The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 1, 1929, Page 2

Page Two “7 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 1929 WAR INDUSTRY IN-CONTROL OF h FEW RICH In Dupont, Morgan, Rockefeller Hands coke building Controllix Morgan sented also on t board of Bethlehem Steel Corp. Steel c: panies are the chief coke prod sts coke oven In ship buil tant for interest: con ” Co, which Rockefeller and Arms. Rockefeller, alrea well represented Arms, one of the manufacturing United S Ba) and Iron Co., bitte are all these great compa the largest steel producer we ppi. Rockefeller is also in Bethlehem Steel. The DuPonts. E. I. DuPont de Nemours Co., largest munitions corporation in the world, is now making profits from rayon or artificial s The nitro-cellulose process of ma ing rayon in an artificial silk fac- tory can be changed overnight into the production of dynamite. It is probable that equipment in all rayon plants, not only those using the nitro-cellulose process, can be adapt- ed for explos: Munitions plants are thus extend- ed and maintained under the inno- cent name of rayon mills, Rayon now brings in about one-seventh of the vast DuPont income. The Du- Ponts, Who tripled their fortune dur- ing the World War, now have heavy investments in the General Motors! Corp. which brought them an income to the (Berlin). | words, in August, 1914, the Second frightened the bourgeo | International collapsed Enemies ue Caueen it to consolidate Why the Second International col-|a reactionary block agai: lapsed and why its collapse was in-| working class, and to iner evitable, are questions which it 1s | armaments, both against the inter- the duty of every class-conscious | nal enemy and against external ene- worker to examine and understand. | mies in an imperialist wai Two definite periods can be ob- In this new period the labor move- served in the history of the Second |ment could not continue to exist in International, the period from 1889|its old form. The working class to 1904, when it played a great and vement was faced with the alter- positive role in the organization and s of either adopting new forms the leadership of the working |of revolutionary mass action with a aasses in the capitalist countries,|vicw to overthrowing the bour- d the period from 1904 to 1914,|geoisie, as demanded by the left in which the Second International | wing, or utilizing the growing vot- degenerated progressively ‘toward | ing power of the working class par- complete opportunism and social im- | ties and the increasing number of |perialism, the developed form of | labor ceputies in parliament, ete., |reformism triumphed. vith a view to winning positions The Amsterdam Congress in 1904 , within the bourgeois was the culminating point and at the thus going the w same time the turning point in the | tion to the bourgeois history of the Second International. | propagated by the Revisio: The congress met after the outbreak | The called “Marxist of the R Japanese war und be- | which came an inspiring demonstration of | in Germany and in the International, international proletarian solidarity | wanted to accept neither of the al- when Plechanov, the representat Tt condemned the Re- f the Russian workers, and Sen and declared itself in fa- Katayama, the representative of the the old tried and trusted, | Japanese workers, shook hands pub- | Victorious tactic of the class licly on the platform as a sign of | gle”; at the same time, however, it the fraternal alliance of the revolu- | fought against the revolutionary al- tionary workers of the belligerent | ternative with hands and feet, cling- countries, The congress decisively |ing to the misrepresented and dis- guar- | condemned reformism which ex-|torted words of Engels which for e vic- | Pressed itself theoretically in the | decades were interpreted as a re- | Revisionism of Bernstein, and prac- | jection on principle of the armed | 1 his speech with the words, | tically in the French party in the is the proudest moment of my | Ministerialism of Millerand. The | nd here and sce the ful- | ranting of credits, etc., for the cap- expressed in the | italist state and the tendencies to of the World| Participate in the government under | a» capitalism, were condemned as irre- Hopes Not Fulfilled. | concilable with the principles of the revolutionary class struggle. <pressed the hopes f ‘ f | placed in the International by | First Russian Revolution. he revolutionary workers of all| The Russo-Japanese war was fol- | crmism, but by rejecting revolution- \countries, the edvance guard of the | lowed quickly by the outbreak of the | ary methods of struggle practically international proletariat. These first Russian revolution, which allied itself more and more closely hopes have not been fulfilled, At |OPened up a new period in the his- | with the right wing against the left » moment when the decisive test | tory of the international working|wing. In Germany this turning came, at the moment when interna- | Class movement. The compatatively | point was sealed by the pact ma: tional proletarian solidarity became | Peaceful period in which the work-|in 1906 between the Central Com- | tal necessity for the working ing class movement in Europe was | mittee of the German Social Demo- | n the uttermost sense of the | limited mainly to parliamentary and | cratic Party and the reformist trade | trade union methods of struggle, the | union bureaucracy, which 1 | period in which the great legal mass |sented no less a practical prohibi | of approximately 25,000,000 for the! organizations of the proletariat de- first six months of 1929. | veloped, was at an end. The new One of the DuPonts, explaining | imperialist period, the period of his part in the World War, summed rs and revolutions, placed new up the magnates’ views. He wrote | tasks before the labor organizations. that he had done only his “patriotic! The gigantic example of the Rus- duty” in providing arms and muni-| sian revolution spurred on the in- tions for the Allies, and would be ternational proletariat and released glad to do the same in another war/a wave of great political mass —(thus still further multiplying his| strikes. On the other hand, the rev- wealth). olutionary energy of the masses storming of the gural Congress of ternational took place The ¢ men of the Con um leader, Vail- he soldier of the revolu- Liebknecht, proudly ity to the revolu- of the working 1 s Com- to the work of the I Workingmen’s Associ: t International, led by M. m were the congress. suc- congress was all the y of adapta- the reformist ‘ bor movement, tional counter- place in Paris d in his speech of the Second In- one of the greatest y of the peo- sts. Center,” to represent the rights i, an era of system- action on the part ational proletariat for that it was certain and deci helm Liebknecht com- } power. Mass Strike Discussion. The discussions upon the question cf the mass strike revealed tke new | the international labor | These wor and the development of the Center | The trade unions, in which the quali- | ost bulwark of the reformist tenden- which was bribed by imperialism and was interested in the maintenance The congresses of the Second In- nd International, Atter 40 Ye tate apparatus | the leading group both | rug | y of the capitalist order of society. | Il adopted good ns, particularly in the question against imperi the congre the left wing inside the Second Ir ternational. The Third Interna- of the struggle |tional represents everything really |Committee of this international is ist war, but even at |proletarian and socialist which was |sued an appeal for May Day demon- es it was possible to| in the Second International. How- al in Stuttgart in 1907 and | ternational, but also the work of ;cratic ministers in Berlin voted for he building of the notorious ar- |mored cruiser. Whilst the Executive |strations, the German social democ- see the dominance of the opportunist | ever, it has removed mercilessly all | racy celebrated the 40th anniversary elements in the internationa movement. Lenin and Rosa Luxem- burg eeded in securing the adop- tion the Stuttgart congress of the famous decision making it the Guty of all socialist parties to fight with alt possible means against war and, should war nev st out, to utili ultant ¢: the overthrow of capitalism. ‘ial Democ experience in the struggle and whic rippled by the nt party position es to be completely of putting the revolution- n. Collapse of Center. In August, 1914, the Ce completely and sudd amp of open reformism. tremendous Augu s there was ty of maneu- went y into ution; the e3 e0i: stake and the alternatives either to support the imperialist war or to organize revolutionary re: ance to the war with a view ence of the bour, struggle of th Tetari: | tone struggle of the proletariat for|transforming the imperialist war |in 1914. into a civil war for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. The Centerists, who were unable to stomach the rev- olutionary alternative, sank to the groupings within the German and jstandpoint of the social imperialists | movement | who celebrated the ‘‘ivil peace” pr claimed as the result of war, as the peaceful into social- ism.” The Bolsheviks alone, who had separated from the reformists in 1903 and who kad built up their or- ganizations in the revolutionary struggle, so that they were able to stand the blows of the military dic- tatorship, were able to maintain the andpoint .of proletarian onalism, not only in theory, but development The Bolshev: under struggle. |from the collapse of the Second In- revolutionary International. The Third International, the Com- munist International, did not only continue the work of the First In- elements in the | In the | interna- | labor | those rotten elements of opportunist |of the First of May w | theory and practice which caused the collapse of the Second Interna- tional: toleration of .opportunism the diplomatic concealment of fun- }damental contradictions, the na- |tional autonomy of the individual parties, and the acceptance of unity in resolutions instead of unity in deed, a united Bolshevist world party which represents the unity of revo- lutionary theory and revolutionary practice. Revive Yellow International. After a short interlude, in which the centerist Second-and-a-Half-In- ternational isted the “Labor and Socialist Interna- tional” was botched together again in Hamburg in 1 This new In- | ternational has ii tional have no validity for it. And {in fact, the Labor and Socialist In- ternational has nothing in common | with the revolutionary traditions of the international labor movement; it vepresents the rallying point for all those reformist and nationalist ten- | dencies which led to the miserable | collapse of the Second International | This international is incapable of |any united action in the interests of the proletariat, its unity is based | solely upon a community of interests in the struggle against the revolu- tionary labor movement. This “in- |ternational,” which reflects all the which theoretically condemned ref- | fulfillment of their efforts for “a |imperialist antagonisms of the capi-| talist states, is nothing but a branch loffice of the imperialist Leagne of !Nations. Just as this latter strives |under the hegemony of the for-the- | moment-strongest group of imperial- {ist powers to relegate into-the back- ground subordinate differences in the interests of a joint action against the proletarian revolution and its bulwark, the Soviet Union, so also the International of Social Imperial- |tion of the political mass strike. |in the pzactice of the revolutionary | ists acts as arbiter for the “socialist” lackeys of imperialism to facilitate fied upper strata of the working | the lead of Lenin, had already drawn | joint action against the Communist | class dominated, became the strong- | their conclusions in September, 1914, | International. Those decisions of the Labor and cies, which represented the pcint of | ternational: the necessity of creat- | Socialist international which are in- view of the aristocracy of labor | ing a new and really proletarian and | tended to look like international pro- letarian action, have no significance lin practice, Whilst this international | adopted in Brussels the disarmament lresolution, the German social demo- The Third International is | independently, | &: self declared that | the decisions of the former interna- | h a blood- ating work- |bath among the demons’ lers in Berlin. | Social Fascist Instrument. The reformist international is no longer an instrument for disorganiz- ing, confusing and disrupting the |labor movement; it is an instrument for the conscious paration of an imperialist war against the first pro- letarian state and for the establish- ment of a social fascist dictatorship against the working Ss What once represented two differ- ent tendencies ingjde the framework jof one international organization, | now represents two hostile forces en- aged in a life and death struggle. The abolition of this split in the | working class movement by the uni- fication of the two organizations which have resulted from it, an ab- surd illusion still nourished by some “left-wing” social dem , is as Jimpossible as a reconciliation be- | tween. the bour-geoisie and the pro- |letariat, between world imperialism | and world Communism, The shameful and treacherous role daily driving thousands of workers out of their ranks, whilst the Com- all countries to winning the majority of the workers. This is the decisive preliminary condition for the over- time the final destruction of reform- ism and the abolition of the split in |the international working movement, Gastonia Strikers Life Stories Printed | The life histories of Gastonia strikers, written by themselves, fea- ture this month’s edition of the La- bor Defender, the magazine of the International Labor Defense. These textile strikers, who went | on trial Monday, July 29, charged with murder, have sent statements | to the entire working class of Amer- ica, through the Labor Defender this’ month. Pictures deal with the latest de- velopments of the American labor | movement. The strikes of New Or- leans, of Detroit, of the South, of of the social imperialist parties is| munist International is advancing in| throw of capitalism and at the same! class | In “Labor Defender” | ars ---Imperialism’s Aid |CACHE OF WAR GAS POISONS | BERLIN TOILERS Similar to Recent Case | in Hamburg BERLIN, July 30.—Several ner- sons were poisoned by gas and the inhabitants of the Westend suburb of Wilmersdorf were greatly alarm- ed tonight as the result of the dis- covery of what is said to be an ex- tensive cache of poison gas. The discovery was made in th most fashionable district of the suburb. . Workers laying a ground floor of a building found several layers of small glass bottles. They were ig- }norant of the contents of the bot- | tles and broke a few. Several of the men were poisoned by gas. The police said the cache was the site of a war-time tear gas factory and it was reported that 100,000 small bottles of gas were buried a |few yards under the surface when production was abandoned. The discovery recalled a number of dangerous situations in Germany caused by inability to dispose of war |gas. One of the most serious was | at Hamburg where a large quantity of gas escaped and resulted in a }number of deaths, New York, are all graphically pic- tured here in a form that cannot be secured in any other publication in America. Henri Barbusse, the famous French author, is represented with an article entitled “Against Fas- cism and War.” Fred Beal, the Southern organizer for the National | Textile Workers Union, of whom 23 are on trial for murder and murder- ous assault, has written an article, “Are We Murderers?” J. Louis Engdahl writes concerning the next war in his article, “For Labor’s De- |fense Against Imperialist War.” John Dos Passos, the well-known New York playwright and novelist, | has an article describing the vari- ous frame-ups against workers in America. SUPPORT THE DAILY WORKER COME TO THE MOONLITE CRUISE a One month ago, June 21, The Daily Worker did not appear for lack this suspension occurred since the founding of The Daily Worker five and one-half years ago. We resumed publication the next day. A few com- rades and friends in New York pooled their resources to save the Daily, and give it a chance to appeal to the readers and loyal supporters. The campaign for funds is now five weeks old, and yet the Daily is been in at the beginning. The money coming in is too slow to cover th spell. Ten thousand dollars has been collected, when at least $1,000 per day is needed to pull the Daily out of its present crisis. Will the Daily get this money? will decide the fate of the Daily. 2Do it today. w your subscrip' 1.—Subscribe to the Daily. 3.—If you are a subscriber, pro- - long your subscription. f you have dropped out, re- ibscribe for a friend. et some others to subscribe. et your organization sub- be for its members. aily of funds. This was the first time that trie chair? in the same precarious condition it has ° Wing Allies? e deficit, and give the Daily a breathing the Party and Daily. The next few weeks tion. It is a story of white terror and workers persecu- tion that is full of harrowing details, The Daily Worker is fortunate in being able to present this story to its readers for the first time. The readers will have to decide—— Shall the Daily live—or shall it suspend? Shall the Daily suspend—with the danger of war looming in the immediate present? Shall the Daily suspend—in the face of the at- tempt to railroad 15 workers in Gastonia, to the elec- Shall the Daily suspend—at a time when the workers are facing ever increasing attacks by the bosses, their police and gunmen, and their Right UPON YOU DEVOLVES THE ANSWER. _ Publication of the paper means increasing sacri- fices on the part of all members and sympathizers of The minimum of one day’s wage for members of the Party and substantial contribution at least equiva- = lent to a day’s wage must be forwarded immediately. READ THE SERIAL “1 SAW IT MYSELF” By HENRY BARBUSSE.— Author of ‘Under Fire,’ ‘Chains,’ and Other Great Novels. ‘The next few days are crucial. The next few days will settle the fate of the Daily. & WILL YOU ANSWER? ® Do not wait for another suspension. Enclose your New York, N. xe, duce the huge deficit. _ We have a number of ways for increasing the circu- lation, which are enumerated below. check or money order immediately. Wire it or rush by air mail to THE DAILY WORKER, 26 Union Square, The Daily must increase its circulation to reach ever wider circles of workers. A large circulation will re- { i The Sustaining Fund must be established imme- diately. Our readers and friends should not only send This brilliant novel has been tabooed by the ruling class press the world over. known, In America it is hardly WILL THE DAILY SURVIVE? SEND ALL YOUR CONTRIBUTIONS AND SUBSCRIPTIONS TO DAILY WORKER, 26-28 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY. their immediate contribution, but pledge themselves to give a definite sum monthly or weekly. This will help the Daily avoid such crises as now exist. SUSTAINING FUND 1.—Pledge monthly. 2.—Send it regular! 3.—Get your union or organiza- tion to contribute regularly. 4.—Get a same. yourself to send in contributions weekly or the first of the month ly. co-worker to do the