The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 14, 1929, Page 4

F : PUVVEREA EF CHE COMProwAlly Publishing Co. Tne, Aail % Fouy- Square, y k City ¥. Telephone Stu: Addrees ar 1 che to the Daily Worker. at 26-28 Union DAIW ee w York, ly, @xcépt Sunda 1 8. ¢ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: =i By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $4.50 six months; $2.50 three months } $3.50 six months; $6.00 a year; $2.00 three months Resolution of Student Body of Young Workers League Training School The following telegram was received today from the 40 students at | the Young Workers Training School who have just concluded five weeks of intensive training in Cleveland: | National Executive Committee, 48 East 125th Street, Fully aware of tremendous revolutionary tasks confronting us in this period of sharpening class struggle, we students of National Train- ing School returning to posts assigned by National Executive Commit- tee pledge ourselves to devote all our energies strengthening League among proletarian youth in line with decisions Sixth Work Congress, | Tenth Plenum CI, Fifth World Congress YCI by purging League all opportunist and right elements as exemplified by Lovestonites, Can- onites and social reformists. We will orientate the League to the basic industries, establish shop nuclei, organize the unorganized youth, strengthen work in the armed forces aiming to develop proletarian lead- ep on road to Bolshevization of Young Communist League in United States. STUDENT BODY. | Repudiate Lovestone Renegades | Dear Comrades: At the last Party membership meeting, Thurs Sept. 19, I voted against the expulsions of Lovestone and his follow because I thought that Lovestone was fighting in the interest of the workers and not against the C. I. Since then I have read very carefully the Daily and some of Lovestone’s factional documents and letters. Now I know that Lovestone is fighting ‘against the ©. I. and is trying to split the Party, under the cloak of fighting “for” the decisions of the Sixth World Congress. | I repudiate my former position because I didn’t know enough of the whole situation then. | I want to state that I will support the CEC and fight for the line | of the C. I. against the Lovestone splitt Comradely yours, THE BACK SIDE. EULALIE G. MENDES. Central Control Commission Decision on the Case of J. O. Bentall The Plenum of the Central Control Committee has expelled J. 0. Bentall, until now a member of the CCC, from the Communist Party | of the U. S. A. for a rabid anti-Comintern and anti-Party attitude as expressed in his statement to the CCC (to the effect that the present | leadership of the CI is deviating from Leninism, that he will fight it, | that he is beginning to lose faith in the CI, that the ECCI wants to crush the American Communist Party, etc.), also for the further reason that Bentall has given organizational and active support to the rene- gade Lovestone group, as proved by his name being attached to certain | documents of the splitters, especially to their purported “appeal” of | October 2nd, while Bentall was still a member of the Party. Neither previous standing and record in the Party, nor a mere | formal acceptance (in words only) of CI and Party decisions can offset such ideological and organizational alignment with the splitters and slanderers of the Comintern and of the Party as Bentall’s. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE, CP,OF USA. CHAS. DIRBA, Sec’y. os Denounce Attempts to Wreck Party Sub-District Executive Committee, Communist Party Los Angeles. Dear Comrades: I received your questionaire and am glad to answer now that I am fully convinced to break away from the so-called Lovestone group. I have never opposed the Open Letter and the Address of the CI. I accepted it fullheartedly. I was opposed to the xpulsion of our ex- leaders and I held to my Communist duty to help them get their appeal against the CEC decision of expelling them, before the CI. With the act of Lovestone refusing to go to Moscow and defend his appeal and instead making demands of the CI to condemn the CEC of the U. S. A. clarified the situation in my mind that Lovestone fights not only the decision of the CEC but also the Communist International. | Furthermore the last attack on the Party headquarters proved to me | that these ex-comrades are not only renegades, but a bunch of gangsters who will do anything in their power to help ruin the Party. I therefore take it upon myself, together with the Communist Party of America to fight against this clique, which is representing | the Right danger in the International. I only regret that I did not foresee this before. Comradely Yours, M. LUBARTOFSKY. “VEERY GOOD NEWS AUSTRALIAN” | By H. HANKIN Veery good news, plenty good news, twenty thousand Australians killed!” so called the Gy$po newsboys through the streets of the Aus- tralian camps as they extolled the exciting nature and excellent quality of their wares. | That happened a few years ago, but still news from Egypt reminds many Aussies of that naive method of news selling, however much they | may dislike being reminded of the period of their military service. And is the news from Egypt good from our working class stand- | point? 4 Yes and No! From the viewpoint of the militant unionist it leaves much to be desired, but still beneath the surface are the portents of vast social changes. We in Australia with our experience of droughts are given to respecting the power and importance of good water supplies. We have witnessed marvelous achievements with the husbanding of comparatively small quantities of water. But it is hard even fo rus to realize that the whole economy of Egypt is based upon the water supply of one rive, the Nile. One main branch, the White Nile, takes its rise in Lake ‘Victoria, Nyanza, from whence it runs through the Sudan and Egypt to the sea, a distance of three thousand miles. The other branch, the Blue Nile, rises in the mountains of Abyssinia and joins the main stem near Khartoum. This latter branch has been the subject of intrigue by a American syndicate which seeks to control it from within Abyssinian territory. The only fertile areas of Egypt are the Nile valley and delta and the oases. These cover 13,600 out of the total 883,000 square miles of Efyptian territory. THE SUDAN South of Egypt, the Sudan with a population of seven millions and a fertile area of 383,000 square miles represents a menace, but also the development of the Sudan will absorb more of the precious water of the Nile, the life stream of Egypt. This is particularly ominous in more ways than one. The absence of coal deposits in Egypt and the scarcity of oil indicate ‘electricity from the water power of the Nile as the only possible basis of future industrialization. The rulers of Egypt have always realized that control of the Sudan meant control of Egypt; and the present treaty that Great Britain would foist upon the country is in conformity with thi sancient principle. BRUTAL TASKMASTERS Historically, Egypt is a story of the exchange of one set of brutal taskmasters fro another. After many vicissitudes the country was conquered by the Turks in the sixteenth century. I tremained nomin- ally a province of the Turkish Empire until 1914 and paid tribute as such. This tribute was fixed in 1873 at £675,000 per annum. During the fifties a French subject, De Lesseps, was given a concession to build the Suez Canal. A company with a capital of £8,000,000 in £20 shares was formed. The Khedive who had granted the concession subscribed for 176,600 out of the 400,000 shares, The job wos completed in 1869. In the interim the American Civil War had given a great impetus to Egyptian cotton growing; and now the attention of the big capitalist powers, particularly England, was drawn to the joint advantages of exploiting the short cut to India and the Pacifie, and the labor power of the Egyptian workers. The Khedive was desirous of developing his country economically, t By Fred Ellis. The Mexican Communist Party Fights Opportunism By ALBERT MOREAU. Since the assassination of President-elect Obregon in Mexico, on July, 1928, deep economic and political changes have taken place mani- festing themselves in important events characterized by a realignment of class forces with the ascending revolutionary tide of the oppressed workers and peasants. The repercussions following the a: the gap between the government forces—the official instrument of American imperialism whose interests are well represented by Ambas- sador Morrow—and the Catholic Church, having the-support of a sub- stantial part of big landowners and generals. This antagonism came to a climax in March, 1929, when the reactionary generals and big latifundistas, with the support of British imperialism, rose up in arms. The uprising sought to seize the state power from the hands of Portes Gil-Calles group. The American government stepped into the situation, and by its direct support given to the gov- ernment of Mexico the uprising was smashed in less than two months | in spite of its widespread character. The national bourgeoisie, obeying the orders of its imperialist | masters, came to an agreement with its vanquished enemy. There were two important factors in the signing of the pact between the | Mexican government and the Church which were the motives for Mr. | Morrow to act as a mediator in behalf of American imperialism. (1) The imperial necessity of uniting all bourgeois forces under the hegemony of Wall Street. This was essential in view of the splendid opportunities for American financial interests to further expand in building new railroad lines and introducing rationalization in the tex- tile, mine and oil industries. Mr. Morrow has secured Calles as head of the Mexican railroad as a sure guarantee for the American bankers | to be the sole foreign investors. (2) The March uprising revealed the potential revolutionary power of the oppressed masses. The armed peasants who during the civil war (March, 1929) acted in many instances as an independent force against the reactionary generals, constituted a permanent danger for the bourgeoisie, hence for American imperialism. RADICALIZATION. The radicalization of the masses due to the economic crisis, the or- ganization of the Revolutionary Trade Union Center and the Workers and Peasants Block under the leadership of the Communist Party, were a constant menace to the national bourgeoi: tack upon the revolutionary workers and particularly upon the Com- munists during the uprising is a decisive evidence of that menace. Since the conclusion of the pact, and as a part of this pact between the Mexican bourgeoisie and U. S. imperialism, the government has ini- tiated a eampaign of terror against the revolutionary trade unions and the Communist Party. The fascist “Labor” Code, the assassinations and deportations of the leaders of the proletariat, aim at the complete an- nihilation of all genuine revolutionary forces fighting the national bour- geoisie and its imperialist lords. The struggle of the exploited workers | of Mexico against the combined reactionary block is a struggle against rationalization which is being rapidly introduced in the textile industry, mnes, oil fields, etc. In the midst of the vicious government attacks upon the revolu- tionary workers, stands the treachery of Ursulo Galvan, head of the National Peasants’ League. This traitor was responsible for the execu- tion of Guadalupe Rodriguez by the orders of Calles. The Communist Party of Mexico expelled Ursulo Galvan. RIGHT WING CRYSTALLIZES. The Communist Party of Mexico, which followed an opportunist line at the beginning of the uprising, quickly corrected its mistakes. It called for an independent struggle against both the reactionary generals and the treacherous Federal Government. The opportunist elements within the Party refused to accept the policy of the Party. Galvan was the first to refuse, and he immediately passed into the ranks of the enemy. But opportunism had only begun. The Party soon found that within its Central Committee a crystallized group of Right oppor- tunists was determined to put up a strong resistance to the new policy. The Party Plenum was held in July in the midst of a heated atmos- phere produced by the resistance on the part of these elements fight- ing, not for the persecuted workers and peasants, but for an alliance | with the government, with the bourgeoisie—with American imperialism. The opportunists, Diego Rivera, Reyes Perez, Luis Monzon and and he had embarked upon an ambitious program of public works. Irrigation canals, railroads, telegraphs, bridges, lighthouses and sugar- mills were built and the area of arable land was increased from four million acres to five and a half million acres. All of this took place within twelve years. 4 At first the efforts of the Khedive had been attended with a certain amount of prudence, but thereafter he grew increasingly reckless and gave more and more tasks to British engineers and financiers at ex- horbitant prices. This resulted ere long in Egypt being in possession of assets worth about a third of what they had cost. This again pro- vided a situation that the Khedive’s creditors were only too anxious to further exploit. In 1875 the British?state was used and the Khedive was forced to sell his shares in the canal, BRITAIN ACQUIRES CANAL The British government bought them for £4,000,000 through the firm of Rothchilds. In passing it may be mentioned that these shares earnt £30,770,729 during the year 1920-21 alone. In addition to this seizure of the shares (for that is what it wa sin effect) two comptrol- lers-general (one British, one French) were appointed in charge of Egyptian finance. The Egyptian debts weer consolidated at 7 per cent interest with the exception of some owing to the firm of Fruhling and Goschen, in which a director of the Bank of EnEgland was in- terested. These latter loans continued at the old rate of 10 and 12 sd cent. rs hele nation had further divided | immediately | The simultaneous at- | Fritz Bach capitulated before the tremendous tasks of the Party which is to lead the exploited masses whose fighting mood shows a growing radicalization. This radicalization is evidenced by a series of strikes which are taking place in spite of the white terror. FASCIST CAMPAIGN “MERE ACCIDENTS.” In the face of the sharpening struggle against the imposed arbitra- tion, prohibition of strikes, etc. (Fascist “Labor” Code), against the | reaction of the government and the yellow labor leaders, these oppor- tunists propose an attitude of “passivity” to be adopted by the Party. All their arguments tended to a liquidation of the Party. They refuse to see the radical changes in the situation of the coun- try, the counter-revolutionary character of the bourgeoisie, the sys- tematic fascist persecutions, etc. They interpret this last as “in- dividual” acts not having the pressure from the center (Government). Another grotesque opportunist line brought forth by these allies of | the reaction is their proposal to make an alliance with the so-called | petty-bourgeois group represented by Denegri. Denegri is the co- author of the “Labor” Code! It is interesting to take the case of every one of these four rene- gades in order to point out the necessity of a merciless struggle against cpportunism in our brother party. The “theoretician” of this right wing group, Fritz Bach, a strong | supporter of Lovestone for a long time in the American Party question, has come out with a monstrous falsification of Leninism. He main- tained at the Plenum that the Communist Party of Mexico must make an alliance with the national bourgeoisie for national independence and against imperialism. The Party, taking a true Leninist position, re- jected this line. While the Communist Party in a colonial or semi- colonial country makes a temporary alliance with the petty-bourgeoisie if the latter will really fight for national independence and against imperialist, such conditions do not exist in Mexico today. The bourgeoisie, including the petty-bourgeoisie, in alliance with the reactionary feudal landowners, forms a solid counter-revolutionary. bloc fighting for American imperialism and against the workers and peasants. This petty-bourgeois, opportunits ideology of Mr. Bach is reflected in his personal attitude towards the Party in refusing—when ordered by the Party—to leave the lucrative position he is holding in the Department of Labor of the Meican government. His answer was: “I think I can best serve the working class by keeping the job.” LIVED BOURGEOIS LIFE; INCURABLE Diego Rivera accepted a government appointment as Director of the School of Beaux Arts, without the consent of the Party. He refused to make a public denouncement of the government and to sever his friendly relations with the Vasconcelistas (supporting the bourgeois | candidate Vasconelos). He stated that because he is accustomed to lead a bourgeois life it would be impossible to continue being a member of the Party, that he made a mistake by entering the Party. Luis G. Monzon accepted an appointment of the government as “labor” attache to the Mexican Ambassy in Berlin. He leaves Mexico to take the position in defiance of Party orders. The fourth opportunist leader, Reyes Perez, puts himself at the head of a “Rubio-for-President” group in the state of Jalisco, a true fascist organization. Rubio is Ambassador Morrow’s choice to succeed Portes Gil. Perez also sold himself to the government and American imperialism by accepting the position of Secretary of the Department of Labor of the state of Jalisco, These traitors and renegades were expelled from the Party. The expelled opportunists have developed a theory of exceptional- ism which. brings them in line with Lovestone and his group. The refusal to see the growing radicalization of the masses in Mexico brought them to the conclusion of adopting a “passive” attitude. No perspective for intensified struggle against imperialist oppression. On the contrary, they propose an alliance with the oppressors. Like the renegades of our Party in the United States, they fight the Party at a time when the blackest reaction.is sweeping the country, when perse- cutions, jailings and assassinations are being conducted against the militant leaders, 4 The struggle against opportunism in the Mexican Party is part of our general struggle against the International right wing. The Mexican Party feels that by purging itself from the opportunist elements, it strengthens itself and enables the Party to go ahead with its struggle against the fascist terror, to mobilize the workers and peasants to fight the future battles of the proletarian revolution. MARTIAL LAW November, 1914, saw Egypt under martial law and a rigorous censorship. While Egypt was assured that her part in the war would be that of a neutral, in effect her labors were conscripted, her native troopers and products were used and put to war purposes. At the close of the war the allied propaganda in relation to the rights of small nations prompted the proposals of an Egyptian dele- gation under Zaghlul to go to London and put the case for Egyptian independence. Passports were refused and Zaghlul and three other members of the Wafd were arrested and dported to Malta on March 8, 1919. Followed then the Allies’ recognition of the British seizure of Egypt; then extensive rioting broke out all over Egypt and British and Australian troops were used to suppress the agitation of these simple Egyptians who had taken seriously the Allies’ cant about “self- determination.” Parliamentary government has since been granted and revoked several times and last year—July—the Egyptian parliament was sus- pended for three years. Within a few weeks of this suspension hun- dreds of newspapers were suppressed ,meetings of the Wafd (National- ist Party) were prohibited and a complete dictatorship was established. PUPPETS OF IMPERIALISM The chief puppets of Great Britain in Egypt are at present King Fuad and Mahmoud Pasha, the prime minister. The last-mentioned | is to appear before the reassembl: Egyptian parliament in two months’ | OF BREAD “phe City of Bread” by Alexander TRANSLATED. FROM THE RUSSIAN from Reprinted, by permission, Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. RANDFATHER died, grandmother died, then father. There waq only Mishka left, with his mother and two little brothers. Thq youngest, four years old, the middle one, eight. Mishka himself wat twelve. The younger ones were little good-for-nothings. One kept crying for porridge, the other whittled away at the weathercock te make a horse to play with. Their mother was weak from hunger, When she went down to the river for water, she could scarcely drag herself home again. She wept and would eep tomorrow, but hunger had no pity. First they carried mujiks to the graveyard singly; then two at a time. Uncle Michael died, Aunt Marya died. In every house they were layin out the dead. There used to be horses and cows; but they had been eaten; now people were beginning to catch the dogs and the cats. It set Mishka thinking. The family was large, but workers few. He himself was the only responsible one. And had not his father said to him before he died: .» Mishka, now you will be the head of the house... .” Mishka went out into the street; the mujiks were talking about Tashkent. Bread was very cheap there, only gettnig there was hard. Two thousand versts away, Two thousnad versts back. Without money it could not be done: you had to pay for your itcket, you had to pay for yout pass. Mishka stood there listening for a long time, then he asked: “Could a boy go there too?” 4 “What, do you want to go?” “And what if I do? I could crawl into a corner somewhere and nobody’d see me.” f The mujiks laughed. “No, Mishka, you’d better stay home. A young one like you would never Set back alive. Keep on growing five yaers more, and then go.” But Mishka was not impressed. He saw it before him—Tash- kent, the City of Bread—and was unafraid. When he began to feel _ a little timid, he reassured hmself: “You can try it, can’t you, you’re not a girl. If no one gives you break on the way, you can hire yourself out. The whole summer long you have been doing the plowing in father’s place, and you know about harnessing horses, too. You may be small, but there are not many big fellows can beat you at work.” eae See went around deep in thought. He could not get it out of his head—Tashkent, the City of Bread. He tried ot picture it: But People would see it two thousand versts—not so far. A long way on foot, yes. sitting in the train you fly there in three days. was a young one sitting there, they would say: “Let him be, Com- rades, that’s Mishka, a famine child. What’s there to him anyway? Half a pood, ra&s and all.” If they chased him out of the car, he could hold out two days up on the roof of the train. He had climbed up trees after rooks’ nests, and that was worse than roofs, but he had never fallen out... . He caught sight of his friend Serioshka Karpukhin, a year young er than himself. Good. “Let’s go together.” “Where?” eeeeeeee “To Tashkent for bread. It’s more fun with you. If anything happens t oyou, I’ll stick by you. If anything happens to me, you'll stick by me. Anyway, there si nothing to eat round here.” Seroshka was doubtful. “And if it rains?” “The rain is warm in summer.” “And if the soldiers chase us?” We'll keep out of their way.” Serioshka was not convinced. then he said: He picked his nose reflectively, “No, Mishka, we'd never get there.” . Mishka swore: ee ee “We'll get there, by God, only don’t be afraid. There are Red Army soldiers all over now, they won't chase us away, They'll see we're famine children, and they’ll giv eus bread.” “But we're only little, we'll get frightened.” Mishka began arguing it out with him. They weren’t so little. It ddin’t hurt, Serioshka being younger. Mishka would look out for everythnig himself: he’d find places in the train, he’d do all the begging for both, hell, they weren’t girls! Suppose things didn’t go so well, they could stand it. If they did get chased off the train, it wasn’t so terrible with two of them together. They would stay some- where till morning, then go a little way on foot. Then they would crawl into a car again as soon as the conductor wasn’t looking. “And when will be get back?” asked Serioshka. “We'll get back soon. Four days there, four days back, at most. We'll each of us get together twenty pounds of bread nad that’s all... so it-won’t be too heavy... .” Serioshka’s eyes sparkled with joy. “T could carry a pood!” “You won’t have to have a pood. They take it away if you have a lot. Better take a couple more trips once we know the way.” “Don’t let’s tell anyone, Mishka.” “All right! You'll know and me, and nobody else. Koshka and Vanka would want to come along, and they’re even scared of rabbits. How far would we get with them!” “And you're not afraid?” “Why should I be afraid? Why, I’d even go to the graveyard at (To be Continued.) midnight.” t It intention to submit the treaty for approval by hit countryme The treaty is said to represent the last word of th MacDonald government on the Egyptian question. UNIONISM IN EGYPT Unionism did not commence until 1919. It developed in the face of tremendous obstacles. Yet in 1920 there were 38 unions in Cairo, 33 in Alexandria, 18 in the canal zone and six in provincial centers. j The Egyptian socialist party was formed in 1920. In 1921 it was instrumental in calling into existence a @onfederation of Labor. The Egyptian Communist Party was formed from the socialist party in 1922, As soon as the Zaghlul government came into office in 1924 it commenced a series of attacks against this party, crushed it out of existence, made it illegal and gave all its leaders long terms of imprisonment. The Egyptian worker has but a short union history, yet in that short time he has shown a formidable militant spirit. On one occasion, the strike at the cement works at Maasareh, the unionists seized the factory where they were employed, and although police were sent to dislodge them the strikers showed such a determined attitude that the company entered into negotiations with them. The Confederation of Labor has been dissolved, hundreds of mem- bers of unions belonging to it have been sacked. Persecution has fol- lowed on persecution, making the work of trade unionism almost im- possible, Conditions were on the down grade until 1927, when a fresh series of strikes pulled them up a little. Wages for highly paid clerks and skilled workers are £5 to £8 per month, and for factory workers on to four shillings per day for a working day of 8 to 14 hours. Should the treaty be accepted the growth of the working class movement’ will probably frighten the Egyptian bourgeoisie into amiable relations with imperialism; this will ensure the help of the noble white race HS coupneeate he “restoring order” when necessary. e treaty is not accepted the noble white “restore order” without an invitation, ee \