The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 17, 1929, Page 4

rodaily Publishing Co., Inc., 4 r N.Y. Telephor 1 all checks to the Daily W Four at 26-28 Union “DAIWORK.” é Daily’ 2 Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $2.50 three months 4.50 six months; : $2.00 three months $6.00 a year; $3.50 six months; The Economic and Political Situation in the United States and the Tasks of the Communist Party (Continued from Page Three) light of all experiences and errors and by the initiative being taken by the leading committees in this regard. The Party must combat any resistance to self criticism based upon the social-democratic fear of exposing our shortcomings before the mass Bolshevist self-criticism is in itself an instrument of bringing the Party closer to the masses. The enlivening of the Party units, in addition to the above men- tioned improvements, must be achieved by the promotion and stimula- tion of the taking up of all Party political problem: street nuclei, through the organization of the di problems and the Party campaigns. by the factory and ion of important Study groups in the factories, neighborhood classes, individual self study, must be stimulated and the whole ideological and political work of the Party improved. The “Communist” must be converted into a real theoretical expr ion of the Party. A whole plan must be worked out for widespread reading and of Marxist literature. The Party schools must concentrate their in training the Party membership for the leadership in the rev- olutionary struggle. The Party m give more attention to the pub- lication of pamphlets and literature. Literature distribution in the factories must become part of the Party’s eve effor The im- provement of the Daily Worker and the entire Party press ;the develop- ment of a whole network of worker-correspondents ,the increase of the circulation of the Daily Worker must be placed before the Party as @me of its most serious and urgent tasks. 26. The difficult financial situation in the Party has become a question of serious importance. The financial situation—an inheritance of the factional past with its reckless methods developed as a result of lack of centralization, the lack of proper budgeting or budgetary con- trol, the tendency of auxiliary organizations to foist their activities and responsibilities upon Party apparatus, financial expansion without plan or mass basis. The Central Committee and District Committees must take the following measures immediately to improve the situation: Financial commissions to control the financial activities of all organ- izations and auxiliaries on a planned budgetary basis; drastic economies; increase of income and reduction of expenditures of organizations. 27. The Party must pay particular atention to the overcoming of the present weakness with regards to the fact that American workers in the Party constitute only a small portion of its membership. The special attention to drawing in of American workers, the Americaniza- | tion of the Party, must not be misinterpreted in a vulgar sense. What it does mean is—to root the Party among the basic sections of the American working class and in the decisive industries and the orienta- tion of the Party toward the concrete economic and political struggles of the American workers. 28. The’ building of a mass Young Communist League is an in- tegral and indispensable part of building the Communist movement in U. S. A. Especially in the present period, with the sharpening of the war danger and with the tremendous effect of capitalist rationalization + on the working class youth and their growing readiness to struggle, | it becomes doubly necessary for the Party to exercise political leader- ship and conerete guidance to the Young Communist League. The League has’ made headway in proletarianizing and in drawing new forces into the actual leadership of the League, as well as completely isolating and smashing the Lovestone renegades within its ranks. How- ever, the League as yet made only its first beginning in reorientating its ranks towards mass youth work. The poor social composition of | the League, its iow ideological level, as well as its organizational weak- nesses, will be overcome only through participation in mass work, by changing its methods of work, by adopting “Youth politics,” and by concretizing.and carrying out the decisions of the Fifth World Congress of the Young Communist International. The Party, starting with the Central Committee, all the way down to the units, must give more organizational and political guidance to the League organizations, in raising the political level of the member- ship, in helping to build shop nuclei in factories, where there is a Party shop nucleus and no League nucleus, and in towns where there are Party units and no League units. The League must receive utmost cooperation from the Party in the field of anti-militaristic activities, especially within the armed forces. The Party must also give more cooperation to the Young Pioneers. s 5 SECTION VIII. Achievements and Shortcomings of Party Work. 29. Despite the acute factional struggle which had existed for many years, the strong Right tendencies, the weakened Party apparatus, the Party made the following principal accomplishments: The Party accepted quickly the Comintern criticism and whole- heartedly supported the line of the Communist International and de- feated the attempts of the Lovestoncites to split the Party. The fac- tional walls were broken down. A united fight of the Party against the Right danger was developed. There was a quick political correction of Right errors (Palestine, trade union work, etc.). There was a mobil- ization of the Party and the masses for the Trade Union Unity Conven- tion, aiding to create it on a mass basis, particularly of the unorgan- ized and unskilled workers with a big representation for women, youth and particularly Negro proletarians. The struggle of Gastonia was developed into a struggle of the entire working class and the Party placed in the foreground as the only force leading the working class, bringing out the political phases of this struggle through correct slogans and tactics. Further accomplishments were: Mobilization for International Red Day and for the defense of the Soviet Union as well as through the firmer struggle of the Party against the war danger. The mobilization of over 100,000 workers on International Red Day in demonstrations, militant in spirit and in some places in partial strikes (New York, Pennsylvania); Development of the mass work, increasing participa- tion of the Party in strike struggles, development of the united front tactic from below, development of the I. L. D. and W. I. R. Beginning of the drawing of new forces into the Party cadres. Beginning of the establishment of real Bolshevist self-crticism and proletarian democracy. The Plenum states as a very important achievement that the Party and its leadership has succeeded in liquidating factionalism, to smash old factional divisions within the Party and to unite the Party on the basis of the C. I. line in the struggle against the Right danger. In order to continue the work ‘of drawing into the Party leading organs new forces as well as those who were eliminated from this work or from the leading organs of the Party because of the factional fight, the Plenum of the C. C. indicates the necessity of bringing into the C. C. and Political Bureau, as well as into district leadership, new forces and the forces of the former minority who were eliminated or barred from the work in these organs on the ground of the now-liqui- dated factionalism. 30. At the same time, in the work of the Party and its leadership must be noted the following shortcomings: Despite the mobilization of the Party for the line of the Commun- ist International, the enlightenment campaign at the beginning was not thorough enough ideologically in the fight against the Right danger, nor was there sufficient discussion and criticism ineregard to the ap- plication of the general line to the concret etasks, The entire Party was not drawn in sufficiently into the daily struggle against the Right danger. At the beginning, insufficient and not quick enough reaction to the propaganda of Lovestone. A certain degree of slowness in following up political criticism of Right errors with organizational measures. Still insufficient development of inner Party democracy and of the development of Bolshevist self-criticism. Manifestations of bureaucracy and the insufficient activity of the Party organizations in carrying out the tasks of the Party. Insufficient speed in the drawing in of new forces ,non-factional and proletarian, into the Party cadres. # On International Red Day, insufficient preparation of the Party and the establishment of insufficient contact with the shops. In connection with the Trade Union Unity Convention, not deep enough roots established in the shops; insufficient organizational pre- paration, particularly in districts; and lack of organizational concen- tration. Still insufficient development of Negro, women and youth work. Insufficient support of the struggle of the colonial peoples against American imperialism; insufficient participation in the international struggles of the world proletariat; insufficient work among the colonial workers in the U.S.A., especially Latin Americans. Those and other shortcomings in the Party work must be overcome ay imereasing the vigor and energy ofthe application of the line of the pace Thesis Adopted by the Central Executive Committee Plenum, October 6-8. Comintern and by a policy of Bolshevist self-criticism. The Party must not fear the criticism of its shortcomings ,knowing as it does that the Lovestonites, as tools of the bourgeoisie, will'sneer at the shortcomings of? the Party and will seek to exploit them for their opportunistic fac- tional ends. The open criticism of the shortcomings of the Party is a symptom of the growing strength of the Party. The Party will grow stronger in the correction of its shortcomings and it will help to unify and finally consolidate the Party, many of whose errors, short- comings and weaknesses have sprung from the factionalism, Right devi- ations, which have sapped the nergy and fighting capacities of the Party. SECTION IX. PROGRAM OF ACTION 31, The Party requires the formulation of a Program of Action, in the working out of which the active Party membership shall partici- pate. The chief tasks of the Party in the present period are: (a) A struggle against capitalist rationalization and the capitalist offensive. (b) Struggle against imperialist war, against American imperialism and for the defense of the Soviet Union. (c) Struggle against social re- formism and the Right danger within the Party. (d) The building of the Party, The work of organizing the unorganized ,primarily the un- skilled and semi-skilled must be looked upon by the Party as one of its principal tasks. The ‘unorganized masses must be organized into the new unions, affiliated with the Trade Union Unity League and at the same time the work of opposition in the old A. F. of L. unions must be intensified and the workers in these organizations won over from a policy of social imperialism to a class policy. The Trade Union Unity League must be built into a real mass organization and developed with- in the shortest possible time into the central leading organization of all revolutionary trade union forces in the United States. In this work of organizing the unorganized, the increasing role of women and youth workers must be borne in mind. The Negro proletariat plays an in- creasingly important role in the building of the new unions. Its in- creasing importance in the ranks of the main bulk of the proletariat makes it necessary that every effort be bent to organize the unorgan- 39 - ized Negro proletariat into unions. In this connection, the Party must, carry on a merciless struggle against white chauvinism and any attempt towards segregating the Negro workers. Even if some white workers will not join the same union with the Negro workers, the Party must continue organizing the Negro workers together with those white work- ers who will fight shoulder to shoulder with Negro workers in the same union, while, at the same time, carrying on a campaign of enlighten- ment to overcome the prejudices of the white workers. The Party must take up the work of organizing the unorganized in earnest on the basis of the struggle for the everyday needs of the workers. The Party must everywhere stimulate the organization of shop committees and the formation of the unions. This organization must be on the basis of the struggle against capitalist rationalization and its consequences, against the speed-up, against unemployment and the growing insecurity of the workers, for the seven-hour day and six- hours for underground workers and those engaged in injurious trades and for social insurane ,against all efforts to lower their standard of living, the lengthening of the hours of labor, the worsening of their con- ditions, wage cuts, etc. aiming to convert the defensive battles of the workers into offensive struggles and lead these struggles into channels of political strugggles. The Party fractions in the new unions mu&st strive to convert these unions into real mass organizations through intensification of their struggles against the employers and the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and the capitalist government. We must guard against these unions be- coming mere propaganda organizations but must see to it that they are actually industrial unions, organizing the struggles of the workers on the basis of the everyday needs of the workers. The Party must now really carry through the decision that every member become a member of a trade union. All Party members in the trade unions must organize into fractions which will function systema- tically and continuously, thereby assuring the leading role of the Party in the mass organizations. The work in the reformist unions must be intensified and strong sections of the Trade Union Unity League built in these organizations on the basis of constant struggle to win the masses in them for the revolutionary tradé unions. The Party must organize the unemployed and: connect up their struggle with the struggle of the employed. The Party must make clear to all workers the meaning of the present structural unemploy- ment resulting from the intensification of the labor process. The Party must organize a vigorous campaign for all forms of social insurance, at the cost of the employer and the state ,and for the seven-hour day and the five-day week. In order to overcome the weaknesses in mobilizing the masses around the Gastonia struggle in bringing home to them the full poli- tical meaning of this class fight, the Party must concentrate on the following main tasks: The Party must with the greatest energy proceed with the build- ing of the National Textile Workers Union, the, Trade Union Unity League, the International Labor Defense and the Workers International Relief in the South. All this work is proceeding under the leadership of the Communist Party which must be built. The Party must con- centrate in building its organizations in the South during the present struggle,and not make the mistake of the past of being the leader of the mass struggles and at the same time failing to crystalize its in- fluence organizationally. Only a mass Communist Party in the South— that is, only the growth of the influence and organization of our Party in the South will be able to organize the masses in the struggle against capitalist rationalization, and convert the struggle from an economic into a political struggle. Our work in the South must be based upon the development of sharp struggles in defense of the workers’ everyday demands. The Party must set up a District organization in the South, pub- lish a weekly paper devoted to the struggles of the South and tying them up organically with the developing struggles of the workers of the country, build its factory and mill nuclei, publish factory papers, ete. * The Party must organize against the terror of the employers by stimulating the organization of MILL DEFENSE COMMITTEES that will mobilize workers to protect themselves and to resist the fascist attacks against the workers. Committees that will defend workers’ gatherings and workers’ organizatoins, The Party must throughout the country organize the widest pos- sible movement around Gastonia, create special actions committees, and carry on the widest agitation for all forms of demonstrations of sup- port for the Gastonia victims. The position of the liberals, socialists, the Cannonites and Love- stoneites who try to reduce this case to a mere “frame-up” as a sort of miscarriage of “justice” must be exposed and combatted. The Party must make clear to the workers that the workers have a right to or- ganize themselves for their defense and in defense of their organiza- tions. This is not a case of miscarriage of “justice.” This is one of the countless cases of capitalist justice, capitalist violence against the workers, increasing in the present period of the radicalization of the masses, a typical example of the class role of the capitalist state. Only the mass mobilization of the workers of the country can defeat the terror of the employers and their government. The Party must carry on a struggle against the legalistic illusions resulting from the maneu- vers of the bosses and their courts. 34, The Party must immediately apply itself to the task of work- ing out an agrarian program of action, based upon the organization . of the agrarian wage workers, and the development of a movement of the poorest, most exploited farmers, on the basis of struggle against capitalism and its agents—the “Progressives.” The United Farmers Educational League should be encouraged to develop a more specific program, more clearly define its functions, and redouble and revivify its activities. Special attention must be given to the recruitment of the most advanced elements into the Party, strengthing the basic cadres of our agrarian work, B. AGAINST IMPERIALIST WAR 35. The struggle against the danger of imperialist war and espe- cially the imperialist attack on the Soviet Union must be in the center of the everyday activity of the Party. In this campaign the Party must particularly expose the American Federation, the socialist party and the Musteites as agencies of American Imperialism in its war preparations. The Party must expose the pacifist camouflage of the bourgeoisie with its Kellogg Pacts, Young Plans, etc. The Musteites with their left phrases must particularly be exposed as they are the most dangerous elements in the ranks of the labor movement. Similarly the Party must expose before the masses the social imperialist role of the Lovestone and Cannon renegades. The Party must popularize the achievements of the Soviet Union in the building of socialism, and parti- cularly the successes of the Five Year Plan. The agitation and organization among the armed forces must be systematically carried on. Special attention must be paid to organizing the struggle of the workers in the war industries. The special Thesis of the C.C. on Struggle Against the War Danger must be kept con- stantly before the Party as the guiding document in this work. The results of International Red Day have demonstrated the readi- ness of large sections of the American workers to struggle against im- perialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union. The results of International Red Day must be studied and the contacts established followed up. Future movements of this character must be carried on with a more intense application of the united front from below. The Party must intensify the struggle against American imperial- ism in the colonies and semi-colonies, against imperialist penetration in Latin-America, ete. The Colonial Department must be strengthened and the building of the Anti-Imperialist League considered a major task. The Party must strengthen its relations with the Communist Par- ties of Latin-America and the colonies and assist the weaker Commu- nist Parties in every way, and help organize Communisi Parties where they do not exist (Philippines). Closer contact must be established with the Communist Parties of Canada, Great Britain and China, C. THE FIGHT AGAINST SOCIAL REFORMISM AND THE RIGHT DANGER 36. Without a merciless struggle against all brands of social re- formism in the working class as well as opportunistic tendencies in the Party, the Party cannot gain the leading role in the labor movement, cannot become a mass Party. The struggle against the Lovestone renegades within the Party must be intensified and all conciliatory ten- dencies towards them within the Party rooted out. The struggle against social reformism in the labor movement, the weakening of its influence in the ranks of the workers will weaken the right danger in the Party. The Cannon-Trotskyites have practically completed their develop- ment from their ultra left phrases to open opportunism. Travelling by a different route they have come practically to the same conclusions as the openly right wing Lovestone group on all important issues before the working class. The Party must expose the Cannon and Lovestone renegades as part of social reformism, at this time its left-wing. 87. On the question of the Labor Party the Sixth World Con- gress declared: “That the Party concentrates on the work in the trade unions, on organizing the unorganized, etc., and in this way lays the basis for the practical realization of the slogan of a broad Labor Party organized from below.” In this statement of policy, the C. I. attacks the opportunist conception of a Labor Party in the United States, which is now becoming the unifying slogan of all the so-called “left” social reformists from the socialist party and Musteites to the Lovestone and Cannon groups. The Labor Party slogan as used by these elements must be understood in the light of the present third period, which intensifies the treacherous role of social reformism, the growing social fascist character of the socialist party, the development of the Brtish Labor Party openly as a tool of imperialism, the treacherous character of the so-called pro- gressive “left social reformists,” from the standpoint of the tactic of the united front from below. The Communist Party must combat such opportufiist use of the Labor Party slogan. Independent working class political action cannot be realized through the united front with re- formist leaders and reformist organizations, but can be established only by the united front from below through the most merciless struggle against the social reformists on the basis of the fight for the everyday demands of the workers, against the capitalist parties and their social reformist henchmen. : 54 Our policy on the Labor Party shall be concretely applied as fole lows: (1) The militant putting forward of the Communist Party as the revolutionary Party of the working class. (2) Development of united front movements with working class organizations on general political issues and the winning of the sup- port of these organizations for Communist Party candidates in election period. (3) Propaganda for the Labor Party slogan, organized from be- low, on the basis of a struggle against the social-reformists with the building of broad class revolutionary labor unions or shop committees as a preliminary condition for the formation of such a Labor Party— local or national. (4) Fight against opportunist proposals of socialist party, Muste- ites, etc., for the formation of local or national labor parties. D. BUILDING PARTY ORGANIZATION 38. The present situation makes possible the starting of a real recruting campaign to enroll thousands of the most militant workers into the ranks of the Communist Party. Hitherto this work has been entirely unsystematic and sporadic, and the tens of thousands of work- ers who came to’our ranks were not kept by the Party because of the bad organizational work of the Party and the factional regime which dominated its internal life. At present the whole objective situation and the genuine efforts of the Party to overcome the shortcomings of its internal life will make possible not only the recruiting of thousands of new workers, but also make it possible for the Party to keep the new members. The recruiting campaign should be prepared by the forthcoming District Plenums, and start with the November 7 celebra- tions and last for about two months, until the Lenin Memorial. The center of the recruiting campaign must be organized in the factories with the aim not only of securing new members, but of secur- ing new proletarian members from the basic industries preferably, and with the result that simultaneously the Party will increase its base in the factory nuclei, by the formation of new factory nuclei and the strengthening politically and numerically of the existing factory nuclei. The recruiting campaign must make special efforts towards the recruting of Negro proletarians. In connection with this, the whole of the Negro work must be strengthened, new literature on Negro work published, the Negro Departments in the districts and in the Center strengthened, and the whole Party mobilized for the winning of the Negro masses for Communism. Similarly, the Women’s Department in the Center must be reorganized and strengthened, and the women’s work of the Party put on a sound basis as part of the campaign of recruiting women workers into the Party. The Party must give serious attention to the building of the Young Communist League into a mass organization, as well as to the recruiting of younger proletarians into the ranks of thé Party. In view of the increasing terrorism of the bourgeoisie it becomes a most necessary task to prepare the normal function for the Party in the coming inevitable condition of illegality. Henceforeward the Party shall create an apparatus for regular and effective anti-militarist work; it shall strengthen and systematize its methods of thee Party press and literature distribution in the shops; it shall make all neces- sary preparations for illegal functioning of the leading organs of the Party. ‘i The Party fractions in the I. L. D., W. I. R., Friends of the Soviet Union, Anti-Imperialist League, must utilize this campaign to draw the most advanced workers in these organizations into the Party, while at the same time increasing the mass base and activities of these or- ganizations, 89. As part of this campaign, we must aim at increasing the cir- culation of the Daily Worker and the entire Party press. The Daily Worker must be made into a real mass organ connected with the masses in the shops through a whole network of factory correspondents, The Party nuclei must stimulate the organization of factory correspondents. This is one of the best guarantees not only of establishing the contacts. of the Daily Worker in the shops, but also of increasing its circulation. The entire Party must be made to realize the important role of the Party central organ and the necessity to convert it into a real mass organ. ry (THE END.), * T T y BY bE CI ALEXANDER NEWEROFF TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN Reprinted, by permission, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York, | | ¥ (Continued) ‘ad ey ele | THERE it stood, that strange and amazing mystery, the railroad train, A whole street of izbas standing on wheels, and people looking out from each izba. The izbas were very crowded, mujiks and. peasant women clambered over the roofs, pushing and jostling and helping one another up. Sacks and tea kettles and bread wallets of linen flew back and forth. Along the roofs paced a soldier with a gun, calling in a loud voice to women and mujiks: “Keep off there!” When he chased them off one roof ,they would crowd back onto another. Again the sacks would fly through the air, again a soldier with a gun would shout: “Keep off there!” Mishka would have liked to climb up on the roof to> with the rest of the crowd, but since it was forbidden, he didn’t climb up; you had to know the rules. Serioshka understood nothing, but stared with wide- open eyes, not moving from the spot. “Why do they chase them off there?” “It’s forbidden—it belongs to the government. Don’t you see the soldier with the gun?” There was a mujik with two sacks who was loss. He pushed back his cap, “Where to climb now?” He had already been on three roofs, but was everywhere driven off. He rushed to the last car beyond the water tower, surely they would a him on there. Mishka darted after the mujik, dragging Serioshka along. “Hurry, don’t keep hanging behind!” But Serioshka was completely bewildered. 5 To the right, new objects; to the left, new objects. At home’ in their village there were three wires on the telegraph post; here there were eight in two rows. Glass balls hung from them, and they made a whistling noise. Two men went up and down with Jamps. Every- where lay iron bars crewed together with bolts. Serioshka stumbled over one of them and fell, and an izba without windows bore down on him, its wheels rumbling. “Out of the way there, boy!” The mujik with the two sacks clambered up on the roof of the car, and Mishka after him, like a cat, “Where are you going?” “To Tashkent with Serioshka.” ” “Get down quick! This doesn’t go to Tashkent.” “Where does it go, uncle?” “To Siberia, to Siberia! Jump!” Mishka’s heart turned over, his hair stood on end. What Siberia? Where was Siberia? He was up on the roof, but Serioshka was run- ning alongside the wheels. “Climb up, Serioshka, climb up!” Serioshka stretched out his arms and tried to catch hold of the car steps, but the car rushed past him. “Little father!’ Serioshka ran alongside the car, trying with all his might to keep up with it. His breath was short, his head rocked, mist gathered before his eyes. “You won’t catch up!” sd Mishka’s heart ached with pity for his comrade. He would be lost. ° He would be afraid to go home himself. And if he, Mishka, jumped off while the train was in motion, he would be smashed into bits. The car went faster, the roof swayed from side to side, the wheels clattered. Suddenly Serioshka stumbled and flew head over heels. “Now, it’s the end of him!” Mishka looked at the station, at Serioshka lying there; he remem- bered the pact not to leave each other in the lurch. What should he do? He would have to go back from the next station, But suddenly the car began to slow down, then stopped. It must have forgotten something. It jerked forward, then backed up on another track, jerked again, and backed again on another track. Five times it went forward and back, and took them at last into a field behind the station, and Seppe! The engine puffed, left the train, and went off on a side track. The mujik with the two sacks swore. “The dirty bastard! I thought he was a regular train and would take me to Siberia!” But Mishka was delighted. He ran to the station; Serioshka was not there. He ran to the place where Serioshka had fallen; the place was not there. Here it ‘was, or no, maybe it was here. He rushed back and forth, and finally found his comrade crouching near the switchman’s hut. Serioshka’s head was sunk on his knees, and he was crying. That made Mishka unhappy. “Why are you crying?” “You lost me.” , “We will always stay with each other now, and we will ask for the right way, and not take any old train that comes. Wait here while I run to the station and hear what the mujiks are saying. Stay right kere and don’t move away from this spot.” You couldn’t contradict, Mishka was the leader. + # o# GERIOSHKA curled up against the hut and closed hi seyes. “Fool! Why did you have to go along?” He wanted to eat; he wanted to cry. Mishka would forget him, take the train alone, and go off, and he didn’t know the way home by himself. Even if he had known, he couldn’t go alone: when he went past the ravine, the thieves would catch him. They killed big mujiks, and would think nothing of making an end to a little boy like himself. One, two—and he would be dead. At home they would be thinking: when will Serioshka be back? His mother would go from neighbor to neighbor telling them: “Our Serioshka has gone to Tashkent to fetch bread.” His grandmother would probably die before he got back. She was a good grandmother too, she never beat Serioshka; and his mother was goodtoo. And what a fine river! All summer long he might have gone swimming—if it Ps also completely at a and said thoughtfully: hadn’t been for the famine. 'VENING creeps up over the station, covering the trees with a black shawl. The globes on the telegraph poles light up, in the hut on ~ the other side of the wall some one is tapping: “Drrrr! Drrrr!” ar And Mishka is not coming back. He'll get into the train and go off by himself. Again from behind the wall comes the tapping—Drrrr! Drrrr! Serioshka was about to look in at the window, when past the hut came a monster with fiery eyes: it thundered and panted and puffed. From abve sparks flew down. Suddenly it came snorting right up to the hut. Steam shot out of one side—straight at Serioshka. Mad panic seized him and he fled, leaving behind his little sack and his bark (To be C i a Z ! t ny