The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 5, 1929, Page 6

Page Six Baily Seis Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. Published by the Co. Inc. Daily, except Sunday, at 2 York City, ¥. Telephone ‘DAIWORK. ! (in New York only): 0 six months « $2.50 three months 1 (outside of New York): $6.00 a year six months $2.00 three months Adéress and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New Yo a > $8.00 a year $3 The King Calls for MacDonald #7 ¥ORGE V., by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dom- inions beyond the Seas King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India,” has called on J. Ramsay MacDonald, the most able exponent of the treacherous anti-labor leadership of the bour- geois Labor Party, to form a new government. The mere fact that the titular head of the British empire, speaking for the outstanding old world imperialism, calls on MacDonald to form a government should be significant in the eyes of international labor. This is the same King George V. who “called on” Lloyd George and Baldwin to wage the world imperialist war, to hur] the British army and navy and every financial means it could muster against the Bolshevik revolution in Russia for the purpose of destroying it and restoring czarism; that is trying to smash the workers’ and peasants’ power in China and India, and that bitterly oppresses the working class at home. MacDonald is being “called on” to continue this job, nothing else, and in the present period MacDonald offers himself as the best instrument in the hands of the British imperialists to crush working class resistance at home, for intensifying the butchers’ rule invoked against the Indian masses of which the Simons Commission was a forerunner, for developing “The Empire’s” interests in China and other semi-colonial countries, for developing militant aggressions that lead to new war against the Union of Soviet Republics. Winston Churchill, one of the Soviet Union’s bitterest foes, who has poured a steady stream of gold from “The Empire’s” treasury into the coffers of every counter-revolu- tionary movement against the Soviet power, applauds the action of Premier Baldwin in resigning and turning over his post to MacDonald, declaring “that it was the only fair thing to the Labor Party” and that it should have a “fair chance.” The army and navy will not be mobilized against the MacDonald government, precisely because it will be, as in 1924, a bourgeois government. The conservatives and liberals will give MacDonald every possible assistance against the left wing in the Labor Party, preparing the basis for any necessary disciplinary measures. The expulsion campaign that has been carried out in the Labor Party and the trade unions against the Communists, resulting in many local labor parties disaffiliating from the national party, was part of the rapid drift of the Labor Party to the right to make it acceptable to British reaction, so that MacDonald might be “called” by the King. The duties that will fall to the MacDonald government, from day to day, will repeatedly reveal its anti-labor char- acter. One of its first dirty jobs will be to prepare the so- called “King’s Speech” for the new parliament. MacDonald will write it and defend it, just as his whole administration of power will be for the benefit of reaction against labor. It is this anti-working class regime, that is scheduled to go into office today, that receives alike the applause of Mat- thew Woll, the National Civic Federation’s leader in the American Federation of Labor, and Morris Hillquit and Nor- man Thomas, spokesmen of the socialist party. Imprison Leader s in Food Strike. The Tammany Hall police tyranny in New York City has sent to prison two of the outstanding militant leaders cf New York labor, Michael Obermeier, organizer, and Sam Kramberg, secretary of the Hotel, Restaurant and Food Workers’ Union, that is waging a courageous struggle that aims at the organization of the hundreds of thousands of workers in the food industry. The big crime of Obermeier and Kramberg is that they aim to build a powerful, class struggle union, that will work in the closest harmony with similar unions in other industries. If they were loyal to the craft unionism of the New York Central Labor Union and of the American Federation of La- bor, they would never be troubled with the employers’ justice meted out by the Tammany Hall pélice and courts. That is the difference between the leadership of the new left wing industrial unionism and the old craft unionism. The leaders of the former fight and go to prison, the leaders of the latter betray the workers and remain in the good graces of the em- ployers, the police, the courts and Tammany Hall, of which they are an integral part. The specific crime charged against Obermeier and Kram- berg is that they have refused to pay the fine of $250 levied against them on May 18th by Judge Thomas C. T. Crain, who is considered of such high quality by the Tammany Hall laborites that he has been accepted as an “impartial arbi- trator” in the building trades controversy. This judicial lackey with true capitalist consistency ordered that the money be paid to the powerful and wealthy Wil-low Cafeteria chain that mulcted the workers of New York City of $300,000 in profits during the last half year period, and is reputed to own $20,000,000 worth of property. It is against this chain of 23 cafeterias, among others, that the workers are striking for an end of the 12-hour workday and the most meager of wages. The refusal of the food workers’ officials to pay their fines to the profiteering cafeteria owners, who were assisted on their side of the struggle by one of the most brutal in- junctions ever handed down by a local court, marks a crucial ° point in the development of the strike. It is an old maneuver of employers to have the leaders of a strike sent to prison as one method of breaking the strike. The sending of Obermeier and Kramberg to prison, how- ever, should only strengthen the will of the workers in the food industry, and in all other industries, to struggle more weously than ever. The fight of the food workers is the all labor. Kramberg and Obermeier go to prison for | The Socialist “New L | Communists Expose ‘Laborites’ The Daily Worker prints the elec-; tion program of the Communist |Party of Great Britain as a docu- ment of historical importance to jworkers thruout the world and par- ticularly to the workers of this coun- try. For the first time the British Communist Party entered the elec- tions with its own candidates and with a clear-cut class program divid- ng it unmistakeably from the three capitalist parties. Of special import- ance is the section dealing with the labor party which exposes the true imperialist face of this fake “labor” organization that has now become the ruling party of British imperial- ism. | * 'ORKERS of Britain!! Three par- ties are appealing to you in the jname of the nation at the general jelection. They call themselves tor- lies, liberals and labor. But they all jdefend capitalist rationalization— the drive to rebuilt capitalist Britain _ * EVERYBODY PERSPIRES IN SUM DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5, 1929 MERTIME . er” boasts that its readers spend much money for their vacations in well-to-do resorts. ‘Election Program of British Communist Party ‘live factory committees, Is Clear-Cut Class Document used to defend the privileges of the |Blanesburgh report and intervention | foreign exploiters and the power of the feudal landlords, In Egypt, British warships and troops have been used to destroy parliamentary government, The Labor Party. The labor party pretends to be the opponent of the tory party. It promises you a paradise of class col- laboration. But in every one of the attacks on the workers and colonial peoples, the labor party has actively | co-operated with the tories and lih- erals, This was the policy pursued during the war, when it entered the capitalist coalition in order to pre- in China, It participated in the Simon Commission, and approves of the repressive measures taken |against India. It supports the no- \torious “industrial peace” campaign, aimed at preventing strikes, at a time when the capitalists are cut- |ting the workers’ standard of living jon every side. On all essential issues, where the |safety of capitalist rule in Great | Britain is menaced, the labor party sides with the tories and liberals |against the workers. Exposes Illusions, The tory, liberal and labor parties by forcing you to work longer hours, |yent the working class ending the|®@re using the general election to under speeding-up conditions, for jower wages. They all support the | policy of holding down India, Egypt, Treland and the other colonies by brute force, They all do their best jto pile up armaments, | The Communist Party is the only |Party which appeals to you in the iname of your class. It believes in |the capacity and power of the work- | jing class to seize power from the | jcapitalists. It takes the lead in the | |workers’ rising tide ‘of struggle | against capitalist rationalization, jand alone calls the workers to the |fight against war preparations and to defend the Soviet Union. It alone fights to expose the hideous oppres- sion of the colonies by British im | perialism. All three parties are defending capitalist dictatorship, under the \cever of parliamentary democracy. | ; The Communist Party fights for the | dictatorship of the working class, |for the purpose of establishing real workers’ deriocracy. The Tory Government. The tory government joined hands with the coal owners to drive the | miners into poverty and misery, and its 8-Hours Act threw scores of thousands on the streets, It led the capitalist class against the General | |Strike, which it defeated with the! help of the treacherous trade union and labor party leaders, and helped the capitalists to follow up their | victory by depriving the workers of | trade union rights, through the trades disputes act. Through the Blanesburgh unem- ployment act and its control of the | labor exchanges, it has starved the unemployed. Its de-rating act crip- |vles social services to present £24,- 000,000 to landicrds and factory | owners. The tory government broke off re- ‘ations with Soviet Russia, hamper- ing trade which was developing, and increasing the peril of war against the first workers’ state. Never be- fore have the Union Jack and the brutal, plundering imperialism it represents been to such a degree the ubject of hatred and terror of all the oppressed. | Indian Terror. | Particularly in India, a new wave of ferocious legal repression and | military violence has been launched | to crush the national fight for in- dependence, the Indian workers’ fight against coolie,conditions, and the peasantry’s fight against rack- renting and crushing taxation. At, |this moment 31 of the best Indian | trade unionists, leaders of the heroic six months’ strike of the Bombay cotton operatives, are jailed on the trumpery charge of “levying war on the king.” ~. 4. In China, British forees have been! quad gave,ber.0 diunen,/ war by rising in revolt. Before the General Strike the la- bor party opposed any preparations by the workers, in spite of the open organization of the O. M. S., Special Constabu » ete. The General Strike of 1926, in de- fense of living conditions for the miners and the cause of class soli- y, was the biggest event in British working class history. It raised the question of who should rule in Great Britain—the capitalist class or the working class. The cap- italists were led by the tory govern- ment, which was determined to de- feat the workers. The workers en- trusted their cause to the General | Council, which co-operated with the labor party in carrying out Bald. win’s program General Strike and the stupendous seven months’ struggle of the min- ers. Rebuilding Capitalism. The capitalists’ victory in the General Strike was followed by a tremendous drive for rationaliza- tion, Capitalist rationalization in Britain is intended to stabilize and rebuild declining British capitalism at the expense of the workers. And | the tory, liberal and labor parties ihave all pledged themselves to carry out this policy under centralized government control. The labor party’s program of re- building capitalism is the natural consequence of its policy of co-op- eration with the tories during the last five years. It prevented mass action against the trade union bill and the break with Russia. It supported the by betraying the | |strengthen the workers’ illusions about parliament as a means of lachieving emancipation. The Com- munist Party takes part in the gen- jeral election to combat these illu- |sions, and to show the workers that enly a resolute struggle to smash the power of the capitalists can |bring about emancipation. The three capitalist parties pro- claim that they stand for the em- |pire, and are jointly preparing world-wide wars against the Union |of Soviet Socialist Republics and jagainst the British empire’s rival, the United States The Communis | wor Party calls the to action to smash the | world prison house of nations known jas the British empire, reminding them of Marx’s famous message |that “a nation which oppresses oth- |ers can never be free itself.” Fights Imperialist War. The Communist Party fights the |preparations for new imperialist wars by unmasking the war plans, by fighting the agents of capital- ism in the workers’ midst, and by mobilizing the workers in day to day struggles against the capitalists and their agents, so that when a new imperialist war breaks out the workers will be prepared to defeat the war-makers’ government and establish a Revolutionary Workers’ government. A Revolutionary Workers’ govern- ment in Britain would nationalize the land, mines, railways, large fac- tories, shipyards, banks, foreign trade, etc., without compensation, except for small investors, trade unions and co-operatives. It would run industry on up-to-date lines Bosses Shower Lackey with Flowers Sn By William Gropper | through self-supporting state trusts, | with workers’ control through all- Central Economic Council. It would establish a Central Econ- |cmie Council, under complete con- trol of the workers, with full au- thority to co-ordinate all branches of national economic life and to elim- inate the anarchy and waste of capi- talism. It would make preparations | for introducing the 6-hour day, for which British industry is fuily ripe, while insuring the 7-hour day and |the 40-hour week as transitional |measures, It would commit all local author- ity into the hands of local Councils | | of Workers’ Delegates, elected in| |the factories and trade unions, and | would organize its own revolution- | ary armed forces to which only workers would be admitted. It would immediately grant com- | plete independence, including the | right of separation, to the colonies, and would give them political and economic assistance. It would establish Britain as a | Workers’ Socialist Republic, feder- | jated with the Union of Soviet So- | jcialist Republics. | Mass Communist Party. The Communist Party, in pursu- | ance of its independent policy, is| putting up its candidates in a num- \ber of constituencies against those lof all three capitalist parties. In| jother constituencies where no Com- | |raunist candidate is in the field, and where the labor candidate refuses to pledge himself to a program of | fighting working class demands, the | Communist Party advises the work- ers not to vote for any capitalist candidates, tory, liberal or labor. | It calls on the workers to |strengthen the forces of their class, |their bulwark against capitalist op- |pression and imperialist war, by |building a mass Communist Party. Down with British imperialism! Against the peril of a new war! Against the three capitalist par- ties! Class against class! | For a _ Revolutionary Workers’ government! IMMEDIATE DEMANDS. Immediate restoration of the 7- ‘hour day to the miners, no overtime | and a guaranteed week. Full maintenance of the unem- ployed. Enactment of the 7-hour day for all industries, with 6 hours for young workers and dangerous trades. Repudiation of the national debt, with compensation for small invest- ors, trade unions and co-operatives only. Abolition of the workers’ contri- butions to national insurance. Requisitioning and rationing of empty houses. Free meals for all school children. Full economic equality for women and men, including equal pay for equal work. Abolition of the monarchy and the house of lords; payment of election | expenses. | Full political rights for soldiers, sailors and airmen, and prohibition \of their use in strikes. Repeal of the trade union act of 1927, and restoration of complete |freedom of strikes and picketing. Repeal of the sedition and other |penal laws against the workers, and lof the emergency powers’ act. Immediate opening of full diplo- tatic relations with Soviet Russia (exchange of ambassadors). Complete independence for India and other colonies (including right of separation); withdrawal of Brit- ish troops. Repudiation of the Versailles |\CEMEN treaty and suppor Pine crea eg sae By FEODOR GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army commander, returns to his town on the Black Sea to find the great cement works in ruins, and the life in the town generally disorganized. With his proletarian determination and vigor he wins over the workers for rebuilding the factory and repair- ing the track over the mountain in order to transport wood into the town before the winter sets in. Serge, an intellectual who has joined the revolution and fought side by side with the workers, gets a note from his father, an old scholar. * * * ages smiled affectionately while reading the note. Troubled by a vague presentiment he went to the library. He saw in imagination his father’s head, bald like his own, but with rebellious ash-colored hair surrounding it like a halo, and his beard which stuck out at right angles to his chin. There was something child-like in this head and something weak and restless in his inadequately expressed wisdom. Serge saw through the cool dark corridor which stank rgpulsively of mice, through a partly opened door, a hall bathed in dusty twi- light with far-away rows of books on shelves, He heard the murmur- ing rustle of pages. In thig hall once upon a time there had been a cinema. The floor sloped slightly. There were only two narrow windows. That was why there was always this dusk as in a temple. There was also the tran- quility of a temple, ancient and saturated with decay. No walls could be seen: only books from floor to ceiling, in flowing parallel rows. Why were there so many books? Could a man read them all during his brief sentient life? Were they squeezed so tightly, on the shelves because man had grown alarmed at their numbers, threatening to devour his life, and he pining for the light of the sun. * e juss smiled behind a pile of books on the counter, enraptured and amazed. “Serge Ivanitch! moment... .” In the center of the hall, like an altar-piece, was a large bookstand, full of books, and near it with his streaming grey hair was Serge’s father, clad in a long linen smock. He looked at his son from afar, rais- ing his eyebrows. As Serge approached his father, stepping cautiously over the inclined floor, he noticed that he was barefooted; his feet were disfigured and dirty, covered with bunions and scars. “You love me—I can see it. Come to me at my: altar and sit You had eyes like those even when you were a child—the eyes ¢ possessed,” hs) He spoke and laughed in a confused whisper. He looked #8 2, sharply and steadily, with an anxious questioning gaze. e! “Do you know what it is to be possessed, Serge? It ia sot an unbounded curiosity about life. Such people suffer because ? exists a sad neceSsity in the world: namely, sleep.” - Serge smiled at his father’s friendly words; and, as always wii in his presence, felt joyfully excited. He seemed gigantic and plicably near to him, . * Is it possible? Ivan Arsenitch..,. Just a HS father was laughing very low and keeping his anxious questioning gaze upon Serge. He had something of the curiosity of a person who verifies the solution of a problem. With his trembling fingers he was stuffing bits of his beard into his mouth, and laughing mock- ingly. Serge felt that he had something serious and grievous to tell him. ‘ * * “Don’t you feel depressed in this cavern, father?” “The fate of all books, Serge, is to be the prison of thought. Each book is a noose for human liberty. Isn’t it true that all these shelves look like iron bars? Aspiring to immortality, the human spirit produces a book—its own tomb, An inexorable doom, Serge: man is in perman- ent rebellion, and rebellion is no more than a leap from one prison to another; from one’s mother’s womb into the womb of society, into the shackles of obligatory rules, and from there—into the grave! Marcus Aurelius was no fool; he knew how to sense freedom while rattling his chains, and possessed sufficient wisdom to look through the walls of his prison.” “Father, I think that real liberty is only in the creative union of our will with dialectic necessity. Man is immortal in the dynamics of creative collectivism.” His father looked at him attentively with the stern smile of a sceptic. “Why don’t you inquire about your mother? if she were to die today?” Serge remained silent for a moment, looking into his father’s eyes, “Is she very bad? I'd like to see her, if only for a minute.” “She’s dying from a sorrowful love for her children. She’s dying, little Serge.” His eyebrows quivered in a smile that was full of anguish. “But I’m not going to die. Be calm. Real life, my son, means freedom from dependence on sequence. As the world is only relative, real happiness consists in losing oneself in the moment. Not only Marcus Aurelius, but even Lucretius Carus himself, could ®ave made a friend of me.” How would you feel (Nae felt a beneficient calm and tranquility in his soul. In the intervals of his tense and strenuous days, poisoned by sleepless nights, he could blissfully abandon himself in this bookish silence, let his soul rest without thought, remain undisturbed and alone. His nights in his little room in the House of the Soviets were torturing nightmares, haunted by headaches; for the House of the Soviets never slept, and for twenty-four hours it was full of tobacco smoke and tele- phone bells, and every fibre of one’s mind was woven into the electric network of the Republic. There were no days and nights in the House of the Soviets—there was just a little room in which one felt the agony of over-strain, the austérity of effort and self-immolation, “My dear Serge, your mother is very ill. Go to her. Yes, yes. Even if you don’t talk to her, just look at herfas you used to when a child and you will give her great happiness.” Serge became more and more troubled. In the confused words of his father he felt an intolerable anxiety which imbued his words with a special meaning. It had always been so: neither in the days of his childhood nor of his youth had Serge ever come close to his father’s soul, which seemed to dissolve into the depths of his eyes, leaving nothing behind, His father had always seemed like a young child, and passed his days in the twilight of the library. He looked with dismay and perplexity at the money he received for his work; he was a stranger in his own home, laughing shyly when the mother spoke to him, always in a hurry. The mother filled the whole house from kitchen to bed- room; and even in the night amidst his dreams, his mother’s face, worn with care and with eyelids moist and swollen, appeared and disappeared. “Come on, father. I want to see her now.” “Yes, yes, little Serge. You have delighted me very much... very much, But listen: How will you look and behave if you meet your brother, Dimitri? Your brother, your brother. . ,. Don’t ask me about him; I fear him more than I fear you. At any rate, I fear no one and nothing because I am full of curiosity, my dear; and so you know, curiosity is nothing other than wisdom. Frightfulness, my dear Serge, is not in the depths of things, but only in-the simple elements of move- ment—in a passing glance, in a gesture or a ery. In this, my friend, is the crucifixion of man; the curse which rests upon him.” At the Mother’s Bedside. yee orchard, ‘surrounded by its fence, lay in a brownish mist. Bare branches and twigs were crossed and interwoven into flexible knots. Only the almond trees bloomed with thick swarms of white flowers. This garden had been planted by his father’s own hands when Serge was still a boy. He walked along by the fence, looking through the chinks, and saw the well-known trees and neglected paths and the arbor of lattice-work covered with clusters of wild grapes. He had hammered it together while he was still a high-school boy. And the stone house seemed near and yet distant, like a memory of childhood, “Was it a long time ago, my little Serge, since you were living and growing up here? Do you remember your attic?” The old man laughed, gripped Serge’s hand and then at once re- leased it, His scarred feet tripped on in short steps. And Serge realized that his father was glad to see him and was ashamed of his own joy. And suddenly Serge noticed for the first time the slovenly and neglected * * appearance of his father and the empty profundity of his eyes. “Your revolution is one of the happiest revolutions in history,