Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.
mr Page Three ; The Economic DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1929 and Political Situation in the United States anc the Tasks of the Communist Party The Daily Worker publishes today the last half of this important Hocument begun in yesterday's paper. ae see | SECTION V, SOCIAL REFORMISM AND FASCISM 13. With the development of the domination of finance capital, the fierce rationalization process, the growing imperialist aggressions of American capitalism and the radicalization of the masses, has gone the concentration of state power, the growing merging of trust capital with the state apparatus, growing tendencies towards state capitalism, the concentration of state power and the growing tendency towards fascization. The present period is marked by a concentrated attack against the militant labor moyement ,and, in the first place, against the Communist Party, the more open and direct use of the state power in order to crush the rising resistance of the working class to put through the rationalization schemes and to prepare the conditions for plunging the working class into the next imperialist war, particularly against the Soyiet Union. This period is characterized by the open use of troops against strikers (Elizabethton, Marion), by the shooting of workers (Gastonia, Marion, New Orleans) and by fascist attacks en- gineered by the state in collaboration with the bosses and“labor bureau- cracy, the establishment of a secret spy system (New York), the use ef gangsters and thugs in collaboration with the state, labor bureau- cracy and employers’ organizations (New York, Gastonia), the increas- ing use of the underworld enormously swollen throtfgh the Volstead act, the virtual denial of the right of strike through the ever-increasing use of the injunction backed up by police terror and a series of mass arrests, the limitation of the right of assemblage and free speech, the terroristic methods of the state against striking workers, the reorgan- ization of the bourgeois legal system through the Baumes laws, giving dictatorial powers to the judges and destroying “democratic” liberties, the Department of Labor registration of foreign born workers, the increased attacks upon Negro workers, the persistent and increasing persecution of the Communist Party, with the tendency to drive it into illegality, all indicate the increase of fascist tendencies, increase in the open brutality of the state in the class struggle and imparting an ever inereasing political character to the struggles of the workers. With the sharpening contradictions of American capitalism goes the increasing political activity of the petty-bourgeoisie. This expresses itself by the fight around the tariff bill, by the tendency of a revival of the political activity of the Progressive Bloc, by the tendency to the formation of a third petty bourgeois party (the Dewey group), These movements are reactionary in character; they are more and more de- veloping in the direction of fascism, and seek to gain support from the toiling masses in order to steer them away from a real fight against capitalism, and into the channels of fascism. The deepening agrarian crisis as yet finds its main channel of political expression in the “progressives” of the Farm Bloc (Norris, Frazier, Shipstead, Brookhart, etc.), with their program of tariff pri tection for agricultural products and subsidized export of surplus pro- duction, measures calculated to deepen the contradictions in agriculture and consequent class differentiation, as well as to strengthen the grip of finance capital upon the market and there upon agricultural pro- duction. The “progressivism” of the Farm Bloc, with its denial of class struggle on the farm with its subordination to the essential program of finance capital, has become one of the accepted and established agencies of the rule of Wall Street. It is no longer an expression of the growing consciousness of the toiling agrarian masses, not even a partial and confused expression, but is one of the means of Miverting and suppressing this growing consciousness afid will to struggle.. The Party, through its press and sympathetic organizations, must carry on among the agricultural population, especially the poor and middle farmers, the sharpest campaign against and exposure of the reactionary role of these “progressives” of the Farm Bloc. The existing farmers’ organizations such as Farmers’ Union, Farm Bureaus, Grange, etc. which play a similar role, and which serve not the interests of the poor farmers and agricultural wage workers, but those of finance capital, certain small business interests, and the rich farmers, must especially be exposed, their influence over the toiling masses broken, and the poor farmers and agricultural workers mobilized for political struggle in alliance with the revolutoinary working class. The socialist party has become more and more an open agent of imperialism and is exhibiting features of social fascism. In the needle trades it has allied itself with the state and gangsters and employers’ organizations, to destroy militant organizations. The endorsement of the Young Plan by thé spokesman of the socialist party likewise shows its open imperialist role. Its support of the rationalization drive, com- pany unionism, closer alliance with the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, state and underworld, the endorsement of Norman Thomas as candidate for city mayor (New York) by the bourgeois Citizens Union and the petty bourgeois Dewey group is an expression of the fact that the socialist party has become definitely a third bourgeois party and that the capitalist class is seeking the development of this “last reserve of the bourgeoisie” as an instrument in the struggle against the revolu- tionary class forces led by the Communist Party. 14. The American Federation of Labor is a pérnicious social re- formist organization which in the present period has become more and more an open tool of American imperialism, an agitator and organizer for the imperialist war plans, pace-maker for the mobilization against the Soviet Union, champion of rationalization. The apparatus of the trade union bureaucracy of the American Federation of Labor has merged more and more with the state apparatus and the employers’ organizations and has taken on a social fascist character, shown by its strikebreaking role in New Orleans, in Elizabethton, in Marion, in the needle trades and in every strike movement in the United States. It is the direct agency for frustrating the developing strike movement of the workers, for company unionizing the trade unions, for imposing % imperialist domination oyer the colonial and semi-colonial peoples (Pan- American Federation of Labor, Hemispherical autonomy) for carrying through the tariff laws with its inereased burdens upon the working class, With the growth of American imperialism on a world scale, the American Federation of Labor exercises more and more the role of converting the trade unions ipto open instruments of imperialism, for suppressing the class strugglé unions and crushing the rising tide of resistance of the working class. It has become the model of the re- formists of all countries. Its close alliance with the openly fascist or- ganizations, with thugs end gangsters, and with the police ,only shows the social imperialist and social fascist role of the labor bureaucracy. The process of rationalization ,the robbing of the skill of the workers, is narrowing the base of the labor aristocracy upon which the A. F. of L. rests.and its power becomes ever more closely linked with the bosses - and the state machinery of the capitalist class. With the exposure of the treacherous role of the A. F. of L. bureau- eracy before the masses and the growing consciousness of the masses in regard to the social imperialist role of the A. F, of L. bureaucracy and under conditions of the radicalization and growing struggle of the masses, efforts are being made to deccive the masses through the for- mation of “left” social reformist groups carrying on the policy of the A. F. of L. under the cover of “progressive” phrases. The Conference for Progressive Action (Musteites) is an attempt on the part of the social reformists under cover of left phrases to bring together the re- formist elements under the banner of the more vigorous struggle against the Communist movement, to fight the rising tide of militant prole- tarian struggle. The treachery of the Musteites in the Paterson silk strike, in ion, N. C,, ete., shows openly the social reformist char- acter of this.movement. The fact that it operates under the mask of left phrases is intended to bolster up, the influence of the outright so- cial reformist, elements (A. I’. of L. dnd socialist party) over the left- ward moving macges despite the increased support to the A. F. of L. by the capitalists and state machinery and thereby stem the movement of the masses to the left. It thus shows its most dangerous reformist character and expresses the greatest danger to the working class which must be fought with increasing vigor. Every act of treachery must be fully exposed. Any proposals of united fronts with these elements must be mercilessly combatted. SECTION VI. ideology and instinct which Thesis Adopted by the ger in the Communist Party of the United States finds in the ob- ective conditions of the country fertile ground for virulent growth. The tremendous economic resources of the American bourgeoisie makes possible the corruption of the upper strata of the working class, labor aristocracy, relatively highly paid skilled workers forming the basis of the American Federation of Labor. This corruption takes place not only thru the separation of certain categories of workers from their class, by higher wages and other privileges, but also thru “wel- fare” schemes, company unions, “labor” banks, “B and O Plans,” and many other forms. The relatively high standard of life in comparison with European countries facilitated the spread of petty bourgeois il- lusions among the American workers. Other historical causes are the lack of the tradition of a class party of the proletariat, the presence in the working class of declassed immigrants, peasants and petty bourgeois, who became proletarianized only upon entering American industry. The Communist Party of the United States is surrounded by the heaviest pressure of such corruption in the working class, by the most subtle forms of bourgeois influence; and also there is little in its own historical development to fortify the Party against such in- fluences—little that could produce that Bolshevik firmness in class € necessary to an unswerving Leninist line. Other causes for the existence of Right tendencies in the Party are its feeble roots in the factories; insufficiently industrial proletar- ian social composition; the existence of old Social Democratic tradi- tions in the leading cadres of the Party. These petty bourgeois in- fluences powerfully affect the Communist Party and one of the mani- festations of the opportunist influences upon our Party has been un- principled factionalism, which has retarded the Party’s growth during the past six years. Notwithstanding the repented interventions of the Communist International the unprincipled factionalism continued and even flared up with renewed intensity and the Right opportunist errors were continued and aggravated. After the Sixth World Con- gress there began to be developed q crystallization of Right errors and tendencies in the American Party into an open opportunist politi- cal line directed against the CI. The theory of American exceptional- ism, which found its clearest exponents in Pepper and Lovestone, was the basis of the mistakes of the former majority and of the most important mistakes of the former minority. Such a theory could lead only to the open road toward social patriotism and outright bour- geois patriotism. That “our country” is “excepted” from the general crisis of capitalism, that “our own” bourgeois is in an “exceptional” position favorable to meeting the demands of “its” proletariat (pre- venting a fundamental radicalization of the working class and pre- serving the social-imperialist A. F. of L. as the “main stream” of the labor movement. On the ground of this opportunistic line based upon the theory of exceptionalism and of the primacy of the external contradictions, a struggle developed against the Communist International starting with an open fight against the organizational proposals of the OI to the Sixth National Convention of the Party. This Convention, due to the unprincipled course of the leaders of both factions, did not fulfill the tasks before it. 16. In this situation the Communist International was compelled to intervene to put an end to the factional struggle and to correct the line of the Party, This Plenum of the Central Committee declares the Address of the Communist International to the membership of the Party was fully justified and that its correctness has been confirmed by the course of the events in-the Party. The Plenum of our Party asserts, that the renegade group of Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe and Co., have by their actions confirmed all that was said in the Address of the | Communist International of their Right wing opportunist line; their petty bourgeois politiciandom; their attempt to split the Com- munist Party, and to lead it out of the Communist International nad into the swamp of social-reformism. 17. The evolution of the Lovestone group shows that today they stand clearly upon the platform of the international Right; their clear-cut. opportunistic position is defined by their advocacy of the theory of American exceptionalism; their opportunistic estimation of the third period as marking the definitive economic and political stabilization of capitalism; by their theory of the primacy of the external contradictions, which means a conception of the softening of the inner contradictions and of the class struggle and against the con- ception of the radicalization of the working class which in practice has expressed itself in their courter-revolutionary intervention against the Part, y’s call to strike on International Red Day, their liberal- bourgeois slogans in regard tp the Gastonia defense, their under-es- timation of the war danger aganist the Soviet Union, their opportunist attitude toward the Socialist Party; their denial of the fascization process in social reformism, their opportunistic conception of the La- bor Party slogan based upon a united front with Social Democratic leaders ; the thermidorean theory of “degeneration” of the Commmu- nist International; their defense of and collaboration with the Inter- national Right Wing (the renegade article published in Brandler’s organ inspired or written. by the Lovestone group); the struggle with methods of American petty bourgeois politiciandom (burglarizing of the Party office, the vicious slanders and collaboration with self-con- fessed spy elements in aiming to demoralize the Party); carrying for- ward the organizational work toward splitting the Party and building an anti-proletarian party, tool of American social-imperialism. All these demonstrate with what truly American speed the Lovestone group has moved toward the bourgeois side of the barricades. The expulsion of such opportunistic elements is an absolute condition for cleansing the Party of corrupting and disintegrating forces. The Communist Party has grown stronger since the expulsion and because of the ex- pulsion of the renegade group of opportunist leaders’ and their petty- bourgeois and intellectual followers. The effect of the Address of the Communist International has been to increase the fighting capacity oe the Party and to give impetus to the drawing in of new proletarian ‘orces: 18, ‘The struggle against opportunism must be conducted against the conciliators and against conciliationism . Conciliationism is the formal acceptance of the international line, combined with failure to carry out in practice, i. e., practical opposition, This may take many forms. It takes an extreme form when there is direct resistance to effective execution, “interpretations” of the international line in such a way as to destroy its meaning or conceal its difference from incorrect lines, ete. This is in effect conscious sabotage. But it may take more subtle forms when the process is less conscious or even ‘unconscious, when there is simply lack of conviction or enthusiasm in carrying out the line, when acceptance has been honestly given, but the habits of thought move along old lines, ete. This last form is particularly im- portant, because it can be largely involuntary and unconscious; never- theless, in its objective effects, it can. be as harmful as direct and con- scious opposition. It can show witself not merely in incorrect lines, but in vacillation and delay in carrying out the correct line, and failure in consequence to give clear and confident leadership to the workers. Those conciliators who sought to conceal their opposition to the line of the Commun’s. International rapidly passed over into the camp of the Lovestone grou». but conciliationism, which internationally agrees on all fundamental ns with the open opportunists, likewise ex- presses itself in the ‘an Party in a tendeney which while accept- ing the Address of the Communist International in words fails to grasp the meaning of the political line in the present period and shows itself incapable to carry out this line in practice. A vigorous struggle must be conducted against conciliators and where they’ fail to fulfill the conditions laid down by the Tenth Plenum they must be unhesi- tatingly expelled from the ranks of the Party. 19. One of the main tasks of the Party remains the struggle against another form of opportunism at times covered with left phrases—Trotskyism, This task is facilitated by the international poli- tical degeneration of Trotskyism (Trotsky's participation in slanderous acampaigns against the USSR, thru articles in the bourgeois press in Great Britain and U. 8. (Times, Hearst press, ete.) and by the dis- integration of the Trotskyites group, particularly in USSR). In the United States the Trotskyites (Cannonites) have gone over completely to the other side of the barricade (counter-revolutionary Thermidorean attitude on Five Year Plan of Socialist Construction, on Palestine, attitude toward Muste group and new unions, etc.) thus lining Central Executive Com mittee Plenum, October 6-8 themselves in the same camp as the social democrats and Lovestoneites. ican Party that it would be a perilous illusion to maintain this. The | time are: (1) Underestimation of the character of the third period | (underestimation of the growth of inner contradictions, of radicalization of the masses and of the sharpening of the class struggle) expressed in | some districts in connection with International Red Day in a fear to put forward the slogan of a strike and of hesitation to hold street | demonstrations; and in regard to Gastonia a tendency to represent the Party policy as “too radical,” to express pessimism and show signs of a policy of retreat; underestimation of the new forms of struggle and the underestimation on the part of old trade union cadres of the new methods of mass struggle. (2) Underestimation of the Right danger. This tendency expresses itself in a condemnation of Lovestone on grounds of a breach of discipline but in failure to see the opportunistic | line of Lovestone, also in a hesitation in a matter of cleansing of the | Party, failing to realize that in the third period it is necessary to fight the Right danger not only with political measures but with or- ganizational methods as well. (3) Remnants of the theory of exception- | alism expressed in appreciation of the situation in the U. S. A. and even of wrong conceptions in regard to the relationship between the Party and the Communist International; insufficient internationalism. (4) A tendency to lag behind the masses in the everyday struggles of the working class (khvostism); failure of Party organization to assume leading roles in strike struggles and the general tendency of too slow a tempo in responding to the struggle sof the masses. This is a par- ticularly perilous form of the Right danger in the present period of | growing strike struggles, manifesting itself in its worst form in an underestimation of trade union work and a lack of sufficient energy | in participation in mass work. (5) Remnantg of factionalism, such as a tendency of some comrades to “save” the Party for the former | majority by “sacrificing” Lovestone ,and a tendency on the part of | some comrades to regard the Address as a victory and endorsement of the line of the former minority. (6) Underestimation of social reform- ism expressing itself in the underestimation of the treacherous role of the A. F. of L, bureaucracy (needle trades) and the particularly | dangerous character of Left social reformism (Boston shoe strike). The Right danger further expresses itself in a whole series of questions, such as opposition to the raising of political slogans in economic strike struggles (Weisbord, Elizabethton strike); underesti- | mation of shop nuclei form of organization and of improving the social composition of the Party; in insufficient Negro, women and youth work; manifestations of a retreat before and eyen surrender to white chauyin- ism (workers’ jury); also in such errors as that made in the Freiheit on Palestine, expressing the influence of Jewish nationalism; oppor- tunistic tendencies in language sections (Finnish, Greek and other sec- tions); in an underestimation of the function of the Daily Worker by looking upon it as a journal of Communist information rather than as the leading political organ of the Party. SECTION VII. The Struggle for the Winning of the Majority of the Working Class and the Tasks of the Party. 21. The development of the general features of world crisis and in | the United States the coming of an economic crisis, means a more biter | process of rationalization, more open and brutal use of the state power, | the closer merging of social democracy and social reformism with the bourgeoisie and its degeneration into social fascism, the slashing of | wages, the depression of living standards, the increase of unemploy- | ment, deepening the class revolt of the proletariat and favoring its adoption of new revolutionary methods of struggle, the entrance of | ever greater masses of the unorganized in the class battles, the de- | velopment of local battles into general struggles, the ever-increasing politicalizing of the struggles, the growing confidence of the workers | in the revolutionary trade unjon movement, and the movement of the | | | masses to the Left. The increasing radicalizatién of the masses in the U. S., the Left- ward drift of the masses, the oncoming of a new rising tide of the revolutionary labor movement, raises concretely the task of winning the majority of the working class, which means the conquest of the | leading role in the labor movement by our Party that has still before it the task of transforming itself in the shortest possible time into a mass Communist Party. The present situation demands the orienta- tion of the Party towards new methods, new forms of struggle, new forms of mass organization, new ways in getting hold of the masses— | only by such tactics by making use of all the new forms and methods for the organization of the working class will the Communist Party be able to bring over to their side the majority of the working class and to march at the head in the struggle for power and for proletarian dictatorship. Therefore, the Communist Party must participate in and secure the leadership of every strike, every struggle, every demonstra- tion of the working class; must strive to convert the economic battles of the workers into major political struggles (into struggles of the whole working class against triple alliance of capitalist state, em- ployers’ organizations and reformists), and carry on a ceaseless pro- | paganda for the mass political strike. In this task the Party still shows too slow a tempo and is weighed down by the past and by devi- ations to the Right. The task of winning a majority of the working class under the banner of the Party calls for the energetic application of the tactics | of the united front from below on the basis of the immediate needs of the workers particularly in connection with the struggle against rationalization (unemployment, speed up, lowering of the standards chief manifestations of the Right danger in the Party at the present | . of the working class, growing insecurity, etc.) linked up with the poli- tical struggles. The development of new forms of struggles takes on various con- crete shapes, viz, the new revolutionary trade unions with the parti- cipation of broad unorganized masses, strike committees, workers de- fense committees ,especially in the South, organization of the unem- ployed, shop committees. This includes the intensification of our work for the organization of revolutionary trade unions ,and the strengthen- ing of the revolutionary opposition in the old unions co-ordinated and led by the Trade Union Unity League. The winning of the leading role by the Communist Party of the mass struggles can be achieved only on the basis of the mose ruthless struggle against the social reformists of all brands especially the so- called “Left” wing, Musteism and all its variations. The winning of the majority of the working class is impossible without a mass Communist Party rooted in the factories. The securing of the leadership of the mas: ruggles cannot be achieved with the present small meinbership which is less than fifty per cent in the basic industries and only fifteen per cent of whom are organized into factory nuclei, the majority of which have only a nominal existence. This basic wei is further revealed in the fact that in whole sections of. de- cisive industry (chemical, marine, railroad, etc.) the Party has in spite of some recent improvements practically no foothold while in the other important branches (steel, mining, etc.) the membership is very small in comparison with the number of workers in the indust Similarly, the number of Negro proletarians (2-3% of the membership), the aver- age age of the membership (30-35), the small number of working women (about ten per cent and an addition ten per cent of housewives), ete., further reveal the decisive importance of the necessity of improv- ing the social composition of the Party membership. The number of native-born workers in the Party is still very small in spite of their increasing role in the basic rationalized industries. Special attention must be paid to colonizing of factories especially in key and war industries. Colonizers must be regarded not as in- vestigators who go from factory to factory for a visit but comrades who are sent into a factory for a longer period of steady and persistent work, to win the confidence of the workers through their activity and leadership in the struggles of the workers. While care must be taken not to expose the Communists in the factories to the employers and their agents, and the nuclei must func- tion illegally in most cases, this must not be interpreted to mean that there must be any falling pff of activity of the factory nuclei or that any excuses along this line for the failure to build or extend the work of the factory nuclei can be tolerated by the Party. The factory nuclei must be known to all workers in the shops through their mass activity, their agitational work and their leadership, though the individual mem- bers of the nuclei may and in most cases will be known only to the most militant. 23. The lack of systematic mass activity, the insufficient orienta- tion to the factories and entirely inedequate attention to trade union work further aggravates the lack of preparedness of the Party for its growing tasks. The apparatus of the Party as well as its leading com- mittees still suffer from a lack of capably trained workers able to organize and lead the mass struggles of the workers. There is an in- sufficient organic connection between the leading committees and the basie Party organizations, a lack of effective political leading of the Party organizations by the leading Party committees. Despite progress made in the centralization of the language work through the establishment of the Language Department of the C.C. the Party is not yet centralized and many of the language fractior: still lag behind in accomplishing the tasks of the Party. The life cf the units is still largely devoid of sufficient political content, of syst- tematic organizational work. The fractions in the trade unions and cther, mass organizations do not sufficiently fulfill their tasks as or- ganizer and leaders of the masses. In order to effeét,a decisive change in organization the Party, basing itself on the organization thesis of the C.I., must at once put into effect the concrete measures set forth in the organization thesis of the Sixth Party Convention. ‘A recruiting campaign for new members shall be opened after the Plenum, as elaborated in the Program of Action. 24. The progress that has been made in eliminating opportunist non-proletarian and factional elements from the leading committees and apparatus of the Party must be continued and the entire apparatus enlivened by the drawing in and the development of fresh cadres of non-factional proletarian forces, particularly from the basic industries, among them the Negro proletarianst. The reinvigoration of the Party apparatus must be systematically undertaken through the holding of conferences in the districts and sections on the basis of a critical re- view of the work and shortcomings and, particularly, since the Address. Bureaucratic methods of work that still have a big hold on the Party apparatus must be consciously combatted. District Plenums shall be revived and shall be held regularly once a month. Written reports of work of the Section and District Committees shall be given periodically and shall be printed in the Party press. The achievement of proletarian self-criticism (not factional criticism or criticism which aims to unfold a platform of faction strug- gle) must be established and intensified, by methods of reporting and work which allows for a discussion of the problems, the bringing to Continued on Page Four re The Labor Jury, sent by the Trade E |Union Unity Convention in Cleye- & bs \land, issued the following statement today: “The class character of the trial has been clearly demonstrated in the past three days, ever more conclu- —- sively. The judge’s ruling that if Fought a, Strikers’ the defendants don’t believ in an 4 avenging god they are not credible Right to Defense witnesses and that Communist can- (Continued from Page One) jnot expect a fair trial under a gov- ernment which they think should be class meaning of the trial. These overthrown, certainly proves that the few may recognize that the court, the police and the mill owners are | defendants have not had a fair trial, | regardless of what the verdict may all united in this conspiracy to send | workers to prison for their leader- | e. “Barnhill said in his charge to ship in the struggle for better con-|the grand jury that opinions of the ditions, that all the witnesses for the defendants on political, racial and state weer obyiously hirelings of the religious problems should have no) ‘mill barons, and see through the place ia this +~ial and would not be \mas sof flimsy perjured contradic- | permitted to becoud the issue. Yet |tory testimony framed up by the |he has permitted the state to intro- state. \duce the cofendants’ opinions for the This may resutl in a hung jury, | Sole purpose of prejudicing the jury, or in a compromise on convictions |on the excuse that these opinions for secret ass-ult, or manslaughter. |impeach their testimony. This rul- For a conviction of secret assault,|ing of the judge proves that he is the unionists may get ten yoars im-|not impartial, but on the contrary, prisonment, For manslaughter the|is an efficient instrument of his penalty may be 20 years, and for |class, the capitalist class, against murder i nthe second degree, it is | the workers. P:rnhill’s previous pre- 30 years. tense o ffairness was for the pur- This morning the defense put on | pose of creating th eillusion that the the witness stand a photographer | state is above classes and an instru- and his pictures proving again that |ment of impartial justice. The veil it was impossible for the strikers|has heen stripped from this pre-/ to shoot from knotholes in the union | tense,” hall. Then the defense rested, and the state put on witnesses for re- buttal. Their testimony will be over this afternoon, and tomorrow the battery of mill owners’ lawyers will start their argument to the jury. It FLAUNT IMPERIALIST BAYONETS PARIS, Oct. 16,—Veterans of the | | 26th Division, visiting France for! iy THE RIGHT DANGER—THE MAIN DANGER. 15.—In all Communist Parties, the chief danger period is that of Right wing opportunism—the corruption «. ... vovo- vind | 20. The struggle against the opportunist renegades, both of the Right and so-called “Left,” as well as the conciliators, the expulsions of the-Lovestoneites from the ranks of ‘the Party, has meant a healing is probable that the defense argu- day afternoon, Then the state will have a final rebuttal speech, and “consecration” of the Belleau Wood! ment to the jury will start Thurs~|Church as a war memorial gaye a |quiet demonstration of French mili?) JUTE MILL WORKERS OF VIRGINIA MUST HAVE THE “DAILY WORKER” (Continued from Page One) ting the Virginia textile workers know that the way to hetter condi- tions is to join the National Union.” Still another illustration of the necessity of workers to send funds at once, in order to rush the Daily Worker to the southern workers, newly awakened to the class struggle. Militant seamen, members of the Marine Workers League, in New Orleans, the largest southern seaport, have asked that they he supplied with bundles of the Daily Worker regularly, for distribution among the waterfront workers there. Previously we published the appeal from one of the betrayed car- men of New Orleans for the Daily Worker. To answer the many appeals for th@Daily Worker, reaching us from prety corner of the South, an important duty, entails a huge financial jurden, It is this burden that the militant American workers must take en nels euoulere: For ‘ is their answer to their fellow workers in the jouth, Individual workers must contribute at once to the “Drive to Rush the ‘Daily’ South.” Working class organizations must adopt a mill village! Each dollar will send 10 copies of the Daily Worker to a aili vil- lage, each day for one week. But hundreds of copies of the Daily must be rushed to esei: of these mill workers every day. What is the answer to their appeals for the Daily Worker? = To the Daily Worker, 26 Union Square, New York City. 1 want to see the Daily Worker, as the only Kogiisa benguage daily paper of the working class, rushed te the southern workers. Therefore I send the enclosed sum for this purpose. PARE iataiagnss cos Gragpecerevassseidecesegecesyaopegent mya lutionary policy of the proletarian class party by the injection of | of the Party, but it would be an error to believe that with the fight, then the judge will charge the jury. '®"Y strength when they placed ial CUR iaiiic since hin ska cers ry bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology, policies and methods, paralyz- | against Loyestone and the conciliators the struggle against the Right |The concensus of opinion ig that the | wreath on the tomb of the unknown, at, verdict will be rendered Saturday. soldier today, | Amount $.. , r ing the revolutionary fight of the proletarian party.. The Right dan- } danger is exhausted; the Right danger is so deeply rooted in the Amer-