The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 19, 1929, Page 6

al t/ “ings and demonstrations. e a ae ~ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, AUGUST 19, 1929 MacDONALD: “11 YOUR SERVICE, SIR.” Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Published by the, Comprodaily Publishing Co, Ine. Daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New Yor' Aa Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-1-8, Cable: “DAIWORK* SUBSCRIPTION RATES rs Mail (in New York only): PY tO siz. months $2.50 thre By Mail (outside of New York): $3.50 six months $2.00 three months nd mai] all checks to thé Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. ray months $8.00 a year The Sharpening of the Imperialist Offensive Against the Soviet Union HE KELLOGG PACT, originally conceived, a year ago, for the two-fold purpose of trying to establish yankee leadership of world reaction and as a counter-blast against the Soviet proposals for complete and immediate world di armament, is now being utilized to mobilize the capitalist world against the one-sixth of the inhabitable globe under the crimson banners of the Soviet Union. Let no one be so stupid as to imagine that the announce- ment Saturday of the appeal of China to the imperialist pow- ers charging the Soviet Union with violation of the Kellogg pact was the independent action of the Chinese government, the butchers of their own working class. The Chinese bandit government is only the mask behind which the government of the United States and other imperialist powers hide in order to strike a blow against the workers’ and peasants’ state. This manouver was necessary because the first stages of the conspiracy were carried out with such effrontery that the workers of the whole world instantly drew the correct political implication—that the aggressor was not the Soviet Union, but the Chinese and Russian white-guardist flunkeys of imperialism. It is an atempt to establish “moral” justifi- cation for the powers openly aligning their armed forces on the side of China in the Far East and invading the western boundaries of the Soviet Union from Finland, Poland and Roumania. The Chinese bandit government that has proved its com- plete servility to imperialism by the betrayal of the Chinese revolution and the systematic mass murder of the Chinese workers and peasants, is now entrusted with the job of acting as spear head for the imperialist offensive against the work- ers and peasants of the Soviet Union. In face of the most extreme provocation the Soviet Union has avoided any action that would result in open warfare. More than 3,000 Soviet citizens have been deprived of work as a result of the bandit seizure of the Chinese Eastern Rail- way, 1,500 have been arrested and thrown in jail, while hun-” dreds have been tortured and many killed. Russian ezarist white guards and Chinese mercenaries have invaded Soviet soil and shot Red Army soldiers in the Soviet border patrol. This series of provocations and violence, culminating in actual invasion, has brought a condition of war. Against this series of infamies the Soviet Union will arise as one man and destroy the brigands. The only reply to those who dare in- vade the Soviet Union is annihilation and the valiant Red Army that has defended the revolution thus far, will know how to meet this offensive and, with the aid of the Chinese masses, turn it into a counter-offensive that will destroy the Kuomintang imperialist bandits. It is a defense of the working class of the whole world against the combined assaults of the capitalist class. It is the only fight worth the shedding of a single drop of working class blood. All class conscious workers in the capitalist world will fight with every weapon at hand against their own imperialist governments to defeat the attack on the Soviet Union. With the utmost confidence we tell the imperialist butch- ers that if they dare continue with this war against the Soviet Union it will end, not with a defeat of the Soviet Union but with a further extension of the Soviet system into the capitalist world. Threats to Shoot Communist Candidates epue forcible police suppression of a Communistecampaign meeting in Negro Harlem for the third time within one week emphasizes what we have said about the crooked com- bination of greedy landlords and corrupt Tammany politicians and police to prevent, if possible, the Negro masses hearing the fact about the old parties and the campaign platform of the Communists. The three raids on meetings and the arrests of Commu- nist candidates and speakers was accompanied by clubbing and other forms of violence. On Friday night the Tammany police went further than before and threatened to shoot Communist speakers the next time they appeared at the cor- ner of 138th Street and Seventh Avenue. Officer No. 5353 of the 32nd precinct made this threat to a number of Negro and white speakers and later, in the 54th Street Night Court presided over by Magistrate Brodsky, another policeman ad- mitted that he also threatened to shoot because he was afraid of a “riot” in that section. He was told by one of our candidates before Magistrate Brodsky that if there are any riots at Communist meetings in Harlem the provocative actions of the Tammany police will be responsible for them. Thus Tammany’s police not only break up meetings of their working class political op- ponents, but openly boast in the presence of Tammany courts that they did threaten to murder Communist speakers. The high-handed breaking up of meetings and assaults and arrests of speakers must cease. It is futile and foolish to have legalistic illusions about the kept courts living up to their own constitution when it comes to a question of free speech for the working class. The freedom of capitalist so- ciety extends only to those who defend the interests of the ruling class. We ourselves must create our own instruments of de- fense against such attacks. Only strong workers defense organizations that can protect our meetings against police assaults will establish our right to the streets for mass meet- esierteaten wae \ ae & By VERN SMITH. Previous articles have described how American capitalism utilizes | legally provided executioners to put out of existence labor leaders ob- noxious to it, invariably during gigantic class struggles, usually great strikes. A refinement on the method of capitalist rule has lately appeared, which consists in drawing | in labor lieutenants of capitalism as | assistants to the hangman. But today American capitalism is imperialist capitalism. The ruling oligarchy in the United States, which has its financial capital in New York, and its governmental reflec- tion, its political capital, in Wash- ington, has certain spheres of influ- ence, either actual at the moment, or intended. Mexico, in 1913 had under Diaz a government which was sold out to) U. S. industrialists. The fascist government in Italy came _ into power by grace of Morgan (See Washburne Child’s confessions) and certainly in 1927 was still tied with | chains of gold to the throne in Wall Street. The Rangel and Cline case, and_ the Grecco and Carillo case show | ithe U.S. imperial eagle on the wing, eager to strike whoe~er interferes. with its empire, either real or pros- pective. Rangel and Cline. | If the little group of Mexicans | |and one American who gathered in| Carrizo Springs, Texas, during the second week of September, 1913, had been American-owned fillibusters crossing the line to make Mexico safe for U. S. investments, they would have h d no trouble. They were, as it happens,, part of that considerable number of work- ers and peasants who thought the ‘slogan of the revolution in Mexico, “Lard and Liberty,” meant what it said. If they had ever taken a leading part in the Mexican revo- lution it might have meant more what it says. The leaders of the group were General Jesus M. Ran- gel, an old man, but reputed a mili- tary genius, an. Charles Cline, an American, an internationalist, and a leader in the food workers strikes of 1903-4, the machine shop strike on the Harriman lines, 1911; the Louisiana lumber workers strike, and various others. He was a mem- ber of Local 7 + the Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union of Pueblo, Colo., of th2 International Slate and Tile Workers Union, and of the I, W. W. Probably U. S. capitalism knew that Madero could be fooled; Obre- gon was not a deadly enemy; Oroz- co was unsound; Villa could be ‘driven into banditry; but Rangel and Cline—had to be stopped be- fore thcy got to Mexico, or Empire would have a harder fight there than it wanted. The little band left Carrizo Springs, Sept. 11, headed across the desert for the Mexican border, They camped that night at Capanes Wind Mill, Dimmit County, Following them were Sheriff Tom Gardner, City Marshall White, ex-Sheriff Eugene Buck, and an armed spy, Deputy Candelario Ortiz. * The sheriff's posse made no at- tempt to peacefully arrest the | Mexicans; indeed, these latter were breaking no Texan law. What the sheriff cid was 1» slip up close, and snipe Silvestre Lom- , one of Ran- Article 15—Rangel and Cline; Grecco and Carillo; The Frame-Up in Action gel’s men; shooting him through! the back of the head, and killing him.. The Mexicans made a rush, | captured Buck and Ortiz, letting Gardner and White get away. Governor Ferguson’s proclamation of pardon declares: . . “they were doing nothing more than what the immortal Travis, Bowie, Crockett, and their brave companions were The victors hurried with their | prisoners toward the border, intend- | ing to release them there, but on | Alamo. doing at the time they were cap- tured and were massacred at the If overthrowing the Mexi- the way, Ortiz attempted to over- | can government was not a crime power Jose Guerra, who was:guard-|then, then Charles Cline and his ing him, and was hot, companions had committed no Buck and Gardner gathered a|°T!™® — , posse made up of all the border; This is good logic, according to “bad men” they could find, and pur-| the forms of capitalist law. The jury sued. The posse was divided im two convicted Rangel and Cline and groups, one commanded by Gard-|their companions, of course, knew ner, and the other by Jess Campbell, | that the law was made for capi- G hrotlen in Tawar BuRe talism, and not capitalism for the Campbell caught up with the |/@W- They were not concerned with Mexicans first, and begged for Buck. |the law, except to use it as a weapon Campbell signed a solemn contract | #8ainst social Tevolutionists, rebels or treaty with Jesus Rangel, that who interfered with the progress of if Buck was released to him, the |©™Pite. Mexicans would march unmolested| There was very little outery to the border. Buck was released. | against the release of Rangel, Cline, In utter violation of the agree-| Cisneros, Vasquez, Perales and J. ment, the whole posse, including |Gonzales except from ex-Sheriff Buck himself, then attacked the{Buck, who had been making good | Mexicans near the border, and after |money from a fake movie of the| killing Juan Rincon, and badly | capture, called, order Bandits.” wounding Jose Abraham Cisneros | Buck had made 13 trips from Ca and Leonard L. Vasques, captured |2° Springs to Austin, the state capi- most of the others. They were pre- | paring to lynch them all when a troop of U. S. cavalry came up, and demanded the prisoners, When the captives were led into jail, they had to walk over the hang- man’s nooses already prepared for lynching them. T > grand jury in- | dicted them, and after several | changes of venue, they were tried in | San Antonio, before a judge who hated Mexicans, wanted to annex Mexico, and boasted that he had never had an acquittal in his court, There was no acquittal this time! either, though the first Cline jury disagreed. The Texan court thought it was merely beginning the work | of finishing off the Mexicans, whose | country was going to be annexed pretty soon anyway, and it had no| | mercy. The judge distributed sentences ranging from 5 to 99 years to Jesus M. Rangel, Charles Cline, Eugenio Alzalde, Jose Abraham Cisneros, Leonardo L. Vasquez, Domingo R. Rosas,-Bernardino Mendoza, Miguel P. Martinez, Luiz Mendoza, Pedro Perales, Lucio R. Ortiz, Jose Angel Serrato, Lino Gonzalez, and Jesus | Gonzalez. Then began their long martyrdom, with the prison guards seeking | eagerly during the first few years, for a chance to kill them. They did shoot and kill Alzalde and Eugenio | Ortiz. One was pardoned, two fin- ‘ished their sentencs, two escaped. The other stayed in prison, or were worked like draught stock on the Texas state farms until September 1926, when the combination of American propaganda needs in Mexico, Texas gubernatorial politics, which for the moment made the woman governor, “Ma” Ferguson in- sensitive to the larger requirements of American capital, and steady, persistent agitatién by the Interna- tional Labor Defense in the United States caused their pardon, 4 ‘counter. As a matter «7 fact, they | | were picked up dead after the fight. lini stood at attention, and they rena ot tal, to argue against pardon. Greco-Carillo Case. U. S. imperialism resorted to the pure and simple frame-up to assist | But the fascist detective, who knew | its friend, Mussolini, in 1927, in the | Greco and Carillo case, in New|Memorial Day, because of his part| York. This ‘s one case where the working class did itself proud, | there, stooped them, saying, “No, no, | where defense was managed most | don’t say that, we want this man| successfully, and with a speedy ac- | quittal as a recult. The case can be described quickly, it was won swiftly, as labor cases should be won—at the first trial, and before the first trial. Count Thaon di Revel, head of the Fascist League of North Ameri- ca, is an employee of Munds Win- slow & Co., bonds, and occupied himself with helping Morgan dis- | pose of some of the hundreds of millions of dollars worth of Italian securities he is floating for Musso- ini, The Fascist League of North America decided to march in the Memorial Day parade, May 30, 1927. A group of Bronx fascists, wearing their black shirts, riding breeches and caps armed with loaded canes and whips with steel in the lash, started for the station at 7:45 a. m, to come ‘owntown to the parade. Two of them, Joseph Carisi and the noble fascist spy, d’Ambro- soli, who used the alias Nicholas Amorroso when in America, collided with a couyile cf anti-fascists, and came off second best in the en- They were both “Squadr' too, selected gangsters, to do the dirtiest work for Mussolini. But the squad- risti, like other fascists murder best when they outnumber their victims about twenty to one. In a fair fight they're not so good. The anti- fascists escaped. The two dead squadristi were given royal honors in Italy, Musso- Imperialism Uses the Courts | were buried in silver coffins. Also, the word went out that somebody had to die in revenge. Il Popolo d'Italia, Mussolini’s of- ficial organ in Rome, demanded not that those who killed the squadristi |be found, but that an example be made of those “exercising criminal | propaganda against Italy.” U. S. Ambassador Fletcher, at Rome has- | tened to assure Dr. Di Marzio, gen- | eral secretary of fascist branches in foreign countries, that “every at- | tempt will be made to secure the | guilty to justice.” He said this after the jailing of Greco and Carillo, Greco and Carillo were arrested six weeks after the killing, at their jhomes in Brooklyn. Both were | clothing workers, and anti-fascists. Neither was very prominent, they were apparently picked to be used in a framed-ap conviction if bigger | game could not be secured. A real attempt was made to get hold of the outstanding leaders of | the anti-fascist movement in Ameri- |ca. On the day Greco and Carillo were seized, the police, accompanied by Thaon di Revel’s chief spy, the | detective Casso, raided offices of Italian anti-fascist newspapers in New York. In the office of Carlo Tresca’s paper, II Martello, (Tresca had been very successful in expos- ing department of justice spies just prior to the Sacco-Vanzetti frame- |up) they arrested, among others, Mario Buzzi The fascist perjurers who had been cherfully identifying Greco and Carillo as the “two assas- sins” promptly identified Buzzi also. Buzzi was in jail in Hoboken on in an anti-fascist demonstration for something else.” Trying to Make a Witness. They wanted him, they explained to him in the cell in Port Chester jail, to which he had been secretly taken and where he was held in- communicando, to swear that he heard Tresca, Vacirca, the editor of another paper, and Dr. Charles Fama, prominent anti-fascist, plot- ting to slay Carisi and d’Ambrisoli. They told him they would frame him for knifing Ado Testa, a fascist, in Port Chester on March 20, unless he was a witness against Tresca and the others. When the steadily re- fused, they beat him with rubber hose, clubs, blackjacks, and chairs until he vomited blood from internal injuries. They left him unconscious all night, and in t'e morning, police and fascist detective beat him up again, He still refused, and would prob- ably have been tortured to death, if the International Labor Defense had not located him and bailed him out. Lying in the hospital after his terri- ble ordeal, he told of similar tor- tures in Italy, by the fascists there, who killed his aged father before his eyes, and made a hopeless in- valid of his sister. The frame-up then centered around Greco and Carillo. Nowhere in labor history has the usefulness of quick work by the defense been better proven. Every angle of the frame up system that had that same year killed Sacco and Van- zetti was evident in the Greco Car- illo case. There were the “damned foreigner” arguments; the assemb- i By FEODOR CEMENT 2.30208 Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Sa was standing in front of Gleb, his nostrils twitching and trying to hide a smile. “What’s the matter with you? He led him to ther railing. The crowd had been settling down, and the clamor of voices was subsiding in expectation. The songs and the music stopped, and the various contingents with their countless heads and banners had streamed in and joined the main body. Badin was speaking. He spoke for some time, with all his voice and all his energy. Is it possible to report everything which Badin said? He men- tioned everything necessary for this occasion: the Soviet power, the New Economic Policy, economic reconstruction, Comrade Lenin, the Communist Party of Russia, the working class... . Afid then he came to the main point: “And here is one of our victories on the economic front: a great superhuman victory. The re-starting of our factory, of this giant fac- tory of our Republic. You know, Comrades, how our struggle began. In spring, our organized forces for the first time began to strike with hammer and pick, attacking the mountain rocks. Our first blow brought us the ropeway and fuel. Without letting go the hammer, the building workers struck blow after blow, re-constructing life in the machines, in the whole complicated system of these great works. The works are ready for production a tfull pressure. On this day, the fourth anniver- sary of the October Revolution, we celebrate a new victory on the proletarian revolutionary front. In the course of the struggle the proletariat produces its organizers and heroes. Can our working masses ever forget the name of that fighter, the Red soldier, who gave his life willingly to the great cause of the revolution, can they ever forget the name of Comrade Chumalov? And here we see him, on the labor front, the same self-denying hero as he was on the field of battle... .” Are you deaf?” NE could hear no more. It was as if the mountain had moved from its place and fallen in a dreadful avalanche upon Gleb, upon the landing and the factory buildings. Rearing, yelling, din, earthquake! The high platform was vibrating and swaying as though it were of wire. Another moment and it seemed that it would break like a toy and fly through the air, over this sea of heads, over the banners and the flood of human tumolt. Below, and farther away, the bands blared brassily, Gleb, pale and dazed, was muttering strange words which he could not himself understand. He was choking, brandishing his arms and laughing uncontrollably. His laughter came not from within, but through the convulsive distortion of his face. “Speak! It’s your turn! Go on!” Why speak, when everything was clear without words? He needed nothing. What was his life, an infinitesimal spech in this ocean of human lives? Why speak, when his voice and words were not needed here—unnecessary, stupid and insignificant! He had no words, no life—apart from this tumultuous mass. His jaw trembled, his teeth chattered. His eyes were blinded, and the crowd still stormed. “Go on, man, speak! Go to it!” * * AND he did not know what he was saying; it seemed to him that he was talking incoherent, pitiable nonsense. Yet his voice could be heard to the limits of the crowd, far away on the mountain slope. “. .. it’s not a matter of words, Comrades .. . not a wagging of tongues. .. . Keep your heads firm on your shoulders and get the work well in hand, That’s how you have to look at it! It’s no merit when we struggle corsciously at the construction of our proletarian economy—! All of us—! United and of one mind. If I am a hero, then you are all heroes, and if we don’t work with all our guts towards that kind of heroism, then to hell with us all! But there’s on thing I want to say, Comrades: we'll do everything, build up everything, and give points to everyone, and be damned to them! If only we had more of some other things—we’d put it all over Europe in no time. And we'll do it, Comrades! It must be! We've staked our blood on it, and with our blood we’ll set fire to the whole world. And now, tem- pered in fire, we’re staking everything on our labor. Our barins and our hands tremble—not from strain but from the desire for new labors. We are building up socialism, Comrades, and our proletarian culture. On to victory, Comrades!” Again the mountains thundered and burst into a roar of voices and the blaring of the brass. Gleb remembered as though in a dream how he had grasped a red flag and had waved it three times above the crowd. And the mountains echoed with metallic thunder and the air was shaken by a mad whirl- pool of sound. The sirens shrieked—one, two three!—all together, discordantly, bursting one’s ear-drums. And their shrieks seemed to come, not from the hooters, but from the mountains, rocks, crowd, factory buildings and smoke stacks. The myriad crowd yelled and thundered with the sirens. They were dancing and leaping there be- neath the high pltaform, on the rocks and mountain slopes, where the banners flashed like wings of fire, and the bands rang like thousands of great bells. THE END * * * This concludes the great novel of the reconstruction period in the Soviet Union. The Daily Worker is preparing another un- usual serial for its readers, “I Saw It Myself,” by the great French Communist writer, Henri Barbusse. It starts Tuesday. Don’t miss it. ling of perjurers, the shady indenti- fications, the state declaring the guilt of the defendants before trial (District Attorney McGeehan boasted, “The state hopes to have the defendants in the death house at Sing Sing before Christmas.”) There was the attempt to get wit- nesses for the prosecution through intimidation, ant hy bribery. Ex: ecutioner Elliot, who had just thrown the switch in Charleston prison was already hired to turn on the current in Sing Sing. ‘, A Real Defense. But this time t’>re was not just a group of liberals and anarchists, with personal outlook, trusting in this or that official’s honesty, and being betrayed. There was already organized the International Labor Defense, and \.::hin a few hours, it was hunting defense witnesses, pil- ing up n unshakable mountain of testimony to prove alibis for both defendants; tying down the police witnesses by publishing their first stories, which were contradictory, and making it harder for them to fit into a well rounded prosecution theory. It was impeaching the prosecution witnesses as soon as they were known, looking up their records, and making perjury harder. Most of all, it called the workers of the world to the defense of a new Sacco and Vanzetti at a time when the lesson of Sacco and Vanzetti was in every one’s mind Protests and demonstrations took place all over the world The working class of Greater New York, especially were thoroughly aroused. Prospec- tive Witnesses for the prosecution saw the growing cloud of workers’ wrath, and hesitited. In the face of this mass opposition, the prosecution was not able to get the usual num- ber of witnesses from the half world, and the underworld of drugs and police records, These creatures of the night, so use*<1 to the frame- up system in the Sacco and Mooney cases, shrank from the full glare of publicity that the defense was able to throw on the Greco and Caril? case, Governor Smith, who wanted tq run for the presidency as a liberal, was notified in plain words by the I. L, D, that all of his meetings would bear of the Greco-Carillo frame up, and the alliance of Tam- many with fascism, if he tried to be a new Fuller. The result was that the testimony against Greco and Carillo in the trial, in the Bronx, before Judge Cohn, (December, 1927) was rather short, and all from the hard boiled fascists, four members of the “squadristi.” They contradicted their first statements, which, thanks to quick action by the I. L. D. were on record. They contradicted the testimony of Patrolman Gleason, who admitted that these four fas- cists did not arrived until after the fight was over, and could not have seen the men who killed Carisi and d’Ambrisoli. The defense was very well able to prove that at the hour of the killing, Greco was in his brother’s music store in Brooklyn; Carillo was playin; with his chil- dren.at home. The verdict was “not guilty.” Good lawyers, headed by Clarence Darrow, were on hand, where they counted most, at the first trial, not left to come in at some later and hopeless stage of the game. So Mussolini was cheated of his revenge; Morgan and Tammany, and American im >rialism in gen- eral were not able to deliver the victims. This same International Labor Defense is now defending the Gass tonia case, and the murder trame- up case growing out of the Sacco- Vanzetti meeting in Cheswick during the time Greco and Carillo were in jail waiting trial. Its methods are correct; its strength to carry them out successfully is just the combined strength of the workers who get be- hind it. Real labor support for the defense of the Gastonia victims will fave them, __ perm banetsicthine me.