The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 1, 1929, Page 6

Page Six Brily sas Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Daily, paseaet City, ‘DAIW! Oke Published by the Comprodaily Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cabl SUBSCRIPTION RATE By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year 50 six months Adéress and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, New York, AUGUST FIRST! Today the masses of workers throughout the world are showing to the imperialist war-mongers that they have a force to reckon with that is potentially mightier than any they can hope to create — the power of the internationa’ proletariat. The last world war brought with it the first wave of the world revolution and the victorious proletariat of the land of the former czars established their rule over one-sixth of the inhabitable globe. Publishing Co., ine... r $3.00 a year $2.50 three months $2.00 three monthe -28 Union Square. Thanks to the War and the revolution there was created the Communist International, which coordinates the revolu- tionary struggle of the workers of the world. It is under the revolutionary guidance of the world party of the proletarian revolution that today was set aside as International Red Day against imperialist war. Events of the past weeks, the at- tempt at armed intervention against the Soviet Union by the imperialist hireling, Chiang Kai Shek, the attempt of Secre- tary of State Stimson to align the capitalist nations that signed the Kellogg pact in an anti-Soviet bloc, the latest manoeuver of Chiang Kai Shek, at the behest of the imperial- ists to request intervention on the part of the governments that are members of the League of Nations, concretizes the struggle against war into a mobilization of the working class against the imperialist war that is being waged against the Soviet Union. That the ruling class of the world fears the dawning of this day is evident from their frenzeid suppression of work- ing class organizations. Paris is an armed camp, but in spite of the soldiery the workers will down tools and fill the streets, if necessary engaging the soldiery in open struggle. The masses of Warsaw, Helsingfors, Bucharest, Sofia, Prague, Rome will demonstrate in spite of the fascist terror. In Berlin, the social democratic police that perpetrated the blood bath of May First against the workers will find that out of that three days’ struggle during which the workers held two important sections of the city the masses learned lessons that will enable them to arise stronger than ever. In Britain where another government under the Idearship of the social democracy exists, the “home, office” of Mac- Donald’s imperialist outfit announces that “ample arrange- ments have been made for any possible disturbance Thurs- | day.” In spite of that imperialist boast the workers of London, the half million strikers of Lancashire and other industrial centers of Britain will demonstrate against imperi- alist war and in defense of the Soviet Union. Here in America, the land from which the Hoover gov- ernment is directing its conspiracies against the Soviet Union, throttling by terror and bribery the republics of Latin Amer- ica and frantically building up its war machine; where the planned murder of workers as at Gastonia is a part of the general “labor” policy of the capitalist class, the workers will down tools and demonstrate. Before the sun has set on this day the war mongers:of the world will know that the in- ternational working class, under the leadership of its van- guard, the Communist International, will fight against its war conspiracies with every weapon at its command. The gigantic bloody demonstrations that are today going on in many capitals of the imperialist nations of themselves dem- onstrate the precarious condition of the much-vaunted capi- talist stabilization and indicate the world-wide radicalization of the working masses. The positive results of today will be to create per- manent mass organizations of workers that will fight relent- lessly against the imperialists and mobilize ever greater num- bers of workers for the revolutionary struggle against im- j perialist war Let every New York worker down tools at four o’clock today and march to the demonstration in Union Square. Workers of other cities will participate in the dem- onstrations there. Workers of America! Show your inter- national solidarity with the workers of the world by your action today! White Guardists Want Czar’s Loot ae New York Times reports that 82 relatives of the late i unlamented czar of Russia are about to start suit against : two New York banks to obtain some $6,000,000 placed in their keeping by the czar as state funds of Russia. The 32 speak in behalf of their “royal” relative, the czar’s grandmother known as the Dowager Czarina Marie Feodorova. It is indeed hard sledding for the czarist exiles from the fury of the masses of what was formerly imperial Russia. living in the capitals of Europe this social scum exists as parasites by pandering to all the vices they learned at the court of the czars. Many former princesses are madames and inmates of houses of prostitution, while their gallant husbands, brothers and fathers solicit customers for them among American babbits and other tourists roving about Europe. Others are in equally dubious occupations. At the height of their drunken orgies they speak of the restora- tion and yearn for the good old days when they were part of the ruling mob in Russia. The gold they now desire to ob- tain was distilled from the very life blood of millions of work- ers and peasants. The czarists have an American lawyer to plead for them who is proceeding on the theory that the czar personally owned all state funds, but international lawyers claim this is untenable because such a precedent would enable any head of a government to steal all the funds and place them in banks in other countries for use when he lost power. The state funds outside the realms of the former czars as well as inside are the property of the Bolshevik govern- ment and any court that would grant the claims of the czarist riff-raff would simply be engaging in a piece of banditry. But then, such an act would not be surprising because one of the least of the practices of capitalist courts is banditry. Should the czarists get the six millions it would avail them little in their ambitions to again rule the land they once despoiled through the centuries, because the revolution has only destroyed their power, but, through the building of \DOWN TOOLS AT A ee Wi ese NEW Y ORK, sie ial AY, AUGUST 1, 1929 By Fred Ellis | 1, \ | Behind the Scenes of Industrial Peace: Socialist Billions. Co-operation between the reform- | ist trade union bureaucracy and the {employers in the work of advancing | peace in industry has been most de- veloped in the chemical trades. | |Everybody knows already of what |are called Mond’s “Workers’ Coun- | \cils” in Empire Chemicals. |head of this system of sham coun- |eils stands Alfred Mond himself, As he says, the job of these councils is to make the employees of each plant \take a greater interest in the in- |dustry, create in the plant cond |tions of co-operation between the | | workers and the management, and | | so on and so forth. | In Mond’s system privileges are |provided for especially “reliable” }elements and special benefits for the labor aristocracy. All Mond’s system has the one aim of enslav- ing the minds of the workers and) enabling his chemical combine to | fight the revolutionary workers to better advantage. In the person of Clynes, Bromley and a few more, the General Council is taking a most |active part in stabilizing this sys- tem of Councils, We see the same thing going on in the German chemical combine, the | “Interessen-Gemeinschaft.” In that combine the reformist trade union bureaucrats are responsible of the factories and lend their full- est support to the employers’ or- ganizations in their work of enslav- ing the wage-slaves of the indus- try. | We hardly need to state that in |the U. S. A. this system has been |developed very extensively and con- sistently in the chemical industry. | The Factory Workers’ Internation- | |al gives its full endorsement to this | policy of its sections. al Congress at the end of July, 1929, the central issue on the agenda |of this “International” is that of | peace in industry, on which a re- port will be delivered by the noto- | rious Naphtali, the same fellow who, at the S. D, Congress of Germany | ‘in 1929 defined industrial peace as the “gate to socialism.” In march- | | ing along this road to Socialism the chemical kings of Germany are rak- \ing in billions made out of the | sweat and blood of the workers. In | 1927 the “Interessen-Gemeinschaft” chemical combine made a clear prof- it of 227,000,000 marks, which is 1,- 038 marks from each worker it em- ploys. | Mond’s combine made a total prof- it for 1927 of 5,000,000 pounds; and its share capital was raised in 1928 | to 750,000 pounds, while it Was pro- posed to issue new shares to the | value of 20,000,000 pounds, Against the U.S.S.R. a The Factory Workers’ tional is most bitterly opposed to the slightest attempt to establish | world unity, The struggle made by the U. S. R. Chemical Workers’ Union to obtain admission to the International reveals the full extent of the direct sabotage of the International lead- jers. In 1923, in 1925, and in 1926 jthe Soviet Chemical Workers’ Un- ‘ion made application for admission. At the 1923 Congress the Soviet delegate was not even allowed the floor to extend greetings to the as- sembled delegates, At the end of the session the representatives of Free Soviet Russia were allowed to |make a brief statement on the po- sition in Soviet Russia. “Negotia- tions on the United Front,” we read in the resolution adopted by this ata a's At the) for | hounding revolutionary workers out | At the Annu. | 2. Opposed to Working Class Unity, | Interna- | | Congress, “are not within the prov ince of any industrial secretariat, | but comes within the scope of the Amsterdam International’s activi- ties.” | The protest in writing handed up fby the Soviet delegation was not even read out to the congress. After putting this protest under the table, | Brei, who was presiding at the time, |speech in which be slandered the | great achievements of Soviet Rus- | sia. At the 1925 Congress the Soviet delegation submitted two motions: |@ that it be admitted to the In- | ternational and (2) on the struggle | | against the danger of war and the |role of the chemical industry in the armaments scheme of imperialism. On behalf of the Congress Herr Brei stated that the Congress had too little time to discuss such ques- | tions, whilst the matter of admit- ting the Russians to the Interna- tional was not a thing the Congress could decide upon. Similar motions were submitted by the Soviet delegation at the In- ternational Congress of 1926, at a time when the British working class was in the throes of its greatest fight, during the general strike, while revolutionary China was be-, ing pressed by the forces of imperi- |alism. Yet once again Congress, with the blessings and support of | took the floor to give an hour’s| Committee of the Red International of Labor Unions. |the Social Democrats, turned down | every motion of the Soviet delega- tion, 3. What Happened in Norway. An outstanding landmark in the sabotage of the International and one of its organizations were the negotiations between the chemical workers and paper workers’ unions | |of the U. S. S. R, with the kindred | unions of Norway and Sweden. As \a result of the negotiations the rep- resentatives of the Soviet and Nor- wegian Chemical Workers’ signed a preliminary Protocol in | 1928 providing for the conclusion of | | Unity between both Unions, And only some five months later” the leaders of the Norwegian organi- zation refused point blank to recog- nize their former pledges on the ground that their Union Delegation") had acted against the will of the Union in signing the Protocol. They categorically repudiated the sugges- tion for setting up a Unity Commit- tee, but intimated, very touchingly, | that they were prepared to come to an arrangement regarding mutual material assistance, laying down in a whole series of clauses all the con- ditions on which they were prepared | to accept the money of the Russian | | workers. At the same time they refused entirely to work toward the establishment of world unity and for} Workers Must Train Their Children for the Class War Many workers do not realize that their own children are being trained to become their enemies instead of their friends. The schools, the mov- ies, press ‘and various’ institutions are in the hands of their class enemy |—the capitalist class—and they serve as fine weapons with which to accomplish that end, In school the worker’s child is | taught from an early age to defend “his” country; to fight with all his might for the “home of the free and the land of the brave.” But, fellow workers, what have we, the working class gained from the last world war? Is this the “land of the brave and the home of the free?” Our gains were close to 10,000 of the flower of our class killed;.our gains were 20,000 wounded, maimed and disabled for life; our gains were un- unemployment when we returned |from the trenches; starvation and misery. Who Was the Winner? But somebody was the winner, ‘and who was it? It is those who fellow workers of other countries, dressed in different uniforms, but | belonging to our own class; it was | the rich who got richer; it was a nandfu} of people who have made heavy gains from the war. Your child is taught to fight for the “home of the free.” Sacco and S. | Vanzetti, whose blood is still drip- ping off the hands of the bosses, iwho burned them in the electric _ chair; Tom Mooney, Warren Billings and hundreds of other class war prisoners have proven to us whether this is the “home of the free.” With the assistance of such capi- talist organizations as the Boy Seouts, Girl Scouts, Camp Fire Girls, ete., your child is being doped with anti-labor propaganda, he is being taught that strikes should be broken, that strikes are a menace “for the people.” The National Guards helped the Gastonia mill barons attack the workers’ tent col- ony, and are now being 1 used as as wey wins { 4 al ine sent us to cut the throats of our esses in the frame-up murder charge of the 15 strike leaders. Capitalists Train Youth. The capitalists, in preparing for war, know how important it is to | win the youth, and the big Boy | Scout Jamboree for which close to | $50,000. will be spent, which is being held in England this August is only a part of the preparations of the imperialists for the coming war. In the last world war the Boy Scouts | succeeded in selling $400,000,000 worth of Liberty Bonds which helped the American capitalists carry on the war. The purpose of this big jamboree at which 50,000 representatives are expected, among whom there will be 1,500 Americans, is to make the public believe that it is for inter- national peace and brotherhood. But the lessons of the last war are still fresh in the minds of some workers and the-American workers are re: sponding to the Boy Scout Jamborce by sending seven children to the Pioreer Convention to be held in tne Soviet Union in August. Pioneer Activities. The Young Pioneers of America is the only working class children’s or- ganization that will help you in that direction, Only through the Y. P. A. can you succeed in preparing your child to meet the bigger struggles that will face him when he grows uy: and joins the ranks of the working class. In many battles, such as the Passaic and Gastonia strikes, thou- sands of children under the leader- ship of the Young Pioneers have marched side by side with the adults on the picket line, called school strikes in sympathy and fought for the demands of the adults. On August First, the day when the workers all over the world pledge themselves to defend the Sor viet Union, on this doy send your child to the Young Pioncers of America and_ there strengthen your cluss. He ae v Chemical Warfare, the Chemical Kings and Their Social-Democratic Tools By the Chemical Workers International Propaganda Unions | an Agreement of Friendship and! the calling of a World Unity Con- | jgress, their motive being that by| | doing s> they might be held by the [International to have committed a| hostile act against it. In this most shameful manner, then, did the splitters of the Nor- | wegian section of the International | expose themselves. A few days after these splitters had broken off ne- gotiations with the Soviet Union an official statement appeared in the | organ of the Factory Workers’ In- ternational containing the Execu- tive’s decision that any agreements | | Whatever with the “Russians” were forbidden. The leadership of the Swedish Pa- |per Makers’ Union sabotaged the, | negotiations with the Soviet Pa-| |permakers in exactly the same way. In reply to the invitation to at- tend the papermekers’ Congress ° of | the U. S. S. R. in 1929, the Swedish | union officials replied, declining on | the grounds that they had no time | to come across. Hilferding’s social-imperialist the- ory is designed to giye a foundation |to the preparations for imperialist | |war inasfar as it affects the chem- ical industry. This treacherous the- jory of the “peaceful evolution” of |the chemical industry into Social- ism is combined with traitorous ac- | tivities on the part of the Social-| |Democratic and reformist trade un- ion officials, These activities of | theirs are seen in the daily strug- | gle of the workers against the em-j| |ployees which they sabotage, in | their policy of industrial peace, and in their work to prevent any | struggle for unity. These activities | reveal the Social-Democrats and the | reformist T. U, officials as simple | agents of the chemical kings, as agents of imperialism, HBvery work- er who looks squarely at these plain facts of the activities of the So- |cial-Democratic and reformist T. U. | bureaucracy in the chemical work- ers’ moveient must inevitably ar- rive at such a conclusion, 4. The Chemical Workers Will Yet Be the First in the Fight. On International Red Day hun- dreds of thousands of chemical workers will march out on demon- | stration, From the. chemical workers the wage slaves in other industries will | expect an answer: How far are they prepared to take part in the general | struggle against the class which is feverishly getting ready* to loosen upon humanity a fresh imperialist butchery and to undertake armed at- tacks upon the land of the Soviets. On that day the chemical. work- ers must answer the quesion as to how far they are prepared, upon the call of the revolutionary T, U. movement, to rally to the defense gf the one country building Social- ism and to take part in the prep- arations for transforming imperial- ist war into civil war, It is ex-| pected of them that they will help | ‘to tear the mask of pacifism from the face of the Social-Democratic allies of capital and imperialism, The workers of ‘other industries will be entitled to demand an an- swer to this question from the work- ers of that branch of capitalist in- dustry which is manufacturing the most appalling means ever conceiy- ed for the destruction of men and doing so in the interests of the bour- geoisie, The chemical workers of the capi- talist countries, on International Red Day, will, to a man, stand on this side of the barricades, shoulder to shoulder with the entire revolution- ary working class, against the im- perialists and their Social-Democrat Is, { | full_capacity. | shadows in her eyes, and this new expression? | deep well—distant and unapproachable. By FEODOR (CEMEN GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and/C. Ashleigh _ All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his home om + the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town l. He discovers a ¢ t change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three yea She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her won, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mckhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Communist Party. Under the direction of Gleb, the reconstruction of the factory ‘2 started despite the opposition of Shramm, the bureaucratic chair- nian of the Economic Council. Gleb goes on a mission to the Bureau of Industry, and on his return discovers that the work on the fac- tory has been sabotaged. Gc bent close over Muller and struck the table with his fist. 3 “Please don’t talk this rot to me. I know all your intrigues per- fectly well. I’m not going ot leave it at this, for the sake of your beautiful face. My friends, you seem to have forgotten that affair with the Forestry Department! You're going to learn to your cost at what price this sort of thing can be done—you’re going to learn how people are stood up against the wall! You took me for a fool, and tried to humbug me with the Bureau of Industry. Now I'm going to break your head and your ribs!) Bear this in mind: to-morrow morning the work is going to start again. The renovation must be finished within two months. From autumn on, the factory will be working to Have you understood?” * . * * . * Muller shrugged his shoulders, smiled confusedly, tried to say something, but his parched tongue choked him. On the square in front of the Factory Committee offices, the ae men were clustering in small groups, in idle tedium. Some were sitting in the shade against the wall; others were going in and out; they were smoking, chattering, and laughing. Gromada was standing on the top step of the portico, in the open doorway of the office, brandishing his bony fists, wearing himself out with the hectic excitement of a con- sumptive. «JUST so, it’s like that, Comrades, only temporary. . . . But we are obliged, as the working-class, to show our consciousness . . and soon. . , and so on... . . We in the ranks of the group and of the meeting, and as the Trade Union Council and the Building Workers’ Union are our own organizations, we shall know how to defend our own interests and shall hand the matter over to the Revolutionary Tribunal—— And all these swine and sons of bitches will be smashed.” The crowd broke into an uproar of hand-clapping, laughter and shouting. And now, Savchuk, in a tattered shirt, pushed his way through the crowd like a bull, waving his arms and yelling like a madman. “They must be crushed—the bastards! Into the sea with them, the dogs! Why are you delaynig, you fools? I can’t stand it!” Gleb ran down the wide steps and was at once drawn in to the mass of dusty, sweaty faces, amid the yells and moist raised hands. “Here he is, the bastard! Ah, this is the fellow! You old scoun- drel, you! Here’s the soldier who'll fix up everything. He'll get things into order again! Ho, te devil took you away in an evil hour!” And among these jubilant cries were other voices, morose and stern. “What’s happened, Comrade Chumalov? What does it mean? Might as well go to the devil as work in this fashion! Is it a joke? We know whose tricks they are! It’s the old gang who dream of the Tsar’s rule. They’re waiting for their old masters, the dirty swine! They must all be shot! No good can be expected from them.” <9 8" 8 'WEAT and tobacco smoke rose in clouds, breath were sultry and intoxicating. pushed‘them away to the right and the left. “Comrades, work will start again at full speed. Tomorrow morn- ing, when the hooter blows, each will take up his own work. I'll un- ravel all the plots of these specialists and shall know how to stand them against the wall. I’m going to the Economic Council. Com- rades, we shall demand the ruthless punishment of these counter- revolutionaries. At the Bureau of Industry I have obtained approval of all my orders for materials; fuel has been sent down here with me. We're going to send some men for rivets. One of the first things we’re going to do is to start the crusher and the press.” Gleb made a dash to get out of the crowd, but could not succeed. The people were shouting and moving with him across the square, waving their arms, stamping on the concrete. “Hurrah, for Chumalovy! Toss him in the air! Hurrah!” Savchuk, striking out with his fists, was making his way through the crowd to Gleb and bellowing. “Gleb, you old heathen! Gleb! Let the coopers’ shop start too! Tl smash them——! We'll get the bastards!” Gleb waved his helmet over his head “Gromada! Where is Gromada? Send him over here, Brothers! Good! Come on, Gromada!” . These crushed bodies and With his shoulders Gleb . ° Bet Gleb did not go straight to the Economic Council, but got out of the droshky at the door of the Soviet Executive. He dragged Gromada by the arm up the stairs to the second floor. Gromada, exhausted, was snorting, breathless. “Ah, what a worn-out old shoe you are! A fine fellow for a campaign! Come on now, get your breath—get ready for a fight!” “You know, Comrade Chumaloy, I’m always haying these choking fits, but I’ll give any specialist forty points and beat him.” “Ha, we’re going to turn things over now, damn it all! Right you are, lad! You're half dead, but you can shoot like a machine-gun.” As soon as the bewhiskered guard at the door saw Gleb he moved his chair to one side and opened the door for him, Badin was not alone. Shramm, Shibis and Dasha were in his office. Dasha glanced at him and her eyes lit up with astonishment and then anxiety and pleasure. But it wasn’t pleasure that Gleb saw in her eyes, but something else, something unknown, deep as a sigh; and it passed through his heart, searing it. Badin glanced at him absent-mindedly, from under his knotted eyebrows, and then dropped his gaze to the papers which he was turning over with his hairy fingers. He was listening to Shramm. Shibis was sitting there the same as ever; one could not tell: whether he was bored, was resting or was thinking of some affair of his own of which he could not h Suake aloud. . * Y was Dasha here? pee Sin Badin? Was: there anything true in that jest and her enigmatic riddle about the one bed with Badin in the Cossack'town? Had it happened or not? Why these Her eyes were dry, . Again her soul was like a Motia’s forgotten words arose in Gleb’s memory: “They will not have a common life and a common mind; they will not share one home and one warm bed.” He did not go up to her; she remained sitting on one side, decking at him no longer. She was like a stranger. Shramm sat opposite Badin, unnaturally calm, and spoke in his dull gramophone voice, “But it was not my fault if there were abuses in the Forestry De- partment. I fulfilled exactly the instructions of the leading organs, Why didn’t the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection notice anything amiss and why have they now come forward with a mass of accusa- tions? The apparatus of our Economic Council is exemplary and works splendidly they say. And then suddenly it seems that this was no work at all! It seems now that what went on was practically whole- sale robbery. I do not understand this at all and peaveet and most detailed investigation.” round, burning with a feverish heat. . 7 6 ae sags looked at him coldly, with the full weight of his heavy eyes, from under his dark frown. “You don’t understand. It’s quite clear why you don’t understand. The apparatus of the Economic Council is a masterpiece; its schemes are carried out perfectly. It is just because this machine is such a model that it proves to be the best screen for every kind of crime. You have laid all the work in the hands of elements which are hostile to us, From behind your perfect apparatus you couldn’t see the in- creasing robbery that was going on in the Forestry Department, that the workers were left without bread and clothes and tools and that some of the agents were openly speculating at the expense of the State. You don’t understand why every possible kind of swindling conspiracy to seize the people’s property is carried out under your own nose; as, | for instance, a short time ago, the leasing of a tannery to its former owner, You can’t see or understand that, in one of your departments a scheme was worked out for the concession of the cement works, so that they should be taken from the State and handed over to their former share-holders, You don’t understand it, but I see in these things. the worst form of economic counter-revolution.” ‘ (To Be Continued), eT | satin a 4 Za Baa grees ——