The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 15, 1929, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JULY 15, 19z9 Published Sun $8.00 a year e } Bi m nth a t ns | I $6.00 ay Address a of Imperialists Moves on USSR id battle no information as yet that the armi ts of the United States, Great Britain and other im- ist nations are actue moving ainst the Union of Soviet Republics on the Manchurian front in China. But the lackey armies of these internatio: s are in motion toward the Soviet border, to on that will help give an excuse for imper on on a broad scale. These are the outstanding he rapid develop- ments that are quickly unmaskir i intentions against the Soviet Union in the oric It re ed for the Russ news “of concentration along Sov troops fully and on a war f It added that, “Russian white guard detachments which the Manchurian commanders intend to send forth on Ru territory were lined up with the Manchurian troops the frontie: These former Kolchakist butchers ym have been actually serving in the uniforms of the imperialist pow- ers in the orient since the overthrow of czarism and the de- feat of foreign intervention, are now placed in the front rank of the new attack against the Russian workers and peasants These are the shock troops of world imperialism, the firs wave of the new attack against the Soviet power that sta as a threat to capitalism everywhere. ,m of wi In their efforts to publish this news and at the time cover up its real meaning, both the New York and the New York World put in their headlines that Troops Advanced to the Border After China Seized Railv thus seeking to bolster up their poison propagand ny to the effect that large sections of the Red 4 massed in Siberia, ready for instant attack. “Soviet But this same kept press has been forced to admit the truth of the Moscow report in the publication of an Associ- ation Press dispatch from Tokio, Japan, to the effect that the Manchurian war lord, Chang Hseuh-liang, cooperating with the imperialist puppet government of Chiang Kai at Nanking had “ordered large quantities of arms and am- munitions to be shipped to Harbin and five brigades to move to the border.” It is precisely at this moment, however, when Washing- ton and London launch a new smoke screen of pacifist pro- paganda in the discussions between Dawes and MacDonald, in the proposed meeting of MacDonald and Hoover, that the munitions factories speed up, that new warships are launched, that army and naval maneuvers are being held on an increas- ing scale, that new huge appropriations are voted for strength- ening the imperialist butcher’s war machine, on land and sea and in the air. The United States takes over the building of the Nanking air fleets, the British the building of its navy. These are the sinister events that help directly to link up the imperialist powers with today’s events in the arena of war in Manchuria. hek Daily the kept press energetically spins its increasin web of propaganda about the war maneuvers between two armies, the “Reds” and the “Blues.” Recently these ma- neuvers were taking place in Ohio. Now it is going on in New Jersey, with New York City being bombarded by “4 airplanes, in an imaginary invasion by a European power. These are the schemes hatched in the war and navy depart- ments in Washington to help create prejudice against the Union of Soviet Republics, paralleling the fa ¢ fiction from the poison pen of Floyd Gibbons under the tile of “The Red Napoleon” in the magazine “Liberty that was un- doubtedly spawned from the same foul source. These are facts that should startle American labor. The Wall Street government at Washington, formerly under Cool- idge and now under Hoover, that sent thousands of marines and scores of warships to China to make war on the Chinese revolution under the pretense of “protecting its nationals,” that now dictates the policies of its Nanking puppets, plans again to raise the battle flag of Yankee imperialism on Soviet soil. Another attempt to crush Soviet rule in Siberia, as in 1919-20, is now the chief aim of Wall Street’s “open door” policy in the orient, the effort to keep the Far East open to exploitation by the American dollar, to furnish a suitable and submissive market fog the great overproduction of American industries. Thomas W. Lamont, the partner of J. Pierpont Morgan, makes this very clear to the Chinese delegates at the Amster- dam Congress of the International Chamber of Commerce. Wall Street’s dictation and Wall Street’s dollars go hand in hand into the Far East. In reply to the outrageous seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railroad, and the tearing up by the Nanking government at imperialist command of the treaty with the Soviet Union, the only nation in the world that seeks to aid the Chinese on the road to becoming a free people, Moscow does not respond with threats of war, but seeks the path of peaceful negoti- - ations through sending its representative to Harbin to deal with the Manchurian authorities, and issuing a stern but justified declaration to the Manchurian government. This is not a sign of weakness, but rather an indication of the strength of the Soviet power, and testimony to its desire for peace. This is the struggle that must be supported by every worker in the world, especially by the American working class, that must realize the tremendous task con- fronting it in the land of the most powerful imperialism. By every possible action American labor must paralyze Wall Street’s move against the Soviet Union in China. Not a single warship, nor even one soldier must be permitted to move against the Soviet border. Mercenary armies already on the march must be stopped. To accomplish this task takes first place in’ the pre- parations for the huge strikes and demonstrations planned for International Day Against War, August First. This obligation must be so successfully fulfilled that when the Soviet aviators, who will wing their way from Moscow to New York, arrive in this country in August, American labor will be able to make their tour through the land a mighty expression of the success it is achieving in the war of the Working masses against the threatening imperialist war. sbinn masecs aceinst the threatening in Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party) HE Polbureau ts desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- | dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All, Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their ‘Communist Party Membership opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei |) also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- || tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St. New York | City. Develops Support of Central Committee in Fight Against Opposition to Comintern Address tional Measures to Insure Carrying Out Line of 2esolutions Thru U.S. Endorse Lovestone Expulsion, Wolfe Removal, as Necessary Organiza- Sixth WorlceCongress, Open Letter, Address A merciless struggle against the international right wing and those who favor its platform in the United States is pledged in resolutions supporting the Central Committee’s organizational measures agai Jay Lovestoneeand Bertram D. Wolfe from all sections of the countr; For the Communist Party of the United States this struggle mus center on the defeat of Jay Loyestone’s campaign against the Comintern lead hy Jay Lovestone and those of his supporters still in the Party, the resolutions declare. Lovestone’s supporters who operate either in open defiance of the line of the Sixth World Congress, the Open Letter nd the Address, or under cover of formal acceptance, and covertly push forward their right wing program are especially condemned. a a GRAND RAPIDS APPLAUDS LOVESTONE’S EXPULSION “We urge the entire Party membership to immediately organize all its forces to fight the splitting policy of Lovestone and his follow- | crs,” the City Executive Committee of the Grand Rapids Section of | the Party states in a resolution supporting the disciplinary action of the Central Committee against Lovestone and his group. Peer ie BUREAU PLEDGES FIGHT ON CI OPPOSITION Confidence in the intention of the Polcom to carry out “in the letter and the spirit” the line of the Comintern Address is expressed in the resolution of the Bureau of Section One, District Two (New York), which endorses the Polcom’s expulsion of Jay Loyestone and removal of Bertram D. Wolfe. s TION ON CANTON, OHIO, GREETS EXPULSION OF RENEGADES “Anyone who is in open or concealed opposition to the Communist | |" International eventually helps the enemies of the Communist movement and puts himself in the ranks of the counter-revolutionaries,” the resolution on the Lovestone expulsion unanimously adopted by the Can- ‘al Executive Committee, composed largely of proletarian mem- | declares. * * * “BRONX, N. Y., SECTION IS COMINTERN SECTION” | Functionaries of Section 5 unanimously adopted a resolution sup- porting the Comintern without any reservations, and a similar resolu- tion was adopted at the membership meeting of Branch 4. | ee SECTION 3 UNITS ENDORSE DISCIPLINARY MEASURES Energetic steps against open and concealed opposition to the Com- | intern line as overwhelmingly accepted by the Party membership is demanded in a resolution, endorsing the expulsion of Jay Lovestone, carried unanimously at a combined membership meeting of Units 3F, 4¥, 8F and 11F of Section 3, New York District Two. | | { | PITTSBURGH CYL APPROVES EXPULSION OF LOVESTONE In expelling Jay Lovestone the Central Committee of the Party is | expressing its determination to carry out the line of the Address of Letier trom Radek Shows More By EMILYAN YAROSLAVSKY. | Trotzky exposed himself rather quickly outside the Soviet Union. It would be difficult to find in the his- tory of our Party such a sudden and (The political degeneration of T' the Communist Party of the Soviet ment from the country. since his counter-revolutionary activities resulted in his expulsion from. | Since his expulsion his activities have consisted the Comintern to the Party membership, a resolution passed unanimous- ly by the Bureau of District Five, Pittsburgh, holds. “We approve of the expulsion of Lovestone from our Party and the removal of Wolfe from the Poleom,” the resolution states. NEWARK CYL FIGHTS SPLITTERS “We will fight against and condemn the splitting tactics of Jay Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe and the concealed opposition,” the Newark Unit of the CYL declares in its resolution endorsing the Comintern Address to the Party membership. . * * CHICAGO FUNCTIONARIES PLEDGE FIGHT FOR CI LINE Untiring effort for the mobilization of the Party for the Comintern line is pledged in the resolution adopted unanimously at a meeting of some 250 Party functionaries on the Party situation. “We will fight uncompromisingly against all splitting tendencies whether they chal- lenge the Comintern openly as Jay Lovestone, Gitlow or Wolfe and others, or whether they manipulate under the cover of formal acceptance like Comrade Miller,” the resolution says. aie. . SHOP NUCLEUS ENDORSES LOVESTONE’S EXPULSION At a regular meeting of the Central Alloy Shop Nucleus 102 of Distriet 6 (Canton, Ohio), the following resolution was unanimously adopted on the statement of the expulsion of the renegade Lovestone from our Party. 1.—We greet our Central Committee for the expulsion from our Party of the Brandlerist renegade Jay Lovestone. 2.—We demand strong measures against Party splitters, right wing renegades and conciliators in our Party. 3.—We ask the conciliators Gitlow and Wolfe—Where do you stand—with the World Revolutionary Party, the Communist Interna- tional, or with the splitters and renegades Jay Lovestone, Brandler and Jeleck, ete.? 4.—Down with the exceptionalist theory, for the support of our Central Committee and for the correct line of the Comintern. | 5.—Close our ranks, were the last words of our Comrade Ruthen- berg, closer work to the factory. Build the Party press, for the build- ing of the Trade Union Educational League. Fight against world war, und mistakes should be admitted and corrected. CENTRAL ALLOY SHOP NUCLEUS NO. 102, CANTON, OHIO. | MIKE SHUSHNAR, Secretary. aie * BALTIMORE PLEDGES FIGHT AGAINST OPPOSITION. The resolution adopted at the meeting of the north eastern unit of the Baltimore section of the Communist Party declares that “we pledge curselves to carry out all the decisions of the Comintern and of the C, E. C. of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. We call upon the C. E. C. to remove any leader or member who refuses to carry out the decision of the Comintern and of the Party in America.” Break-Up Among Trotskyists | sition with our special standpoint. “The letter of Trotzky ‘To the Russian Workers’ is a shameful document. The most important point about it is that it justifies any further shamelessness. If in rotsky has been continuing rapidly Union, and ultimately his banish- By FEODOR CEMENT 2120202 Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N.Y. — Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer. the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu nist Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is vepulsed. The town resumes its routine. Gleb works hard, planning the reconstruction of the cement works. (hy ae . E spoke roughly, but he pressed her hand affectionately. “What's the matter with me, Comrade Gleb? Perhaps you've the strength to stand up in all this muddle. It’s as though I were infected with the plague. I feel the earth trembling underneath my feet. You know I’ve been at the front and have seen really terrible things. Twice I’ve been threatened with certain death. I took an active part in the Moscow street-fighting . But now I’m going through something that has never happened to me before. It’s as though a vile crowd were jeering at me and I’m ashamed because I cannot pro- tect myself. Perhaps this must be so? Perhaps it’s inevitable? It’s the unavoidable result of our struggle and sacrifice? Is it really so, Gleb? Perhaps you're as crazy as I am? Do tell me frankly. Per- haps, Gleb, you only appear strong, by habit?” Pa * HEY arrived at the House of the Soviets. Polia stopped but could not leave Gleb; it was evident that she feared to be alone and also to be in public. Gleb was troubled. What was agitating him: was it Polia’s words, or was it that she was attracting him to herself? To give the factory as a concession. Gleb grew alarmed at this dreadful word. Nobody knew who had cast this word upon the winds, and he could obtain no explanation. It was but a furtive stammering rumor, which dissolved mistily when one sought to grasp it. But the street screamed the thing, with its staring shop-windows and the busy shuf- fling of speculators and tradesmen. That was another matter. The hoops of the barrel had burst, and through the chinks the stinking slops had run out; out of dark corners and crevices wood lice and worms’ were crawling. One could not kill this new deviltry with a stroke, one must have a sensitive nose and go calmly about cleaning it up. OLIA. Here she was, near to him, and in her words there was such intimate friendship. She required his strength now. He felt that she was greatly troubled, but he could not gently and cautiously set about gaining her confidence; perhaps he did not know how, perhaps he had not the habit of it. He wanted to say a cheering word to her; to cover her, as with a cloak, from the cold, and in a soft whisper to pour out his heart to her, “I’m not going to the Women’s Section. Come to my house, you can sit down for a while. I shan’t feel so wretched with you there. You can leave soon, but I shan’t have the feeling of being alone then. You ‘may be able to say just the word which will soothe me and will help me to see things with different eyes.” She pushed him gently to the glass doors of the porch. And all the way to her room—up the marble staircase and along the narrow corridor, she did not let go his hand, repeating all the time, over and over: “Must it be so? Yes, must it be so?” Her room was bright and sparsely furnished. There was an iron bed, covered with a grey blanket, and a white pillow. Over the bed, Lenin’s portrait. A little table stood near the window on which lay a pile of books and papers. But Gleb only felt one thing: the room breathed of Polia, If he had not known that she lived here, all the same he would have discovered it by the aroma. (To be Continued) discontent of a section of the |vist and syndicalist elements. The workers brought about by the | newly proclaimed “National League serious economic situation. of Bolshevist Leninists” is a letter- | box for Trotzky. But why such an | expensive letter-box when one might F ‘send letters to a perfectly legal ad- ing on a severe struggle with pet- | dress: “Mr. Trotzky, collaborator ty-bourgeois elements in the coun- | of the ‘Daily Express’ ?” try, for the dictatorship and for | socialism and that we must also | A further conclusion: The opposi- take part in the struggle for the paen. as a whole, even in the eyes improvement of the situation of jot its members, is not in the least the workers, for the increase of |the defender of the October Rev- “Anyone who says to these peo: ple that when the Party is carry- complete fall. That is a catastrophe for those who bound up their fate | with Trotzkyism. We think that they have now all come to their | conclusions about the attitude of | Tr y abroad. A part of them ed out their conclusions to their logical end, others fear to admit even to themselves and still more to oth- ers that it is difficult for them to Trotzky’s attitude without their own political con- Of course, we know that amongst the Trotzkyists there are people who can sink still lower than Trotzky himself. We might count M. I. Muralov as one of these per- The letter spread by the kyists in his name and ad- d to “Dear Vassil” provokes sad thoughts. This letter is directed mostly against Radek and Smilga). Muralov attempts to prove that Smilga and Radek were wrong to appeal to the tradition of the Bolsheviks and of the left-wing of the Second International when criti- cising the article of Trotzky in the bourgeois press and that Marx and Engels were supporters of the par-_ ticipation of socialists in the bour-| geois press. , “They (Smilga and Radek) do not understand,” writes Mura- lov, “that the situation in which the bolshevists hac to abandon any co-operation in the bour- geoise press, was such that co- operation at the time would have been damaging to the develop- ment of the class-consciousness of the workers.” According to the opinion of Mura-) lov and his supperters therefore co-operation in the bourgeois press is useful and necessary for the “de- | velopment of the class-consciousness | of the workers” at a time when the | dictatorship of the proletariat and. | the Soviet Power exist, at a time) | when a widespread communist and | socialist press, and the organisa- tions of the Comintern exist. Such | |a defence of renegacy cannot be} tolerated even by those who have re- | mained in the ranks of the Trotzky- jists. No longer are individuals breaking away from the Trotzkyists, but whole groups. Every new de- cision of the Party, and particularly the decisions of the 16th National Conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, hammers a new wedge into the illegal Trotzkyism and compels those who have wan- dered into its blind alley, to seek a way out. People who worked to- gether with Trotzky for years, such as Radek, can no longer stand it, We reproduce here a letter written by Radek on 19th May 1929 to his | in attacking the Soviet Union and giving objective assistance to all the | imperialist enemies of the first Workers’ and Peasants’ Republic. In the following article, which has just become available, a highly signi- | ficant letter from Karl Radek is printed. Radek, one of Trotsky’s earliest | associates in the Opposition, in this letter denounces Trotsky’s act in | writing in the capitalist press, and for his part in the formation of the “National League of Bolshevist Leninists,” which has sunken, accord- ing to Radek, “into a block of menshevists.” Most significant of all is this declaration by Radek: “We considered that the opposition was the defender of the October Revolution. his dream is past. We will now have to mobilize all our forces in order to save the best elements in the opposition for the October Revolution.” Those who still go with Trotsky, Radek says, will be a mixture of menshevist and syndicalist elements which will break up in a hundred directions after a certain space of time. Trotsky, now in Constantinople, is writing his memoirs for the rep- tile Hearst press, which is being widely advertised in the whole capi- talist. press of the world—EDITOR). | right to tell the truth in the bour- | why should this virtue remain an | nearest fractional friend, I. Smilga: “I begin my letter with your fayorite expression: ‘The affair is The attitude of our theses that the opposition should turn towards the Party and aim at giving the Party a correct class attitude, should become the left-wing of the Party, has been defeated. I am sending you the theses of the Moscow com- rades and the letter of Trotzky ‘To the Russian Workers.’ Taken as a whole they mean a proclama- tion of disruption by Trotzky. In order to spare you a detailed study of these theses, I will touch upon the most important points: 1, At a moment when even the blind can see that the main ques- tion is how the opposition can be turned towards the Party which is carrying on great class struggles, these people have de- cided to form their own organisa- tion. They sign their material al- ready as ‘The National League of Bolshevist’ Leninists’. All of us, Leo (Trotzky) included, were op- posed to the formation of the ‘Leninbund’, even at a time when in our opinion everything was go- ing over to the right, and now they are binding themselves or- ganisationally. As we cannot as- sume that three or four unknown people have done this on their own initiative, without asking anyone, it is clear that they are acting under the cloak of some confer- ence or the other upon the basis of the instructions of L. D.® (Trotzky). 2. The theses published by this ‘National League’ represent a com- plete and undoubted liquidation of the platform: a) In the Chinese question they place themselves upon the basis of the permanent revolution and de- clare that they have the right to b) In the question of the char- | acter of the Soviet Power they | give a formulation which would | apply completely to the govern- ment of Scheidemann-Noske in Germany or to the government of the Labour Party in Great Britain. The Soviet Power, they say, is a bloc of the reactionary workers and the rural petty bourgeoisie, having, however, a_ proletarian basis, and therefore our attitude towards it is reformist. Kerenski and Tsereteli, however, also rep- resented a bloc of the reactionary workers and the village bour- geoisie and they also had, up to | a certain period, a proletrian basis. | And nevertheless the bolshevists did not conceive of reforming this | bloc! The government of Scheide- | mann-Noske in Germany or the MacDonald government in Great Britain also had a_ proletarian basis, but only the left wing so- cial democrats in Germany and the LL.P. in Great Britain took up a reformist attitude to them. c) In answer to the question upon what lever the opposition answers: secret voting in the Party and in the trade unions. The theses regard this question as subordinate and do not even sum up enough courage to reject this counter-revolutionary slogan, they only water it down. d) With regard to the most important question, the question of cooperation in the bourgeois press, which is equivalent to the question of whether everything is permissible in the struggle against Stalin and the Soviet Power, they answer, yes, everything is per- missible. In addition they propose revise Lenin’s basic conception upon the basis of . experience, namely when and in what questions Trotzky considers it advisable, a to make the opposition an asylum for homeless Bolshevist Leninists. | with them will be a mixture of should throw its weight, Trotzky | After they have attacked us, they petmit us to remain in the oppo- February, 1929, Trotzky had the geois press, why shouldn’t he have the right to do the same in all the months. of this year and in | all the following years? If it is a virtue to issue Lenin’s works with the money of the bourgeois press, episode? “That is the contents of this document. What conclusion must | we draw from it? The first con- clusion is: We must face the truth and that is that they have dis- rupted the opposition and that we have nothing in common with them. Those who accept these theses form a new party with a special program (See Trotzky’s: ‘Criticism of the Program of the Corhintern’ with his rejection of Leninism for the whole Orient), with special tactics, with special organizational principles (see Trotzky’s arguments in favor of the productivity of labor and in support of the Party, is rejected by these people. What sort of tone these, our ‘allies’ use towards us, you can see from the writings of | Muralov who has not only lost the last remnants of his under- standing, which was never very great, but also the honesty and conscience for which we held him in high regard. I have been too much under fire for such things to make even the least impression upon me and have therefore not the least intention to answer, but this will show you that we cannot remain one single day longer un- der the same roof with these peo- ple. “Shall we abandon the struggle to. win the best elements amongst those who are banished, after this breach? Not at all. We shall con- tinue this struggle with all pos- sible energy, determination and ruthlessness. It is just for this the demand for inner-party dem- ocracy for the right wingers in his article ‘Concerning the Right Wing Bloc and Other Nonsense’), with a special organization. Neither I nor you nor Eugen (Preobrazhenski) have anything in common with them and tomor- row hundreds and thousands of comrades who are not the sort of people who are prepared to swal- low everything, will also break with them. Those who will still go menshevist and syndicalist ele- ments which will break up in a hundred directions after a certain space of time. “After I had read this document and thought over it, I would have liked to. send a telegram to the Pravda immediately declaring that I had nothing to do with this ‘National League.’ I refrained from doing so because I am firmly convinced that in the immediate future we shall do it together, you, Eugen and a numben of other comrades, “The illusions which you still | reason that we must make the breach before and then attack as our Bolshevist god commands. The situation, has, however, further consequences. We considered that the opposition was the defender of the October Revolution. This dream is past. We will now have to mobilize all our forces in order to save the best elements in the opposition for the October Rey- olution. That is the bitter and brutal truth, but it is better than any illusions. The consequence of the destruction of these illusions is that there is simply no left wing and we must draw our own conclusions from this fact. I ex- pect your arrival here. —KARL RADEK.” Tomsk, May 19, 1929, What are the conclusions from this letter? The opposition is no left wing, as it called itself. Ac- have in your letter of May 6, that we might bring over the center of our fraction, have already been liquidated. The so-called center is only a letter-box of Trotzky and it would be a mistake to believe that we could win it by sticking our letters into it too. I am no supporter of the Trotzkyist phil- osophy and therefore do not be- lieve that he has won this letter- box by intrigues or other devilish means. He only reflects the opinions of the major portion of the oppositional __ intelligentsia which is striving to utilize the WILL “THE DA Name Address Names of contributors wi delay, cording to the words of Radek it ‘has sunken into a bloc of menshe- Send in Your Answer! The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York. After reading the appeal for aid in the Daily Worker I am sending you the enclosed amount, $ | olution. One can still save indivi- duals from the opposition who, after openly admitting their errors, will return to the Party and fight with |it for the defense of the October | Revolution. | Radek’s letter proves ill more. The ideological differentiation and \the ideological collapse of the op- position is proceeding at an in- creased speed. One section of the opposition is moving farther and farther away from the Party, so that those who still consider them- selves capable of a return to the Party, capable of political life, be- gin to recognize that they must act far more quickly and determine their , attitude to the opposition and to the Party with all possible speed. The “platform” has long ago ceased to be a document upon which any member of the opposition can take his stand. They cannot do this be- |cause some of them have developed much farther towards the right whilst the others are about to re- turn to the Party, All compromising formulations, all half-heartedness, all leaving open of back doors are damaging and useless. Whoever has really recognized that Trotzkyism is damaging, that the Trotzkyist op- position has developed into a mix- ture of menshevist and syndicalist elements, must quickly leave the op- position without looking back and then “attack as our Bolshevist god demands,” but against those who continue their disgusting damaging, and anti-Bolshevist machinations. *) In this letter, as in many other letters written by the Trotzkyists, attenion is also paid o my person. I would likeo declare once and for all that the choice abuse with which I am showered in these letters does not touch me in the least. I defend the interests of the Party without bothering about such abuse, I can only advise he Trotzkyists not to waste so much paper. Em. Y. ILY” SURVIVE?