International Right but even more daring in its openly social democratic formulation of this platform. This document challenging the whole line of the Sixth Congress and the Tenth Plenum was of great service to the Party because it served to completely expose the liquidatory reformist line of the Lovestoneites and to make clear to those elements who supported the expulsion of | these renegades merely on the ground of their having broken Party liscipline, the true character of this group. Hitherto the Lovestoneites | though attacking the line of the Sixth Congress, the Address, ‘and the line of the Party, did not dare to so openly develop and state their in- ternational platform. Lovestone, Pepper, Gitlow, Wolfe & Co. even accepted the open letter of the Comintern to the Sixth Party Conven- tion. The comparison of their present position with the decisons of the Sixth World Congress and the Open Letter will make clear the poli- tical degeneration of this group into social reformism. This latest document in speaking of “stabilization and the third period,” says the following: “The chief source of the revisionist line of the Tenth Plenum was its false estimation of the question of stabiliza- tion and the third period!” The Lovestoneites, therefore, accuse the Tenth Plenum of the ECCI in revising the line of the Sixth Congress on the estimate of capitalist stabilization and state further that the revision of the estimate of capitalist stabilization is the chief source of this revision. Let us therefore examine the estimate of the Sixth World Congress of capitalist stabilizaton and compare it with the estimate of stabilization by Lovestone in order to establish who are the revi- sionists and what they aim to accomplish. The Sixth World congress, according to Lovestone’s document, gave the following estimate of the stabilization of capitalism in the third period: ‘ “Finally came the third period which in the main is the period in which capitalist economy exceeds the pre-war level and in which also the economy of the U. S. S. R. almost exceeds its pre-war level. . . .” The above is a correct quotation of Lovestone from the thesis of the Sixth World Congress with one exception. The correct quotation should read, “the U.S.S.R. almost simultaneously exceeds the pre-war level.” (Emphasis mine—J.S.) The leaving out of the word simul- taneously is no accident. It is part of the underestimation of the suc- cess in building socialism in the U. S. S. R. and the overestimation of capitalist stabilization. The Lovestoneites also fail to see that just as the workers in the capitalist countries undermine capitalist stabilization by taking advantage of all the coherent contradictions of capitalism to accelerate the pace of the revolutionary movement the proletariat of the U. S. S. R. undermines it by strengthening and exceeding its pre- war level. But that is not all that the thesis of the Comintern said. The completion of the whole paragraph from which Lovestone quoted will make clear the open attempt of Lovestone to revise the Sixth Con- gress estimate of stabilization, and will further reveal that Lovestone & Co. either do not understand or openly falsify the conclusions to be drawn from the even incomplete quotation of Lovestone. This is what the continuation of the paragraph from which Lovestone quotes says following the corrected quotation of Lovestone. “. , . At the same time it is a period of the intense develop- ment of the contradictions of world capitalism operating in forms determined by the whole of the preceding process of the crisis of capitalism (contraction of markets, the USSR colonial movements, growth of inherent contradictions of imperialism). This third period in which the contradiction between the growth of the pro- ductive forces and the contraction of markets become particularly accentuated is inevitably giving rise to a fresh series of imperialist wars: Among the imperialist powers themselves; wars of the im- perialist states against the USSR; wars of national liberation against imperialism and imperialist intervention and to gigantic class battles. The intensification of all INTERNATIONAL an- tagonisms (antagonisms between the capitalist states and the U. S. S. R., the military occupation of Northern China—which is the <A beginning of the partition of China—the mutual struggles between the imperialists, etc.), the intensification of the INTERNAL antag- onisms in capitalist countries (the swing to the left of the masses of the working class, growing acuteness of the class struggle), and the wide development of COLONIAL MOVEMENTS (China, India and Syria), which are taking place in this period, will inevitably lead—through the further development of the contradictions of capitalist stabilization—TO CAPITALIST STABILIZATION BE- COMING STILL MORE PRECARIOUS AND TO THE SEVERE INTENSIFICATION OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITAL- ISM.” (Emphasis mine. J. S.) This is how the Sixth World Congress summarized the third per- iod. We will see later on that the International Right and Lovestone as part of it have tried to make out of the third period a period of the strengthening of capitalist stabilization, and it is for this reason that Lovestone quotes only that feature of the third period which speaks of “capitalist economy exceeding the pre-war level” and then confuses the growth of the productive forces with the strengthening of stabilization, when in reality it is precisely this growth of the pro- ductive forces as against the contraction of the markets that undermines and makes more precarious capitalist stabilization. The Lovestone document accuses the Tenth Plenum of revising both the estimate and the “yardstick” of stabilization. The “yardstick” of stabilization for the Lovestoneites is “the economic situation (especially the level of production).” The Lovestoneites particularly single out for attack the following correct estimate of stabilization made by Comrade Kuusinen in his report: “The ‘third period’ is not a period of stabilization but a period of the liquidation of capitalist stabilization.” We see therefore that for the Sixth World Congress “capitalist stabilization becoming still more precarious” and for Lovestone the third period is a period of the strengthening of stabilization. The Tenth Plenum in line with this estimate of the Sixth Congress speaks about the third period “a period of the liquidation of capitalist stabiliza- tion” and for Lovestone the third period is the period of the capitalist stabilization becoming more stable. , At the Sixth Party Convention Lovestone and his adherents to- gether with the entire convention voted for the Open Letter of the Comintern. What was the characterization of stabilization given in this Cpen Letter of the Comintern? “With hegard to the fundamental question as to the nature of the contemporary general crisis of capitalism, the perspective of its accentuation, THE FURTHER SHATTERING OF STABIL- IZATION THROUGHOUT THE ENTIRE WORLD ECONOMIC SYSTEM (emphasis here mine.—J.S.) the question of the tsruggle against the Right danger which has of late become the chief and decisive issue in the Comintern both the majority and the minority commit big errors which inevitably lead to a profound underrating of the revolutionary perspectives in Europe and especially in Amer- ica.” Lovestone, Pepper, Gitlow, Wolfe, together with a’. of the former majority as well as minority of the Central Committee, accepted this correction of the Comintern. The convention unanimously accepted the Open Letter of the Comintern. But what this acceptance meant to these renegades we can see now. It meant merely that they did not yet dare put forth thgir reformist views, that they were perhaps still vascilating between the line of the Sixth World Congress and the line of Right opportunism. Today they have become open and clear exponents of the reformist views of stabilization. Today they are openly fighting the line of the Sixth World Congress and the line of the Comintern Open Letter to the Sixth Party Convention, In this cowardly attitude the Lovestoneites have followed the same course as Comrade Bukharin who already at the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern put forward (in their embryonic form) the views on stabilization he has developed in his recent writings. At the Sixth Congress Bukharin, after his views were defeated by the many important amendments by the Russian delegation, voted for the Sixth World Congress theses, but at the same time as the reporter took advantage in his elosing remarks and made the following statement regarding stabilization and the third period. “It si said that there is no difference between the second and third period. The question then arises why has our evaluation ef ee ! | | the general situation changed? It is not because we have become cleverer but because the situation has changed. At the beginning of the process there were no specific manifestations of stabilization at hand and we had reason seriously to consider these manifesta- tions as more or less casual. Now we have no more reason for it. The picture has become a much clearer one. Now the facts speak a more clear language. Therefore there is need for a different evaluation of the situation.” Comrade Bukharin in these same closing remarks, in polemizing. -against those who correctly tried to emphasize the weakening of stabilization in the third period, further said: “In what lies the ‘reason for this whole philosophy?’ The reason is that we maintain that the stabilization of capitalism will not disappear from world economy from today till tomorrow and that must be emphasized.” Thus we see that Comrade Bukharin at the Sixth World Congress, tho not yet completely, already in his closnig remarks departed from the general line of the Congress and repeated the views of his which were defeated by the Russian delegation and though he voted for the theses, In these summary remarks Comrade Bukharin already pic- tured capitalist stabilization as growing stronger though still in a veiled form. Comrade Bukharin spoke of the difference betweeen the second and third period being in the main the fact that in the third period we see that capitalist stabilization is not any longer “more or less casual” but that “the picture has become a much clearer one” and emphasized instead of “capitalist stabilization becoming more pre- carious” as did the Sixth Congress thesis in his view that “stabiliza- ton of capitalism will not disappear from world economy from today © until tomorrow.” Thus we see that for the international Right the third period is a period of the strengthening of capitalist stabilization. For them capi- tslism is growing stronger. They see in the fact that capitalist economy has exceeded its pre-war level the strengthening of stabilization. Their yardstick of stabilization is only the growth of the productive forces of capitalism. They do not see that it is precisely this reaching of the pre-war level of production and the growth of the productive forces in contrast with the contracting markets that is accentuating all the contradictions of capitalism. They do not see the growth of the inter- nal contradictions, they do not see the growing radicalization of the masses, they do not see the oncoming revolutionary tide. They see only capitalism growing stronger. They deny the swing of the masses to the left, they deny the revolutionary perspective in the third period. They, at best, see the developing of the revolution only as a result of imperialist wars. This whole viewpoint of stabilization leads them to seeing “organized capitalism” in which the competition is dying out and only competition between “organized state capitalism.” It leads them to a denial of the Right danger as the main danger in the Com- intern. It leads them to united fronts with the social reformists, and the denial of the conversion of the social democrats into social fascists. Their position is more and more that of the openly social reformists. Their pea views will soon lead them to the position that there is also a softening of the external antagonisms between the’ imperialist powers. This is the logic of their present position. The Lovestoneites are correct in stating that the chief source of the revisionist line is the estimate of stabilization. It is their estimate of captalist stabilizaton which s the bass of their revisionist line as against the line of the Sixth World Congress, and the whole line of the Comintern. The events since the Sixth World Congress throughout the world as well as in the United States have already demonstrated the falsity of the line of the international right and their American offspring, the Lovestone renegades, The events in Germany on May Day, the wave of strikes in Germany, France, India, and the United States; the August First demonstration: well as the strikes in other countries give the lie to the characterization of stabilization by the Rights and confirm the correctness of the line of the Sxth World Congress. The sharpening of the antagonism among the imperialist powers, the more open offensive against the Soviet Union, the developing struggles of the colonial peoples, in all parts of the world, show the liquidation of capitalist stabilizaton. The Plenum of our Central Committee was unanimous in condemn- ing the social democratic views of Lovestone & Co, and the members 4 _ differences, “~~~ THE CITY. |] OF BREAD Reprinted, by permission, from ‘The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN (Continued) . N the morning the Tashkent train pulled in. The mujiks arose, with their chests, the women arose with their children. Sacks were slung over shoulders. Buckets and kettles and samovars clinked and jangled, The backs of the mujiks were bent and straining, the heads of the women were disheveled. Their bodies were wet beneath their skirts. The crowd sur- ‘ ges forward. 4 z “Whose sack = \\\ \ have you there?” S\\ \ “The militia!” ANZA \\\\ \ \\X A woman wails over her lost sack, a mujik shakes his B fist at her. “Stop!” A chest. slips out of its leather straps— Bang! The crowd sur- ges forward... § A river sweep- ing over its banks at flood time—the people, surging from every side, from every corner. They clamber out of the ditches, they crawl out from behind the walls, barefoot, tattered, battered and beaten by rain and wind. i “Let me through!” The car roofs groan beneath the trampling of hundreds of feet. The gloomy dawn wails with the sound of hundreds of voices. The mujiks breathe heavily, pant with exertion. Hands tremble, legs tremble, eyes roll with the dread of being left behind. “Let me through!” They help the women up, then they heave up their chests, heave up their sacks ,heave up the babies into the women’s outstretched arms. They snort, and gasp for breath. “We won't make it!” “Comrade, comrade, that’s my wife!” “Go to hell!” “By what right ...?” “Drive him away!” “Tva-a-an!” “Hey, you sons cf dogs!” Mishka dragged the terrified Serioshka along with him, dived be- neath a car, struck his head against the wheel. “Hurry!” But the car doors were high. Mishka and Serioshka did not reach to the car doors, they couldn’t get in. And there was nothing they ee A le SSIS. “Uncle, help us a little The mujiks and the women spun round and round as though caught ¥ could get hold of by which to pull themselves up. ] in a whirlpool, and stamped and jostled and pushed ,so that no one could get near the door. “Climb up on the roof!” “Where’s our kettle?” “Comrades, that’s our kettle!” “Take one in the jaw!” “Thief!” “Beat him to death!” Misika ran all around the train twice. No one would help them up. What should he do? Then he saw that there were mujiks seated astride the buffers, and women too. Girls were climbing up, just like the mujiks. Well, then, he could do it too. Mishka swung himself up onto a buffer and called: “Come on, get up!” But Serioshka could not manage it. “Come ahead, I’ll help you up!” Yl fall.” Then Mishka grew angry and clenched his teeth together. “Hold on tight!” ; ; Serioshka jumped and reached for the iron dise with unseeing eyes. “T'll get crushed!” Behind the wall a soldier upbraided the mujiks: “Get out of there!” “Little father!” Mishka whispered to him: Serioshka trembled, half dead with fear. | “Be quiet, be quiet, he doesn’t see us. Don’t cough!” “But my hands won’t hold on any more!” “Shut up!” “Please, Mishka, dear Mishenka, I’m falling.” (To be Continued) ee eeSeeSFSFSSSsS of the Central Committee from all parts of the country were in a posi- tion to give ample evidence of the developing struggle of the workers, the growth of radicalization, as against the Right chatter of the grow- ing stabilization of captalism. The Plenum of the Central Committee united «n the basis of the line of the Comintern drew the lessons of Gastonia, Elizabethton, Marion, New Orleans and the whole wave of struggle rapidly developing in the South and throughout the U. S. The Plenum had before it the rich experiences of Red Day and the Trade Union Unity League Convention as the manifestations of the growing radicalization of the masses. The Plenum could only conclude from the feports of the comrades from all parts of the country that the Party must strain itself to the utmost in order not to lag behind the mass struggles but to march at their head. The last six months have been of decisive importance to our Party. The Sixth Convention thesis of the majority spoke about a second industrial revolution in the United States—this was the crassest ex- pression of the whole opportunist line of the Party. The October Plenum, thanks to the Comintern Address, found the Party united on the basis of a correct line and increased orientation on the mass strug- gles no wdeveloping, while the open renegades are already isolated from the Party membership are building their bridge to the social reformists. Thus we see that Lovestone is in one thing correct. The estimate of stabilization is at the basis of the revisionist line. Lovestone and the international Right starting with their social democratic estimate= of stabilization, have developed the theories that flow logically from - this estimate and which provide the bridge for their going over to) social reformism completely—the theory of the primacy of ex 1s contradictions—the gpfteniyg of the inner contradictions; their desire | for decreasing the tempo of industrialization and building socialism in. the USSR, their theory of “organized capitalism,” with ‘its dying out of competition, which now exists only between “organized state capi talism,” ete. 2 Comrade Bukharin now draws the following conclusions from the objective development of capitalist economy. “Its anarchic naturepasses over to the principles of interna. tional economic relations. The problems of markets, of prices, of competition, crises, are becoming to an increasing extent problems =“{ of World economy, which within the country itself are replaced by the problem of organization.” (Emphasis throughout mine,—4J.S.) Thus we see the international right arrives to the revisionist line the “passng over” of the anarchic nature of capitalism, crises, compe- tition, prices, only to the international sphere. Ths is the meaning of their theory of the “primacy of external contradictions.” With such an estimate of stabilization of feapitalism. it is little wonder that they deny radicalization, and have developed their right opportunist plat- form. The International Right 6f whom the Lovestoneites are an organic part are in the present period of the oncoming of ithe revolutionary tide objectively trying to save capitalism. They have degenerated poli- tically from an opposition within the Comintern into the left wing of social reformism. ? Our Party in its fight to win the leading role in the labor move- ment, in its work of transforming itself into a mass Party will only be successful by the most thorough struggle against social reformism and especially its left. wing. What is now needed to complete their travels to social reformism is to also discover that there is a softening of the antagonisms between the imperialist states. That such a theory on their part is not so far fetched can be seen from the fact that even a comrade like Varga can speak of the Young Plan as an instrument through which Great Britain and the United States sre ‘nostponing” “‘coneiliating” {or a time their, be