The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 10, 1929, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JULY 10, 1929 lorker daily Publishing Co. Inc... Daily, fon Square, N York City, N. S “‘DalwOk! By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New sYork, N. ¥. $8,060 a year © 4 “ Federal Courts and the Southern Workers The United States government, in which policy of centralization of all repressive and anti-labor forces is working well, finds the workers unawed by its last two blows at them. At the moment Federal Judge Thatcher in New York was throwing the power of the government against the Gas- Hoover's tonia str , and lending his most enthusiastic aid to the murder ip program of the prosecution by barring the Interz nal Labor Defense envelopes from the mail, Fed- eral Judge Borah of New Orleans was threatening the street e with “every enforcement agency of the nt” to support an injunction he had just granted New York banks and the company against the militant strike, But while this was being done, Fred Beal, facing frame- and electrocution, sent out a telegram from his prison cell in Gastonia, hailing the heroic struggle of the New Orleans strikers, and pointing out to them that the murder- ous police attack against them had its counterpart in the police attack on the Gastonia strikers in their tent colony, June 7. Beal stated: “We view your strike as additional proof of the growing r intolerable conditions of exploitation.” And he was even more right than he knew, for the latest news is that 23,000 building trades workers in New Orleans, who have been trying to force their officialdom into action, secured a statement from the head of the building trades council that a strike vote would be taken, to walk out in solidarity with the enjoined street carmen, and tie up all activities in the city’s building industry. The growth of rebeYJion among the southern workers is such, that we may confidently look forward to a vote in favor of the strike, s expect similar action from other unions there. Cutting across this picture of the resistance of the rank and file to oppression and open shop drive, is the expected attempt to sell out the New Orleans strike by the reaction- ary Mahon leadership in the Amalgamated Street and Elec- tric Railway Employees. The local secretary of the union cringes before the injunction, and the workers will have to watch out, or they will find themselves in the situation of the Elizabethton textile workers, sold out. In this emergency, it can not be too strongly urged on southern and northern workers that they need a new leader- ship, that they should rally behind the Trade Union Unity Convention in Cleveland, August $1, and build a militant trade union center. It can not be hard for them to believe, in the face of this Hoover persecution, that Hoover’s war plans are nearing maturity, and that he is trying frantically to club workers into submission before he leads them to the slaughter. Workers*must rally. behind the demonstrations against im- perialist war, on International Anti-War Day, August 1. Defeating the Splitters ae FUNDAMENTAL SOUNDNESS of the pro‘cis membership of the Communist Party of the United States is demonstrated by the manner in which the splitting tactics of Jay Lovestone and his handful of followers were met. While the six years of factional struggle has left a deep impress upon our Party in the form of ideological backward- ness, the Party membership proved to Lovestone that it has learned enough of the fundamentals of Leninism to deliver a stern proletarian rebuke to anyone who openly flaunts a de- cision of the Communist International. The correctness of the decision of the Communist Inter- national to remove Lovestone from work in the American Party for a time until the factional lines could be broken down and a more stable leadership forged out of the struggle in the United States is again emphasized by his latest acts. Lovestone’s actions since his 6pen defiance of the Com- intern have taken definite political forms. This was pointed out correctly by the statement of the Central Committee of the Party published in Monday’s Daily Worker, which record- ed the mobilization of the Party against all attempts to break its unity. To defend Brandler, the leader of the right wing elements expelled from the German Party, is to endorse the campaign of calumny against the Communist International to the effect that its methods are “destructive” of the pro- letarian movement. And when Lovestone approves and re- peats the slanders of the international right to the effect that the heroic struggles of the Berlin workers on May Day were evidences of putschist tendencies he aligns himself with those who have capitulated before the bourgeoisie. He is so blinded that he cannot perceive the growing militancy of the working class, but sees only the power of the bourgeoisie, before whom he stands appalled and paralyzed. In a period of sharpening class struggles, when greater demands are put upon the Party, at a time when imperialism approaches another world war, the political instability that has characterized the role of Lovestone in the Party, an insta- bility that was criticised by the Comintern, reveals itself as open opportunism. It is far better for the Party that this tendency reached its climax in this period of preparations for imperialist war than that it remain hidden until we are faced with the fact of such a war. Since the main danger of imperialist war is to be found in the conspiracies of the imperialists against the Soviet Union, it is again not an accident, but a consistent part of the international opportunist line that a part of the Lovestone attacks on the correct line of the Comintern should consist of slandering the achievements of the Soviet Union and re- peating in another form the Trotskyist charge of “Thermi dorianism.” Those who follow such a line already indicat: that their position in case of a war against the Soviet Unior will be that the workers should not defend it. Every class conscious worker will understand this going over to the side of the enemies of the revolution and will avoid such leader- ship as they wouJd avoid the plague. Lr. IS FITTING that Pittsburgh, center of coal, steel and transportation, should be the first great industrial center to begin making preparations, under the leadership of the mmunist Party, for International Anti-War Day, August t, the al tats maa the opening of Sha ed ascent volt of the southern workers against the | 99 By Fred Ellis dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. s Party members and particularly the comrades active in the | tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their | The Comintern Address to Our Party By MAX BEDACHT The following series of articles repr deli nts extracts from speeches red by Comrade Bedacht, as representative of the Central Com- mittee, to Functionaries’ meetings in New York, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland and Pittsburgh. This 4 fe Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- | Enlightenment Campaign on ihe Comintern Address to the Communist Party opinions fer the Party Pre also will be printed in thi All | ing with this cam City. solution must not be permitted to! became immediately an issue in the! vemain a mere organizational one,}membership. The “defeated” leader but must be turned into an ideolog- | took next opportunity to bring ical one. the matter before the membership | Prosparty loyalty must be devel-| and to appeal to it against the in- oped systematically so that the! justice of having his motion voted whole Party will be turned into an | down. T an intolerable prac- cager guard against any manifesta- tice in a Communist Party. Every} member of a leading committee is | an agent for the decisions of such | a committee even though he may ve been opposed to the decision tion of factional spirit and against any attempt of factional activity or mobilization. There are many as- aign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- Resolutions of Factory Nuclei ion. Send all material deal- tive. Its acceptance does not con- demn but cleanses. By accepting this criticism we declare that in} spite of all of our serious mistakes | and misdeeds we are revolutionists. We declare our readiness to prove | our Communist, our revolutionary | quality by uprooting our own errors and misdeeds and by supplementing them with conscious, Communist ac- | tion on the*line of our world Party and, especially, on the line of the series is devoted to some main pects of such a Party loyalty nding of comrades for w ifferent territories and will strengthen the Party. past attempts to dispose forees of the Party in such r political questions and may be itprop in the enlightenment cam- But special care must be an outline by a paign. taken in localizing and concretiz- ing the self-criticism, as well as ctional dispersal. Our Party is especially weak ‘in local leadership. The district and national leadership can ins; the immediate political tasks in the light of the Comintern Ad- dress (questions which were dealt with by Comrade Bedacht in his place local leadership. With a s: previous articles). tematic colonization polic} = Re, ames. |fore, our Party could be VII. Tighten the Lines of the Party.| ened enormously. The P. | The years of factional struggle|become a real revolution vance guard of the working ¢ within our Party played havoc with z 4 a army, which distributes its force its inner cohesiveness. ional discipline replaced Party discipline. Factional interest replaced Party interests. Factional friendship re-| anarchist practice of leaving to comradeship within the | every soldier in the ranks the choice Inner Party democracy be-| of his own position in battle, or the came an empty term instead of -a | choice whether he wants to take any living principle. It was only used | Position or not. as demagogic propaganda against| Supplying local leadership, espe- “the other faction.” In short, the cially in the industrial towns, away class struggle interests of the Party |from the main Party centers, wili were drowned in the swamp of fac- | Teduce the turnover in membershi) tional struggle interests. The | and will lend stability and perman- prevalence of this condition for so ency to the fruits of our organiza- long has put a mark upon our Party | tional efforts. which cannot be removed overnight.) The most important prereauisite Only conscious counteraction will finally achieve | tionalism this task. The first step to counteract these | mittees. In the past any motion results of years of factional strife voted down in a leading committee, is to dissolve the factions. This dis-| central, district, section of nucleus struggle and does not permit an is the establishment of Party Units Vote Overwhelmingly, After Thorough Discussion, Supporting Central Committee’s Expulsion of Jay Lovestone on the basis of the needs of the * kh and conscientious for the complete eradication ‘of fac- | | strict discipline of the leading com- | | nay still differ with it. Is i y wonder that as delegates to the Comintern, we could proceed to Sixth World Congress. Non-ac- ceptance of the Comintern criticism, | on the other hand, is a declaration open challenge of the authority | of unwillingness to abandon the er- ir World Party after we had/ ror of yesterday and therefore an tomed ves to challenge, | indication that the error of yester- 2 I id for years, the) Gay is the policy of today. of our own leading com-| Jt will, therefore, be necessary to fight against the opponents of the | of discipline had E. C. C. L. decisions not on the The membership | formal grounds of non-acceptance, y Lut on the basic political grounds 1 in nuelei or that in the non-acceptance there is became 2 expressed a determination to con- tinue the wrong and dangerous pol- icies of the past and an insistance on having policies other than those | appeal to the Comintern. Thi: of our world Party. It is an expres- : ation of petty sion of a desire to initiate into, and) sm. to practice within our Communist} World Party the practice of the de-} cayed Second International: “Every party for itself and the capitalist} dovil take the proletariat!” It is evident that the very life of| cur Party as a part of our Commu- t World Party is at stake. We! act preserve and strengthen this e must do this by building vty, at the same time cleans- it of all poisonous influence of ist ideology. And if. some! ber proves. incurable, if he turns out to be a willing carrier of| motion or p bership et for s mittees—the mos' often bi proposed as subject f Vil. The Comintern Address aims to Conclusion. cleanse our Party from the vir factionalism. is virus threat- to disintegrate our Party. That why the Comintern characterize: it so sharply, showing where it h caten into our policjes, into our i er Party and Comintern relatio ships, into our very integrity fighters and leaders in the cla: struggle. The recognition of th: correctness of this criticism is an indispensable prerequisite for a cure turns of the evil. The eharpness of the this ideology, then he must.go. | criticism is justified by the high! Out with opportunist ideology | stage whjcb the disease has reached. from our Party! Where this ideology Sharp ‘h the Comintern crit- | cannot he separated from a member is, @”is primarily construc-|out with an opportunist ideologist! (Continued from Page One) open and concealed opposition but also the concealed factionalism within our Party.” Unit One, District 15 (Hartford, Conn.), took up the question of Lovestone’s expulsion from the Party at its last meeting and expressed its hearty “support of the action taken by the Central Committee, con- demning the actions and manipulations of Lovestone.” Members of Shop Nucleus 509, Chicago and Northwestern Car Shops (Chicago), meeting before the expulsion of Lovestone had taken ylace, adopted resolutions demanding “the immediate removal of Love- tone, Gitlow and Wolfe from the Central Committee of the Party, tating, “We condemn their actions before the American Commission and their further opposition since that time to the decisions of the Com- munist International in this period of sharpening class struggles. “We earnestly recommend to the Central Committee the most un- compromising struggle against all manifestations of opposition to the decisions of the Communist International, either open or concealed, as the most important step towards Party unification and the complete Bolshevization of the Party in preparation for its mass tasks.” The Williston, North Dakota, Unit of the Party, endorses uncon- ditionally the Address of the Comintern, and pledges itself to become more active than ever before in the strnegthening and building of the Party forces in this locality. It declares that, “The Comintern Address, | removing factionalism, will make it possible 0 o pu sgt ° 4 nerge: i | Party, is nothing but an attempt to use the only means possible’ to “We endorse the Party-Daily Worker Drive to raise a Fund of $50,000 and we pledge ourselves to pay not less than $5 each for the Day’s Pay Stamps and we shall see to it that every member of our nucleus fully supports this drive. “We commend the determined and courageous,stand which our Party is taking in the Gastonia, North Carolina, strike.” , Street Nucleus 205, Section Two, District 8 (Chicago), in a resolu- tion adopted before the expulsion of Lovestone, declared that it con- demned the “splitting tactics of Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe and the others, who follow a policy of rejecting the decisions of the Communist international, and placing their own person egoism above the deci- sions of our World Party, the Communist International. We also con- demn those who accept the decisions in words, but:carry on a campaign of veiled struggle against the Communist International. “The statement of Lovestone where he urged the membership to vecept the Address, but that he thinks the decision is harmful for the keep contact with the membership in order to be able to raise. an op- position to the Comintern decisions in the future.” Similar declarations have been received from Unit 5, Section 7, District 2 (New York); Staten Island International Branch (New York District); Union City, New Jersey Branch; Unit 3B, Section 3, New York District; Unit 14F, Section 2, New York District, others, be published i , due’ to lack of By FEODOR CEMENT 2.7%22° Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town om the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, ¢ where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments. With him is Serge, a Bolshevik intellectual, who is a devoted Party worker. They capture Serge’s brother, who is fighting with the counter-revo- lutionaries. . * « CHAPTER XIil SLACKENING PACE I AT THE TURNING POINT ASA came the quiet strenuous days of economic activity. Again the daily, imperceptible work in the departments, in the organiza- tions and in the factory. These days were just the same as before the uprising of the White- Greens and of the Cossacks. Documents once more rustled in the offices and again sessions were held of the Soviet Executive, the Trade Union Council and the Economic Council, amid suffocating tobacco fumes, floors covered with cigarette ends, endless discussions, resolutions and plans. But no longer did one see by. night the shifting torches in the mountains. Saturday was the market-day for country produce—potatoes, flour, vegetables, eggs, poultry and game—which were piled up on the market-place to overflowing; and the air smelt strongly of horse-sweat and manure. In the valleys, where once hardly a rider or pedestrian could pass safely, the paths through the woods were now peaceful and crowded with numbers of people, walking, with | creaking carts, and with the slow songs of the peasants. Once more the people of the town, tradespeople and busy persons in military tunics and leather coats, with and without portfolios, came out from their tightly closed dwellings and basements into the streets. No one thought now of the evacuation scenes and the thunder of guns and the nights of terror through which they had all passed. . . * 8 Waa its mountainous shores, the bay was as blue as the sky; and along the quays rolled carts and motor-lorries. On the roadstead beyond the moles, as far as the horizon itself, twinkled the white sails, sharply outlined, of the fishermen’s smacks, Early in the morning appeared—they knew not from where—Turkish feluccas, dancing on the waves, scraping against the concrete quays, their masts designing arab- eques against the sky. Unoccupied persons no longer dolefully raised their eyebrows when meeting, and whispered in corners at cross-roads and on footpaths; but they now spoke right out in business-like tones about the New Economic Policy, the rate of exchange, the Turkish feluccas and contraband. In the principal street, in front of the shops which were previously used as storehouses for various economic organizations, drays and lorries rumbled. The horses stamped and neighed and the draymen all day long were yelling and swearing under the weight of bales, boxes and bags. The main street burning in the sun, scented with spring, was being cleaned up and tidied in the expectation of new developmnts. There had once been a time when it had been gay with smart shop windows, smelling of perfumery, rustling with the silken promenading of fashionable ladies, and at night time bathed in the glare of illumin- ated signs. The street was dreaming of a to-morrow, smiling and well- fed, like the bygone days; a to-morrow without the Cheka, without bread rations, without obligatory housing control, without registration and ~ re-registration, without compulsions of forced labor. . 6 8 yee and young girls, skirts pinned up above their knees, stood on window-sills and step-ladders, washing the big panes of plate-glass, and the long-accumulated dirt was running down in brown streams on to the pavement. From the dim interiors of the shops came a mouldy smell and the damp coolness of a céllar. The songs of the girls echoed in the emptiness of the shops, broken occasionally by a squeaking laugh and by orders passed from one to the other. In front of the open doors and windows people wandered, here and there, forming groups, looking long with anxious curiosity into the shops, at the wet window panes and the women’s bare calves. Square and oblong white notices, written in large black capitals, showed up brightly on the clean-plate glass windows, behind which were the black interiors where hammers banged and saws hummed, A Co-Operative Store will Shortly be Opened Here. A Cafe will be Opened Here in a Few Days. Retail Co-Operative Department Store. Commercial Manufacturing Company. On the smooth, grey walls of the Town Hall—now the Communal Administration Centre—appeared in enormous letters: He Who Does Not Work Shall Not Eat. On the Ruins of the Capitalist World We Shall Build the Great Edifice of Communism. We Have Lost Nothing But Our Chains and Shall Gain the Whole World. * * * N the market-place new stalls and tents were erected. There axes were swinging, golden shavings falling; and in the streets of the town there was the smell of pineeresin and paint. Outside the Department of People’s Education, from morning until four in the afternoon, school teachers with blue, drawn faces were crowding. They were standing or sitting on the pavement in groups, or stood along the wall in a queue, resigned and obedient, like persons. They had been gathering like this every day outside this building, all through the winter ind the month of March. The school buildings were occupied by the officers of various departments. The libraris and class-rooms had been pillaged, and the desks broken up for fire- wood. And there was a\lack of-paper-money, in the Educational Depart- ment. Why then did they come and wait there so humbly for the wages that had not been paid since Autumn? When Serge came out from the sessions of the Collegium on to the street, he would immediately get jostled and breathless in the compact jam and tumult of the teachers. He could see neither street nor pavements, and the air was heavy and. suffocating from the effluvia of unclean bodies and clothes, and compact of blue faces, dull, distressed’ eyes, whining entreaty and humility. The herd formed round him into a spongy, impenetrable mass, wailing and supplicating like beggars; dry teeth between earth-colored lips like those of a corpse...And it was always the same words he heard, groans and whispered, singly or in chorus. i “Serge Ivanovitch! Serge Ivanovitch! Dear Serge Ivanovitch! You were a teacher yourself—. You know what it means... . What, then, Serge Ivanovitch, can be done?” ,. Serge squeezed through the begging crowd, seeing no one, look- ing. past everyone and smiling confusedly. He was worried by a vague sense of guilt in the presence of these half-dead creatures. “I can’t do anything, Comrades. I have made a request, I’ve claimed and demanded, but what can I do? I know all about it, Com- rades, but I can’t do anything now. As soon as there’s an opportunity + «++I don’t know—.” And he hastened on, but without getting away from the, crowd, without escaping from these submissive dog-like eyes and corpse-like cheeks. Again they had a Sunday’s voluntary mass work. Again thousands of workers clustered ant-like about the cable-way, thundering with hammers, pickaxes and spades. Gravely leaning on his stick, Engi- neer Kleist was personally supervising the work. By evening the rop way again began to sing flute-like with its pulleys; and the wheels agaii began to swing their spokes in all directions and at all angle (To be Continued) ws IS INSEPARABLE FROM CAPITALISM.—Impe- rialism, the monopolist stage of capitalism, ‘sharpen all the contradictions of capitalism to such an extent that “peace” becomes but a pe sin spell for new wars.—Thes: and Resolutions of the VI World Congress of the Com Se ee