The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 5, 1929, Page 3

- Manifesto of the Central Committee of the Communist ee a DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5, 1929 Page Three Se 10 ALL PARTY ORGANIZATIONS AND PARTY UNITS! | TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE C. P. OF THE U.S. A.! TO ALL REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS OF THE U. S.! The address of the Executive Committee of the Communist In- ternational followed by the unanimous endorsement of the Political Bureau and the enthusiastic response of the broad strata of the Party membership opens up a new period in the life of the Party and marks an important stage in the Bolshevization of the Communist Party of the United States of America. The address of the Communist International puts an end to all factionalism that has been poisoning the Party for years, sapping its influence amongst the militant work- ers and undermining the revolutionary authority of its leadership The readiness with which the Party membership has responded to the address, shows already that the Comintern understood very clearly conditions and problems of the Party and has provided a firm basis upon which the Party can overcome its difficulties and. trans- form itself in the shortest possible time from a propaganda organiza- tion into a mass Communist Party; and further demonstrates that the Communist Party of the U, S. A. is an integral part of the Com- munist International. Do the enemies of the working class and of our Party, the renegades and social democratic lackeys, jeer at the severe criticisms by the Communist International of our errors? We answer that the Communist Party, the Party of Lenin in this country, is a section of the World Party, the Communist International, the leader of the struggles of the revolutionary proletariat of the entire world: that we are proud of the fact that in the solution of our difficult problems we have the assistance of the best representatives of the revolu- tionary proletariat of every country in our common struggle against world imperialism. Unlike the hypocritical reformists and opportun- ists, the Party of Lenin does not stifle differences nor conceal its errors from the toiling masses, but takes up the criticism of the Com- intern in the spirit of Lenin’s teachings: “That the attitude of a political party towards its own mistakes is one of the surest tests of its seriousness and of its ability to fulfill its duties towards its class and towards the laboring masses.” Through frank and merciless criti- cism the fighting capacities of the revolutionary Party are strength- ened and the Party is enabled to fulfill its revolutionary duties to the proletariat. The General Line of the Sixth World Congress. The Sixth World Congress registered the fact that capitalism has entered into a new phase of the general world crisis—the third post- war period—a period in which, while capitalist economy is exceeding the pre-war level, there is observed the accentuation of the internal antagonisms, in capitalist countries (the swing of the masses of the working class to the left, the growing acuteness of the class struggle), and the wide development of colonial movements, the inevitability of the use of a fresh series of imperialist wars, and the imminence of gigantic class battles. The Sixth World Congress emphasized as the main tasks of the Communist Parties in this period: the intensifica- tion of the struggle against social reformism; the establishment of the independent role of the Party in the struggles which could be ac- complished only by the concentration of the full forces of the Party against the Right danger as the main danger and against any con- ciliatory attitude towards the Right, the purification of the Party of all social-democratic influences, the establishment of firm prole- tarian discipline, the elimination of factional strife, the establish- ment of the freest self-criticism and’ broad internal democracy, the strengthening of the International ties of the various sections of the Communist International—in short the Bolshevization of the various sections of the Communist International in the quickest possible time. In applying its general line to the American Party, the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International, while recognizing certain definite achievements of our party, sharply criticized the Right errors of the Party, and while observing a slackening of the Jong standing factional struggl', placed sharply before the Party as “the most important task the liquidation of the factional strife which is not based on any serious controversy of principle.” The Line of the Party After the Sixth World Congress. While correcting certain errors enumerated in the criticism of the Sixth World Congress (attitude toward the Socialist Party, or- ganization of the unorganized, etc.), the Party failed to apply the de- cisions of the Sixth World Congress to the United States. There was not only a recurrence of serious Right errors, but in the pre-conven- tion theses of both Majority and Minority there was contained the ele- ments of the theory of exceptionalism leading to the implication that the fundamental line of the Sixth World Congress did not apply tc the United States. The Opportunist Theory of Exceptionalism. . The Executive Committee of the Communist International cor- rectly points out that “not only the mistakes of the Majority, but also the most important mistakes of the Minority were based on the conception of American exceptionalism” and that this theory “found jts clearest expression in the persons of Comrades Pepper and Love; stone.” The Executive Committee of the Communist International furthermore correctly points out that “both factions of the American Communist Party have been guilty of Right errors and that both fac- tions show serious deviations to the Right from the general line of the Comintern, the root of which has been the theory of exceptional- ism, which creates the danger of an openly opportunist Right devia- tion crystallizing within the Party.” This theory of exceptionalism (itself a theory injected into the working class movement under the pressure of the bourgeoisie and by the propaganda of the reformists) manifested itself in the incor- rect estimation of American imperialism and has led to: 1) Under- estimation of the coming crisis of American imperialism or separa- tion of this crisis from the general crisis of world capitalism; 2) Underestimation of the swing to the Left of the masses; 3) Underes- timation of the struggle against social reformism; 4) Underestima- tion of the struggle against the Right danger—in fact, tended tc permeate th> Party in every phase of its work. This theory inevitably led to impeding the responsiveness of the Party to the growing mood of the masses for struggle, to blurring the revolutionary perspective of the Party, seeing in the struggles of the masses isolated events rather than a general trend of the masses to the Left. Such a theory would have the effect of causing the Party to lag behind the masses and thus deprive the Party of its leading role of the mass struggles and doom them to isolation and defeat instead of broadening, deepening, and giving revolutionary content to these struggles. The events in the United States since the Sixth World Congress have more and more proven the correctness of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress. The establishment and growth of the new revolutionary unions, the growing response to the idea of the creation of a new trade union center co-ordinating the new unions with the Left wing in the existing unions, the entrance of new masses into struggle with unparalleled militancy and vigor (New Bedford, Eliza- hethton. Gastonia, shoe, food workers), resistance to wage cuts among the miners, the growth in the number of sporadic strikes, the street demonstrations on May Day, the increase of the election vote in a number of local elections, on the one hand; and on the other hand the cunning maneuvers of the reformists to deceive the masses (Muste movement), the ever closer collaboration of the reformists with the employers and the state (A. F. of L. Executive Council and West Point, Green and the launching of the Pensacola; the A. F. of L. treachery in the textile strikes in the South) confirm the correct- ness of the line of ‘the Sixth World Congress for the United States as well as Europe. Obscuring and Weakening the Struggle Against the Right Danger. The struggle against the Right danger as the main danger threatening our Party was from the very outset weakened by con- fusing the struggle against the Right danger with the struggle against Trotskyism on the part of the Majority, while the devia- tions from the line of the Sixth Conress were also strengthened by the fact that the Minority did not carry on a proper struggle against Trotskyism. Aside from this, hoth the Majority and the Minority underestimated the danger from the Right and in practice reduced it to a struggle against serious yet isolated deviations. The struggle did not assume the form of a concentration of the full energies of the Party for a complete realization of the actual danger threatening the Communist Party from the Right in the present period. The Right danger in the American Party manifested itself not only in the opportunistic errors of both groups but also in the form of un- principled factionalism, which in its turn, was the greatest barrier in the struggle against the Right danger. The unprincipled factional struggle resulted in the concealing of Right’ errors of the followers of each of the groups and converted the struggle against the Right danger into a weapon for factional advantage of one or the other group. In the pre-convention discussion, instead of correcting the err of the Party, both the Majority and thre Minority were engaged in the bitterest factionalism and uaprineple speculation. No serious atten:pts were made on the part of either group to unite the Party on a common thesis following the correct line of the th World Con- gress. The Convention and the Open Letter. , As a result of the conditions existing in the Party before the Convention, the FE. C. C. L, after having estimated some of the errors of the Party in its Letter of December, 1928, sent the Open Letter to the Sixth Convention of our Party. The Open Letter had for its purpose the cerrection of the line of the Party, the establishment of the strong basis for a consolidation of the Party for a real struggle egainst the Right danger, and the direction of the forces of the Party toward the immediate practical tasks leading to an acceleration of the precess of the develepment of the Party into a mass Bolshevik Party of the American Preletariat. The Actions of the Convention. The Convention, which ccnsisted of the hest proletarian elements of the Party that uphold the line of the Comintern, failed to accom- plish these ends. This failure was due to the unprincipled maneuvers. on the part of the top leaders of the Majority as well as on the part of the leaders of: the Minority. At the Convention, the meaning of the Open Letter was distorted and employed as a weapon in the fac- tion struggle. The policy of speculation was continued, took on im- permissible forms (both Majority and Minority carrying on a sort of un-Communist stock exchange speculation on the situation in the C. P. of Soviet Union), and factionalism reached the highest point of its developent. “The Convention failed to produce the results it should have produced in regard to the Bolshevization, in the estab- lishment of a healthier condition within the American Communist Party. ... The Party wes not mcbilized for the struggle against the Right danger.” The Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- national, through its eategoric detailed and precise characterization of the events occurring at the Convention, to which we call the special attenticn of the Party membership, has shown the serious effects of the long-standing factional struggle within our Party. The events occurring at the Convention, the acme of factionalism reached, the speculat’on, justified the severity of the judgment of the Convention by the Communist International. Not only did the Con- vention fail to carry out its tasks enumerated above, but, through the unprincipled maneuvers for which the top leaders of the Majority pear chief responsibility it was guilty of methods alien to a Com- munist Party and correctly characterized by the Comintern as “the methods of intrigues clearly bearing the imprint of petty bourgeois politiciandom.” The Address and the Immediate Tasks. The Address of the Communist International to the membership of the American Party was srrived at after a thorough-going discus- sion by the most authoritative leaders of the Communist International together with a large and representative delegation from the Party convention. The treatment accorded the American question was due not only to the seriousness of the immediate conditions existing within the Party, but also by the need fur the application of the line of the Sixth World Congress in the United States of America, The Address of the Communist International is a powerful wea- pon for the Bolsbevization of our Party. It is a decisive measure to correct the deviations of the Party away from the line of the Sixth Congress enumerated in the Open Letter. The heart of the Address is contained in the sweeping condemna- tion of the factional struggle that was threatening to destroy the Communist Party as a mass revotutionary organization of the Amer- ican working class. The factional struggle which has been going on in the present unhampered form for the past six years, has not only been serious because factionalism has placed the interests of the fac- tions above those of Party, class and the international working class movement led by the Comintern, but because its unprincipled char- acter has led to the real danger of “the political disintegration of the leading cadres of the Party, endangering the entire work of the Party organization.” Factionalism has polluted the entire Party organization and its poison has seeped into the lowest ranks of the Party. It has stifled healthy Comrcunist thought and has hindered the revolutionary edu- cation of the mas of the Party membership. It has been the worst breeder of opportunism. Factionalism has diverted the energies of the Party from the proletarian conflict of class against class to a devastating internecine warfare of group against group. For Bolshevization Against the Right Danger. The decisions of the Comintern for the American Party are the result of the general process of Bolshevization of the various sections which is taking place through the resolute actions of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. Everywhere the Com- munist International is adopting firm measures for realizing the de- cisions of the Sixth World Congress, in Germany, Czecho-Slovakia, Poland. Contrary to the allegations of the Rights, that the Commu- nist International is “degenerating,” the Party notes with saticfac- tion that the line of the Sixth World Congress and its application by the Executive of the Comintern is resulting in an increase of the vitality and fighting spirit of the sections of our World Party. Not the Communist International has been degenerating, but the oppor- tunistic elements which ere unable to adapt themselves to the revo- lutionary requirements of the Third Period are sinking into the morass of social democracy and,are degenerating into renegades and splitters. The Central Committee therefore endorses the emphatic condem- nation of the attacks made hy Comrade Lovestone on the leadership of the Comintern by his reference to a “running sore” in the apparatus of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. These attacks of Comrade Lovestone represent a repetition of the slander- ous attacks upon the Comintern made by the international Right. The Central Committee likewise repudiates the declaration of the Majority of the delegation made by Comrade Gitlow in Moscow which ebjectively upholds the attacks of the Right elements on the leader- ship of the Comintern and of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Campaign of Enlightenment. The Address indicates the need for a campaign to be opened now in our Party to carry out seriously the line of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, of the Open Letter to our Party Convention and of the Address itself, The Central Committee therefore calls upon all units to begin this campaign, to meet forthwith and to begin to put into effect the practical tasks before us. By open and unspar- ing criticism, the old errors of Majority and Minority must be ex- posed and condemned, especially in the Party’s practical work, of which each unit of the Party has its own unsavory experiences. By means of this self-criticism the understanding of the Ad- dress will be deepened throughout, and the whole Party inspired by the Communist understanding that begins in the basic units amongst the) proletarian elements. By this means, the acceptance and endorse- ment of the Address, wherever it was made upon a basis of forma! discipline only, will henceferward be transformed into a true Com- munist understanding and Leninist grasp of its spirit and contents. There must be not only self-criticism of past shortcomings, espegially in our practical work, to be d out on the basis of fullest inner Party democracy and in the light of local and national experience, but also taking up all the practical tasks that lie in the forefront of our Party work. This self-criticism campaign combined with practical work brings forward the need of ridding the Party of all barriers to its work, ridding it of the remnants of past factionalism or of any opposition to the line of the Comintern. The self-criticism and the work must be combined with the growth of a real Communist discipline, which has been weakened and sapped by six years of factionalism. Not only must discipline be built up but new working class elements must be brought into the work—not in order to supplant the existing lead- ership but to strengthen it in every committee by just those non- factional proletarian elements whose presence will help in reviving true Party life and activity. The activity of the Party lies in the resumption and intensifica- tion of its every day tasks, in the need to intensify the building of Party of the U.S. A. | the new unions and to increase the work in the existing unions, in the application of the strike policy and strategy of the RILU, in opening up a broad campaign against the effects of capitalist ra- tionalization and for unemployment insurance and social insurance, in struggling for the shorter workday, the creating of new shop nuclei and shop papers, in recruiting new cadres of workers, es- pecially the industrial youth, the widening of the agitation and organ- izational work in the big plants in the main branches of industry and among the Negroes, In the direction of giving immediate attention towards the de- velopment of broad mass demonstrations on International Red Day, August 1st, the Party must intensify manifold its activity in the struggle against the war danger. The Tenth Anniversary of the Party, September 1st, must be utilized for a campaign to be begun immediately for the building of the Party, for the raising of the ideological level of the Party, for sharpening the struggle against Reformism and for increasing the influence of the Party among the masses. Intensive efforts must be made to make the coming confer- ence of the TUEL a great service in the direction of building a new trade union center. The Fight Against All Opposition to the C. I. The Party will fight mercilessly against all opposition to the Address, no matter from what quarter it comes, no matter what form it takes, whether openly rejecting the decisions or covertly sabotaging them under a cloak of formal loyalty. The Central Committee condemns emphatically the course fol- lowed by some of the delegates in Moscow, led by Comrades Love- stone, Gitlow and Wolfe, when they openly declared to the Presidium of the Comintern that they were “unable to accept this letter, to assume responsibility before the Party membership for the execution of this Letter (the Address), to indorse the inevitble irreparable damage that the line of this Letter (the Address) is bound to bring to our Party”—or when they stated that the Address would “pro- mote demoralization, disintegration, and chaos in the Party.” (Majority Declaration of May 14.) The membership of our Party will agree with the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist International “that only opportunists want to fight against the Communist International.” Those that undertake to fight the decisions of the Comintern (as Comrade Gitlow defiantly asserted he would do saying that he would “openly and actively oppose” the carrying out of the Address) can only go along the course already traversed by the opportunists of Germany and Czechoslovakia and their predecessors who have long since joined in common cause with the social democracy, a path leading out of the Communist Inter- national. Such a course is against the interests of the working class, against the policy and line of the Communist Party of the United States of America. The membership will resist with all its might any splitting tactics, will crush those who employ them. They will soon learn that all such efforts are doomed to quick collapse. Nor will the Party be tricked by any concealed opposition. Such hidden opposition which covers up under a profession of acceptance its real solidarity with the Lovestone-Gitlow entente is particularly dangerous, and wherever it appears it must be analyzed, exposed and destroyal. The membership must not show the slightest toleration to any efforts of organized resistance, to any concealed or diplomatic play with the decision of the Comintern. Those who block the execu- tion of the decision, those that throw doubts upon its validity, those that discredit the Communist International and its Address, stand in the way of the liquidation of the factional struggle and of the de- velopment of our Party. The membership must exert its utmost, must not hesitate to employ the necessary measures against anyone who attempts to revive the factional practices of the past, the forma- tion of caucuses, the spreading of factional rumors and slanders and the whole system of faction struggle. Faithfully carrying out the Address, the Communist Party of the U. S. A. will become one of the , best sections of the Communist International. For the unconditional acceptance and carrying out of, the Address of the Communist International—weapon of Bolshevization and uni- fication of the Party. The sharpest fight against all attempts to split the Party; against every opposition, open or concealed, to the Address of the Comintern! Fight against the Right danger and against one of its worst manifestations in the American Party—unprincipled factionalism.” For self-criticism, for inner-party democracy, for strengthened discipline—the path to the extermination of factionalism and of ‘Opportunism in the Party! Forward to the practical work of the Party. Forward to a unified Bolshevik mass party of the American See- tion of the World Communist Party! MAX BEDACHT EARL BROWDER J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WM. Z. FOSTER JOHN HARVEY E. HOFBAUER J. KRUTIS ROBERT MINOR . HENRY PURO ‘ FRANK VRATARIG & WM, W. WEINSTONE FOR THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U. S. A, By Unanimous Decision of the Political Committee. 1,000 WORKERS IN COOPER UNION ENDORSE CALL FOR FUR STRIKE (Continued from Page One) struggle of the furriers and hailed the coming unity of all needle trades workers into one great, fighting in- dustrial union. f& storm of applause greeting C.! Wenry Rosemond, Negro furrier and member of the Joint Board of the Industrial Union and Klinghaufer, representative of the Youth Depart- ment of the needle union. “As in the great strike of 1926,” Rosemond declared, “the Negro workers will fight shoulder to _ shoulder with the white workers un- til victory is won.” Klinghaufer pledged the fighting soldiarity of the youth in the strug- gle, and pointed out that only the Left wing unions organized the un- organized youth. Tremendous ap- plause greeted his declaration that “we are not afraid of injunctions; we shall treat injunctions as scraps of paper.” Describing the mass meeting as “an historic occasion,” Joseph Bor- uchowitz, general manager of the Joint Board of the union, told the workers that the coming struggle of the furriers would reveal just what is meant by a fighting indus- trial union. Arriving at the hall as Boruchow- itz was speaking, Ben Gold, secre- tary-treasurer of the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union and leader of the victorious strike of 1926, was gre%ied by a _ storm of applause which lasted nearly five minutes. : ‘The meeting heard a brief talk by 9 { Salunen, a Greek furrire, served notice that the militant Greek fur- riers would give as splendid service in the forthcoming strike as they | did in the victorious strike of 1926. Another storm of applause greet- ed the speech of Ben Gold. The | workers showed by their enthusiasm the confidence they have not only in this leader of the workers, but in the leadership of the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union. Gold reviewed the history of the struggles of the furriers during the past years, and outlined the repeat- e@ betrayals of the corrupt Right | wing, working hand in hand with the A. F. of L. misleaders, the socialist party, and the repressive machinery of capitalism—the courts, the police, and gangsters. Tells of Fighting Spirit. He told of the suffering wrought by these betrayals; of the hundreds of jobless furriers; of the hunger ayd suffering of thei: families; of the petty tyrannies of the bosses and the foremen. Speaking for the thousands of furriers, who during the past few years have been steeled in strug- gle by their fights’ in the face of all the dark forces of the bosses, Gold served notice that the workers were determined to rebuild their or- ganization, “This will be a finish fight,” he declared. “We will hit back and hit back hard at the first guerrilla who dares attack a furrier.” Gold urged the intensification of night. The affair, which is being !by the workers. - a eailaban. } the mobilization of the workers. He reminded the workers of their cour- ageous fight in 1926 and how it was rewarded by a great victory. He | concluded by the declaration that the issuance of the strike call was a matter of days, and urged the Work- ers to. help perfect the strike machinery even before the strike is actually called. A demonstration lasting some minutes greeted the appearance of Louis Hyman, president of the Needle Trades Workers Industrial | Union.. Hyman, while emphasizing | in his speech the immediate struggle | of the furriers, also discussed the machine of black reaction which is | being lined up against the workers. In his customary infurmal, satir- ical man er, Hyman exposed the hollow lies in the yellow “Forward” end un:asked the pretensions of the fakers who, ever since the beginning of the Left wing movement, have tried to conceal their systematic | graft, corruption and treachery by | their attacks on the Left wing. | He told of a conversation he had with several fur manufacturers re- cently. “They blandly admitted,” Hyman related, “that during the past year the Joint Council received | no less than $165,000 from the man- ufacturers.” This huge sum was paid for the simple service of help- ing the bosses destroy the conditions of the workers, for the continuation of the company unions of the bosses and for maintenance of the fight against the Left wing, Hyman de- clared. *. °. * Women’s Battalion Affair. To ajd in the mobilization for the coming general strike of the fur- riers, the Women’s Battalion will hold a social at the office of the union, 16 W. 2ist St., on Friday ae arranged jointly by the women’s} committee of the union and the United Council of Workingclass Women invites all women workers of the Industrial Union’ and all the) wives of needle workers to attend. Ben Gold will speak, it is an-| nounced. An attractive musical andj entertainment is being arranged. | Waterfront Meeting Successful Despite _ Police Brutality Tammany police again displayed) their brutality against workers, when they attempted to break up a waterfront meeting of the Améri-| can Negro Labor Congress, held at noon on South Street, opposite pier 14, a Ward Line pier and next | to the imperialist United Fruit Com- | pany dock, in a section where thou-! sands of Negro workers slave as | longshoremen, ¥ | | The police dragged Solomon Har- per, of the Negro Labor Congress | from the platform and refused to ‘allow him to speak. The meeting ‘was attended by a large audience ‘of Negro dock workers. Previous to Harper, Harold Williams, of the ‘Negro Department of the Commun- ist Party and M. Glassford, circula- tion manager of the Negro Cham- pion, Negro workers’ newspaper, had ‘addressed the gathering of Negro ‘and white workers, and had been followed by J. Louis Engdahl, editor ‘of the Daily Worker. | The speakers told the workers of | | the necessity of a common struggle against their low wages and long) hours, led by militant leaders, and copies of the Daily Worker, Labor) Defender, and the Negro Champion were given out, and eagerly received ee ie ea CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE FINNISH PARTY ASKS AMERICAN MEMBERSHIP TO SUPPORT COMINTERN OPEN LETTER Brother Porty in Cable Address Appeals Especially to Finnish Membership in American Party. The following cable received by the Finnish Bureau of the Com- munist Party of the United States Tuesday morning, sent by the Central Committee of the Finnish Communist Party and addressed especially to the Finnish membership of the American Communist Party: “After carefully considering the internal situation in the Amer- ican Communist Party, the Executive Committee of the Communist International has found it at this moment extremely bad. An un- principled factional struggle is very seriously threatening ,the develop- ment of the Party as a mass Bolshevik party and hindering realization of a Leninist political line. Both of the struggling groups have been exerting all of their energies for the struggle against each other and have made serious opportunistic mistakes. In many cases these mis- takes have common roots. Both factions have for example such a viewpoint, -which is against decisions of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International, that the United States has some kind of an “exceptional” position in the capitalist world. “Factional struggle in the American Party reached its height in the last convention of the Party in spite of warnings and demands given in the Open Letter of the Communist International. And we who have closely followed the sessions of the Executive Committee where the American question has been considered have become con- vinced that if the Executive Committee does not now conclusively and determinedly interfere in order to lead the development of the Amer- ican brother party away from its present previously unheard of chaotic and factional situatfon, there will be serious danger for the future of the American Party. “With this in view the Executive Committee decided to take the necessary steps in order to create a healthy basis for futtre immedi- ate development.of the American Party. For this reason it has sent ee \t power for immediate carrying out of the Open Letter—COMMUNIST PARTY OF FINLAND. a new open letter to all party members. And all brother parties who have been represented in the Executive Committee have unanimously and unconditionally endorsed this open letter. Only part of the dele- gation of the American Communist Party has, with the leadership of Comrades Lovestone and Gitlow, placed themselves in opposition to this open letter and its decisions. This part of the delegation has in defiance of discipline decided not to submit to the decisions of the World Communist Party’s general staff and not to carry out the re- quirements of the Open Letter. This in itself proves how correct and necessary are the steps taken by the Executive Committee and the decisions included in the Open Letter. “The Open Letter appeals to the membership of the American brother party asking and demanding that it rally with the leadership of the Comintern for a determined struggle against unprincipled fac- tionalism and against the right danger and aiso for the struggle to build the party on a fundamentally healthier basis. i “This appeal is directed also to the Finnish speaking members in the American Communist Party. Those leaders of the American Party, who are here declining to submit themselves to Communist discipline are still maintaining their unprincipled struggle and right mistakes, claiming that the majority of the Party is behind them, We do not believe this to be true of the American Party membership generally and especially we do not believe this to be true as far as the Finnish membership is concerned. For we know that the Finnish membership of the American Communist Party has always very de= terminedly assisted in carrying out advice and directives of the Com= intern and is for the bolshevization of the party in spite of certain waverings amongst them. And we believe that this attitude of the Finnish speaking Communist comrades is due to the fact that they want to stay in line with our world party and without any opposition to maintain Communist discipline. At this movement this question is before the Finnish speaking membership more directly than ever be- fore. The Executive Committee expects also from the Finnish speak- ing membership an absolute and unconditional realization of the new Open Letter. As a member of the World Party, the Communist Party of Finland and its leadership desires to use its influence on the Amer- ican question at this moment, because we are convinced that this Open Letter shows the correct way for overcoming the crisis in the American Communist Party. “And trusting tha: common proletarian struggles have created close ties, we seriously ask and advise you, Finnish Comrades in the American Communist Party: RALLY AROUND THE COMINTERN AS ONE MAN AGAINST THOSE WHO WANT TO TRAVEL AWAY FROM THE ROAD SHOWN BY THE COMINTERN! Do all in your (Signed) MANNER.”