The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 9, 1929, Page 4

as: DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1929 Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Inc... Daily, except rk City, N. "DAIWORK.” | Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co | Publiisday: at 20-36, Union Square, New | ‘Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cabi | : SUBSCRIPTION RATES: | Ni York only): BY sia sin, nor 752.50 three monthe | 8 year $4.50 six months Beevers By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year $8.60 six months $2.u0. three months Adéress and mai! all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square. New York, N. ¥. i A. ———OOO | Another Attempt to Lynch Gastonia Leaders HE hirelings of the Manville-Jenckes concern in Gastonia have ‘made another attempt to stage a lynching of the or- ganizetsof the National Textile Workers Union. The com- mittee of one hundred, composed of mill superintendents, foremen, thugs, gunmen and the general riff-raff serving as leaders of the strike-breaking and scab-herding forces of the textile mill barons, attempted yesterday to lynch organi- zers of the union who were on their way to address meetings of mill workers. This is the identical gang that instigated the attack on the. tent colony June 7th when the strikers defended them- selves against the murderous police attack. The police were sent in to blaze the trail by disarming the strikers in the tent colony so that the “committee of one hundred” could come in and exterminate the unarmed, defenseless workers. Only the resistance of the strikers prevented the consummation of that lynching plot. The indictments and the trial of the Gastonia defendants was calculated to stop the movement for a general struggle against the stretch-out (speed-up), lengthening of hours, and wage cuts: Instead of terrorizing the members and organi- zers of the new union, the attack of the bosses, spurred the workers to more determined action, to more intensive work of mobilization for the Charlotte Conference that will be held Octber 12th and 13th. This conference and the Miners’ con- ference to be held in Charlestown, W. Va., constitute a genuine threat to the southern industrialists. The indus- trialists of the “new South” are financed:by the big bankers, which means Wall Street. Hence the imperialist ruling class of the United States is directly concerned with the sup- pression of the drive against rationalization of industry in the South. It was only a fortunate combination of circumstances that enabled.the organizers to defeat the attempt to lynch them on Sunday. As the struggle progresses such attacks will grow. in fury and intensity. This again brings to the forefront in the most urgent form, the necessity of strong workers defense organizations that will be able to beat off the attacks of the lynchers. The-organizers in.the Southern field are fully aware of the necessity of workers’ defense forces, as was evidenced by the fact that three meetings were held later in the day yes- terday that were free from molestation by the “committee of one hundred” simply because adequate precautions for de- fense had been taken to meet the murderous bands. | In this fight against the most relentless terrorism the workers of the South who daily face the blood-thirsty mobs must-have the support of the class conscious workers of the entire country. The least that we can do is to aid with funds to carry on the fight. Incentive Under Soviets af [poate for capitalism never tire of boasting of the unexainpled opportunities for development of individual talents under the wages system of wealth production. We are constantly regaled with sombre predictions that under so- cialism all incentive would vanish and everyone would sink to one dead level. Such propagandists for capitalism have the happy faculty of ignoring the millions of talented chil- dren of ‘workers whose abilities are blighted because the struggle for the most meagre necessities of life absorbs all their energies. & crushing refutation of the slanders against Com- -munism was delivered the other day at the Congress of Psychology at Yale University, New Haven, Conn., by Pro- fessor I. Speilrein of Moscow University, director of the So- viet State Institute of Psychology. The Moscow savant ex- plained ‘how intelligence tests are being conducted en-masse in the Ukraine and that special provisions are made for talented persons to develop their abilities to the fullest pos- sible extent. Such persons are relieved of the necessity of struggling for a living and are encouraged to devote their full time to developing their individual talents in order that they may be more useful members of society, and help.raise the general cultural average of the Soviet Union. This ‘incident: should be kept in mind by revolutionists for uge the next time some pompous ignoramus repeats the capitalist lie‘about destruction of incentive’under Soviets. ‘Army: -Prisoners From Leavenworth to Build War Barracks at “Jay” Transferred from ‘the “repressive discipline -of: the: military jail at Fort Leavenworth, Kan, 125 army prisoners were immediately ordered on work gangs to complete the new barracks on t\ arrive’ at Fort Island yesterday. the ‘effects of worse overcrowding mi the diseases which accompany The Kansas soldiers were trans- ferred in accordance with the new policy of forcing Federal prisoners to undergo the hardships of military prker The Internalional Situation and Tasks of ! the Communist International | s S ¥ i Report af Comrade Kuusinen ‘ The Sinking of the Standard of Living of the Working Class. | The question of compensation for increased intensity by raising wages is connected with the following question. It is said in our Draft Theses that capital rationalization is lowering the standard of living of the working class. Comrade Varga, who in his pamphlet published for the Sixth World Congress (“Economy in the Period of Capitalist | Decline After Stabilization”) has given due prominence to the inten- | sification of labor in the capitalist rationalization and has also drawn | a line between this and increased productivity, has objected in the Presidium to our assertion re the lowering of the standard of living of the working class through capitalist rationalization. Well, I think that in this very place we might as well declare that capitalist ration- alization brings with it an absolute worsening of the position of the working class (interjection: hear, hear!). But I also think that what is said in our draft resolution is also correct. One can speak of the absolute worsening of the position of the working class. even when real wages are rising, namely, in the sense as Marx says in the first part of “Capital,” that “in proportion as capital accumulates, the lot of the laborer, be his payment high or low, must grow worse.” (Page 708.) This was Marx’s view. But one can also defend the assertion of our draft, provided one understands correctly the formulation. Comrade Varga’s proposal in regard to this point is, however, quite | unacceptable, He would like to replace our formulation by the follow- ing words: capitalist rationalization “reduces their share (the share of the workers, K.) in their own product.” Yes, the capitalist rationali- zation certainly does this, capitalist development has always done this. Not this, but something more is the question here. Firstly: the standard of living of the working class certainly in- cludes also the standard of living of the unemployed. Comrade Varga himself laid stress, and rightly so, on the enormous significance of mass unemployment in the United States and in several other coun- tries. Can he have forgotten now this important fact? Secondly: I would like to ask Comrade Varga a question: if the wage is lower than the value of the labor power, would this mean a lower standard of living for the workers or not? I think the answer is yes. It is in this sense that we have understood the matter and have’ written about it. This reduction of wages below the value of labor power, is no doubt the,rule under capitalist rationalization. Comrade Varga identifies standard of living entirely with “real wage” in the narrowest sense of the word, and there is an end of it. Let us assume that what he asserts is true: that the “real wage” of the workers is raised and not lowered through capitalist rationaliza- tion. There is no certainty about this, but even if it were so, is this a proof that in reality the wage does not sink below the value of the labor power? (Interjection: Considerably below!) According to Marx, the wage rise means an actual reduction of the wage below the value of the labor power, “if the increased wear and tear of labor power, inseparable from a lengthened working day, be not compensated by higher wages.” Moreover, one must not overlook that, according to the normal average duration, or from the normal duration of life among the laborers, and from corresponding normal transformation of organized bodily matter into motion.” (Capital, vol, 1, p. 577- 578.) Well, this is taken into consideration in our resolution. But is | it taken into consideration in the capitalist practice? It is not. Mono- polist capital enforces not only monopolist prices for goods but also monopolist prices for labor (only in the opposite direction), it en- forces the reduction of the price of labor power below its value, Ap- preciation of surplus profit in this latter manner takes place especially through capitalist rationalization, through the enormous intensification | of labor. Comrade Varga declares that in America the “real wage” shows a tendency to rise, but he does not investigate how big or how small the rise is, although such an investigation would have made him real- ize that the standard of living of the workers is not rising in reality. | In his above-mentioned pamphlet he gives, moreover, the following very strange explanation: “The expenditure of labor power enforced by the conveyor system is only possible if there be proper feeding and a relatively short working day, otherwise the worker collapses in the place of employment itself. Just as cattle are better fed when they work very hard, capitalism is compelled to give the human auto- maton who are working with unprecedented intensity, more food and more rest than before.” This sounds very plausible, especially as Comrade Varga refers in a footnote to Marx(!). Nevertheless it is untrue, or it is at the utmost a half truth. True is the statement that cattle are as a rule better fed when they have to work very hard. But the workers’ misfortune lies precisely in the fact that under. capitalism they are not in as lucky a position as cattle, their food is not increased pro- portionately with the intensity of their labor. As to the quotation from Marx, it can hardly be said to confirm Varga’s assertion concerning the necessity of a wage rise, because there isn’t a single word about wages in the quotation. Moreover, this quotation is the only place in Marx’s works (as far as I know) which in my opinion, requires now, in the light of the capitalist rationalization, I will not say revision, but a certain amount of compensation (although I am not quite certain if a Red professor would not be able to ferret out some sentence in Marx’s works as a proof that Marx had even taken the effect of the conveyor system into consideration). The Intensification of Labor and the Growth of Mass Unemployment. This is what Marx says: “Nevertheless the reader will clearly see, that where we have labor, not carried on by fits and starts, but repeated day Building a Communist Party which became patriotic during pa By I. AMTER. were | the intensity of labor to go beyond a certain point in relation to the | shows that our struggle for higher wages and especially for the shorten- | after day with unvarying uniformity, a point must inevitably be reached, where extension of the working day and intensity of the labor mutually exclude one another, in such a way that lengthen- ing of the working day becomes compatible only with a lower degree of intensity, and, a higher degree of intensity, only with a shortening of the working day.” (‘“Capital,” vol. 1, p. 447.) Substantially, this is still correct. The point where intensification of labor and extension of the working class collide or mutually exclude one another, can still be reached, except that through capitaist ra- tionalization this point has been pushed much further and deeper. The conveyor system determines the degree of the intensity of labor; once fixed, the tempo of labor no longer depends on the smaller or | greater individual capacity of the laborer. Eithey he can keen pace or he cannot. If he can, he must work exactly at the fixed tempo; if he cannot, away he goes, he is no longer a laborer for the given enterprise, he is a labor corpse which is replaced by another laborer. | This is the meaning of capitalist rationalization: the Juggernaut of capitalism is capable of crushing the generation of laborers much more rapidly than before. This Marxist analysis of new phenomena corresponds entirely with the general tendencies of capitalism shown by. Marx. “The self-destruc- tive intensity of labor” which he has describéd, has become to a great extent the order of the day through capitalist “rationalization.” Com- rade Varga himself quotes in his pamphlet the following very char- acteristic remark of Professor During: “The performance will remain at this point (when fatigue sets in) the same as before—the laborer is not all conscious of the state of fatigus” (this is a gross exaggeration, K.) “neither can it be obj tively proved, as the performance has remained the same. ... The gradual increase of the hardness of the work is not felt by the laborer himself because it is such a very gradual process. . . . Some slight ailment can, however, suddenly reveal the state of the laborer, or he himself will begin to see as time goes on ‘that he can no longer get along.’ . . . This impossibility to recognize the creeping process of exhaustion is one of the saddest facts which baffles any scientific limitation(?) of admissible labor intensity.” Well, if even the scientists of capitalism experience difficulties in limiting “admissible labor intensity,” the capitalists themselves have certainly no occasion to limit the intensity of labor. Formerly, it was | to’a certain extent in the interest of the employer himself not to allow length of the working day. Now “rationalization” gives him more liberty to work the laborers to death. The very heart-blood of the laborer is sucked out for the sake of profit. Hence also the enormous mass unemployment. It is just as Marx has said: “The condemnation of the working class to enforced idleness through the overtime of the other section and vice versa, becomes to the individual capitalist a means for enriching himself.” (Free translation, Tr) And in this connection Marx adds in regard to Great Britain: “If labor in general were to be limited tomorrow to a rational ‘proportion, and if ‘t were graduated for the various sections of the working class according to age and sex, the available work- ing population would not suffice for the continuance of the na- tional production at its present rate.” (Free translation, Tr.) One can see in what sense Marx understands real’ rationalization. But rationalization in this sense is to be found only in the Soviet Union where it is possible through the dictatorship of the proletariat. * All this is extremely important to us in our practical work. It ing of the working day has gained in importance since the introduction of capitalist rationalization. One can see how obsolete is our former slogan of the 8-hour day. One can also see the importance of explain- ing correctly and concretely to the mass of the workers the enormous worsening of the position of the working class as a result of capitalist rationalization, of bring it clearly home to them. It is to the credit of Comrade Varga that he has laid the necessary | stress not only on the importance but also on the new character of the present mass unemployment in the United States, Great Britain and Germany. Certainly, it has already become a general law of capitalist accumulation that, the greater the progress of the concentration and centralization of capital, the greater the growth of the industrial re- serve army. But one cannot explain by this alone the present volume of mass unemployment. I cannot agree with Comrade Varga’s attempt to construct a general law or a general tendency out of the absolute diminution of the number of laborers. But inasfar as he establishes a casual connection between the enormous growth and the chronic char- acter of mass unemployment in the capitalist world in the last 5 years and capitalist rationalization, as well as the relative tightness of the export markets of the respective capitalist countries, he is certainly right. The unemployed reserve army for the contemporary American, British and German capitalism must certainly be big, but that it should be as big as is actually the case, exceeds already the limits of what is in the interest of the profits of the capitalism of the respective countries. Unemployment as a means of bringing down the wages of the em- ployed, is alluring to the capitalists who are out for profits, but beyond, this enormous numbers of unemployed who do not create surplus value for years, is not at all as it should be. These laborers are after all “their” laborers, laborers of capitalism, but they no longer create sur- plus value, and this is not as it should be. This is a serious sign of the crisis of capitalism. (To be Continued) the situation”as it has developed, of which the Party is taking advan- tage; or does not understand what I. W. W. have been exposed in theory and practice by the Communist | | FESS pressed her case desperately. AT THE TENTH PLENUM OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMINTERN | | wind. | the lock, the heavy dungeon door slid back, disclosing iron bars. Through To many Party comrades who wit- ness the present situation, with a new opposition to the Party, with |the Trotzkyites out only a short time, with croppings-up of dis- gruntled, non-Communist elements in the Party from time to time—the period of 1919 to 1929 may appear as one leading to disintegration rather than to consolidation of Com- munist forces. They may prestfme that instead of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. making progress, it actually is going backward. As a first indication of our pro- gress, we have but to look at the struggles which the Party is leading, struggles in which Party members are participating, struggles that the Party is taking part in, and the splendid anti-war movement that the Party is leading. We have but to look at the movement which the Party is creating in that part of the country which was unknown to the Party a short time ago—the South. Ten years ago, the moving spirit of the Party was a revolt against the treachery of the socialist party —the socialist party which betrayed the American workers, despite the jails. The Leavenworth peniten- tiary—wiicee prisoners include John; will-fdrm part of fact that the convention at St. Louis adopted a resolution against war; lefenise””.for the next ” With the Fort Jay roll now total-| Mx about 500, the jailed men face| Portér, soldié: “who: deserted to or-!which followed the line of the ganize in the New Bedford textile! Second International in its treachery strike—is one of the first to be|against the working class; which used under the scheme, repudiated the Russian Revolution; Still in the ranks of the left wing, which formed to take control of the socialist Party, there was sharp fac- tionalism. The formation of two Communist Parties—the Communist Pafty and the Communist Labor Party, with a petty dispute between them—but a dispute which was mag- nified into a major difference—the difference between “mass action” and “action of the masses!” This showed the childishness of the Communist movement—a move- ment that endeavored to be “abso- lutely pure” theoretically, but for- got the more important matter of unity on the fundamental questions. After a sharp factional struggle, the parties were united, to be split once more—this continuing till 1922, when at last. unity was effected. Unity has remained—with attempts to break this unity occurring from time to time. Groupings formed in the Party, built partly on principle, partly on tradition, partly on acci- dental: associations. These group- ings remained intact, with few de- fections, till the decision of the Comintern. Now everything is in flux; groups have disappeared, new leadership is being created out of the struggle, Looking back on the ten years, any comrade who would aver that the Party’ has not gone forward, is either not alive to the struggles in which the Party is involved, and to the development and growth of a Party means, There is not a contin- ual steady growth upward. There are ups and downs with the level always rising. The treason of lead- ers of the Party is not always a loss; in the case of the American Party it has been a gain. The Party learns from this treason; it corrects its mistakes; it makes the necessary organizational changes and continues the march forward. The Party’is able to do so, owing to the existence of the Communist International. A Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe—like a Cannon before them —expected praise from the Commu- nist International for their betrayal of Communist principle. The Communist International does not operate on such basis. The Comintern has its principles, and those who do not conform to these principles, need not recall the days when they shone in the Comintern, when they were following the line of the Comintern. When they de- part from the decisions of the Com- intern, and defy and challenge the Comintern, then the Communist In- ternational turné its glaring search- lights and destructive guns upon them—lights that disclose them to ‘the ‘working class in their garb of traitors—guns that demolish them in the eyes of the working class. Togay the socialist Party and the Party; they stand as open traitors of the working class, not only in their opposition to the Russian Revo- lution, but to every day needs of the working class. True, they play a part in mobilizing petty-bourgeois elements, thereby getting a Hold on certain sections of the working class. But in this day of keen struggle, with the American working class be- ing forced to action, with the acute danger of war, their party—partic- ularly of the socialist party—is and will. be mobilization against the working class, against the Revolu- tion. The unmasking of the socialists, the A, F, of L. and all social reform- ers is one of the main tasks of the Communist Party—a task in_ the performance of which it has earned some laurels. Today, the Com- munist 1 arty is deeply hated by the capitalist class, the capitalist gov- ernment, the socialist party and all reformists. Today there is only one name that they can use to demon- strate their fear and their hate—and that is Communist—Bolshevik! To have earned this hatred is a sign that the Communist Party has moved forward—despite factional- ism, despite errors, despite personal pettiness, which have hurt the Party. The Party has grown, and by the very shuffling off of unhealthy ele- ments, demonstrates its inherent strength, Ye Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henrl Barbusse, | published and copyrighted by E. P. Dutton & Co. Inc, New York, } With threatening voice, she talked of creating a public scandal; then, she tried imploring, and knelt and wept before the monster. The incredible happened. After long hesitation, yielding to some reason or other (not pity, in any case), the high offiical changed front. He blurted: out, “You shall see him, devil take you! and talk with him for three’ minutes.” Holding the paper which opened locks and bolts for a few moments, she walked down a long black passage where the walls-shed an icy In this endless passage, the gaoler stopped, the key ground in these bars, at last her eyes could see. His clothes. were torn, his beard had grown. He was crouching on his wooden bed, and the first thing that Lenutza noticed was that the faint light let into the cell. from the dark passage by the opening door had dazzled him like the sun. The prisoner’s face wore a wild look. Clearly, this was no longer a | normal man; six years of torture in darkness had shattered his mind. On an impulse, Lenutza held out her hand to him through the bars, but she was drawn violently back by the gaoler. For some moments she stood there, unable to speak or cry. At last however, she spoke: “Comrade Boujor, I have come to greet you in the name of our friends.” “ ‘ * THELION. | «PD you know Todor?” He put his hand down on the papers we had been reading together. We were in a cafe. “Yes. He was a man.” “What was he like?” “He was a man. . . . I was a comitadji with Todor Panitza at one time: but he was a Voyevode, It was this way. We had been sent—a full tcheta—into the Drama district, by the Pirine Congress. This was in 1904, Drama—you might guess it—was the dirtiest dis- trict in Macedonia: Turkish oppression, Greek propaganda, big land- owners all for the Greeks and traitors at that, and a network of spies everywhere. All this on top of the pove®ty-stricken peasants’ ‘shoul- ders. To cheer us up, the chaps said, “When you're back, we'll come to meet you, but you won’t come back any more!’ “We had two years of it, my boy. Not bad for a band of comitadjis, eh? And all because the Voyevode was a proper mari. He began by spreading a nice little panic among the tyrants and traitors and spies —gave them a nasty knock or two. The Kamburovs, for instance; he wasn’t exactly soft with them (though even in that black’ family there were some innocent ones whom he spared), When it came to Yanchuglu, they told him, ‘Go ahead, polish him off.” But. he pre- ferred talking with him, quiet like—explained as how he hadn’t taken on a job killing Turks and Greeks and Bulgarians; oh no! What he was after was to unite them against the Turkish oppression, being the friend of the long-suffering Macedonians. So Yanchuglu was won over to the side of the poor peasants; Oroomuglu too, Bolgurev too. Big nuts they were, all three of them, in Macedonia, . 8 « “JE didn’t go about killing right and left, old Todor. A lion, that’s what he was, not a cannibal. Domir Aga, for instance, the high and mighty bey of Karliakova, he would not put him to: death, for all the snivellings of the good old shepherds, ‘Kill him,’ they begged. And the reason he gave for sparing this worthless bit o’ nothing was, ‘He can improve himself in other ways than that,’ “I remember the day when, out in the fields, we fell right on top of a bunch of Turkish reapers from Bozdag. You should. have. seen their faces when they say us stout lads popping. up... Well, we gave them back their revolvers, even though they. were Turkish reapers, and their bread, even though we were blasted hungry.. Well, nnxt day, some Turkish gendarmes happened to fall in with these same Turkish reapers, and took their revolvers from them, and their bread, and what’s more, left the marks of the butt-ends of their rifles all over them. Result: The reapers came in to swell our ranks, and got fiercer even than us on the good work. “The ideas Todor used to hatch up in his head! You or I would never have dreamed of them. So it was he said to the. peasants, ‘Don’t let the beys and the big landowners or the profiteers make money out of you! Hide the best of your harvest!’ This they did. And so the crops could be bought by the peasants for a low price instead of being taken away by the rich plunderers; this trick actually ruined them and forced them to sell their lands to the peasants. “In fact, if you want the right word for it, he was educating. them. When he nabbed anyone and had them up against a corners he used to talk to them: ‘You,’ he’d say, ‘you don’t know any better;you're just a fool. We'll let you live. But you, you're hook Jearned, yet you plunder and profiteer: you’re going to get it hot.’ “And so at last, folks said, ‘So- that’s what comitadjis, these so-called robbers?’ “‘Yes,’ we said, ‘that’s what we are.’ STODOs Panitza was the life and soul of the independent movement in Macedonia, This is well known, but can’t too often be re- peated. He was the god that inspired it. In the Serres province, and all over the place, they called him the incarnation of their national freedom. But as everyone—you, for instance—knows, the Macedonian Revolutionary Committee, led by Alexandrov, Panitza and Protoguerov, split up into several groups; the Autonomists with Protoguerov at their head became the agents of the Bulgarian imperialist government. -“That’s how it came about that Tchaoulevy was assassinated at Milan, Raiko Daskalov at Prague, and Alexandrov himself was mur- dered by Protogueroy. So then, the Autonomists went about saying, ‘We simply must kill Panitza.’ As “Easy enough to say, no doubt. how? ‘ “True, his daring deeds outnumbered the hairs on his head, and his story was an extraordinary one. But he knew how to look after himself, and now, living at Vienna, he kept his eyes open pretty wide. “A man like him, ready for everything that came, doubly quick through long practice, all nerves and aguacle, in perfect trim, you couldn’t go for him straight—it was madness to think of it.’ And play tricks with him! Why, you could no more do that than you could play tricks with a lion, a stronger animal than you and, before that, more cunning. ary Bai eae: “Well, among the shady crowd that hang round’'the ‘Bulyatian le- gations and ministries, feeding on secret funds which ¢ome from the taxpayers’ pockets, there was a piece called Mencia Karniciu. She was the daughter of a bankrupt money lender. This Karniciu woman was full of disease, and fuller still of ugliness; lean, pale, shrunk face; one of our chaps sized her up pretty neatly: ‘Just like a big white monkey,’ he said. ai “Pots of money she got, and detailed instructions from the Vien- nese Legation; to be more precise from one Antonov, whose name we must prick up here, for conscience’ sake. * “She got into Panitza’s family circle, worked her way in on pity, which was the cleverest lin2 to take with the mighty and invincible Voyevode, f(Qne day, she bought tickets for the theatre and said, ‘I’ve been given tickets,’ ; “They all went: Panitza, his wife, a henchman that never left his side, and the she-assassin. “She had taken a box at the Burg-theatre. ; “While they were doing Peer Gynt—you know, a musical. play with a storm in it—the time came’ when the stage and the house were darkened. Gloom all of a sudden, with thunder and lightning flashes. “You can guess how they were sitting in the box. Panitza here; his faithful companion beside him. The woman, behind. She took the revolver out of her handbag. But for the storm scene she couldn't have done it. With her two first shots, she broke both arms of the henchman, fired again at Panitza, rose, escaped. “While Panitza lay dying, the henchman kicked open the box-door, which had slammed to, with one mighty kick, and dashed after the Karniciu woman, both arms swinging useless. They caught her some- where near the exists. “You saw her yourself in court; a ghastly picture of disease and degradation; the band of secret agents and detectives round her, as she lay on the stretcher, nurses bustling about, playing their farce; full of venom and hypocrisy, acting the double part of the dying: lib- erator who cannot stand—crammed with gold as she was by the diplo- matic flunkeys of Tsankov, and soul far rottener than body.” When my companion had said his say, in one of our big newspapers: “Marcia Karniciu, sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment at Vien- na, has been released on account of ill-health. She had an enthusiastic reception in Bulgaria, and attended a great many meetings, where she was hailed as the Charlotte Corday of Bulgaria.” This is the way history is made and remade; this, too, the way tt is written, ‘Tomorrow: cay they are, eh, these But how kill him, heavens above, Translated by Brian Rhys MYS E L FE | if he showed mea paragraph |