The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 23, 1929, Page 6

/ | i i i Page six Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. tion, Inc. N. Y. e months e months Sauare, 41 More Dead in Coal Industry’s “Hell Hole” Forty-one dead and many still missing is the heavy toll of life taken by the latest blast in one of the coal industry’s worst “Hell Holes,” the Valley Camp Coal Company’s Kin- loch Mine at Parnassus, near Pittsburgh, in Western Penn- sylvania. This is a new challenge of the coal barons, not only to the mine workers, but to all labor, since the ghastly toll of this latest mine disaster grows directly out of the labor- crushing policies of “open shop” American capitalism as a whole. Labor’s fist must reply to this challenge. The dead must be avenged. This new sla llowing close on the heels of the murder of 12 worke ne death pit on February 21, 1928, grows inevitably out of the rationalization schemes im- posed on the industry. Pat Toohey, secretary of the Na- tional Miners’ Union, that is struggling against great odds to organize the mine, points out that the dis ster was caused by the speed-up, charging there was no ventilation, no safety t that this w one of the hell holes of the industry.” Every coal miner in the land, at the graves of these dead must take a pledge for renewed and greater activity to build the new Miners’ Union. The James Paisley family of Cleveland, owners of the Kinloch Mine, is also proprietor of 50,000 acres of coal land, much of it in non-union West IN: r ginia and Kentucky, the coal field deserted by the Lewis reaction in the United Mine Workers of America, but where the National Miners’ Union has already made considerable headway. Only the new union, based on the ¢ ass struggle, battling against the reformism, class collaboration and re- sultant treason of the Lewis regime, can successfully com- bat the bitter exploitation, the worsening conditions result- ing in murderous disasters on an increasing scale, lower wages, the longer workday, that now seek a tighter grip on the coal industry. The widest possible campaign should be launched, not only in Pennsylvania; but nationally, demanding the enact- ment of legislation providing that industry pay to the full not only for death and injuries, but also for sickness, unem~- ployment and old age confronting the workers. This be- comes the task of the’ National Miners’ U nion co-operating with the Communist Party, that exposes the pitifully inade- quate measures provided in this country for the protection of workers, as compared with the tremendous achievements already registered by the government of the Soviet Union in the field of social legislation. 4 ; ee Remember the dead in the Kinloch Mine disaster by mili- tantly waging the class war against the owners of industry in defense of the livin: \ / Stimson Talks About Revolution Colonel Henry L. Stimson, Governor General of Philip- pines, has arrived in San Francisco on his way to Washington to take up his duties as secretary of state in the Hoover cabinet. Stimson, the spokesman of Wall Street’s machine- gun diplomacy, once secretary of war in Taft's cabinet, who was sent into Nicaragua in 1927 and then to the Philippines to take the place of the strikebreaker, General Leonard Wood, warns against imposing a tariff on sugar and copra, principal products of Yankee imperialism’s richest colony. Stimson declares: “To place a tariff on such products would be following the steps of George III of England, whose stamp tax on tea resulted in the American Revolution.” Stimson undoubtedly speaks for the great _American sugar interests, heavily interested in both Hawaii and the Philippines, who would be interested in the free passage of sugar to the United States. Stimson’s warning can in no sense be accepted as a plea for the protection of the intere of the Philippine masses, as he would infer. It was rather an effort to bolster up his special promise, in which previous returning governor gen- erals have joined, that “the status of the Philippines is suf- ficiently settled to permit the safe investment of American capital.” It is worthy of note that Colonel Stimson, the advance agent of new fields of imperialist exploitation, was first greet- ed on his homecoming and had his picture first taken with the notorious Captain Robert Dollar, owner of the Dol- lar Steamship Lines, who has figured many times as the dom- inant figure in the anti-labor campaigns of the infamous San Francisco Chamber of Commerce. Captain Dollar was among the open-shop labor exploiters who ordered the frame-up and ‘tried to put the noose about the necks of Tom Mooney, War- ren K. Billings, finally getting them sent to penal servitude for life for pretended connection with the 1916 Preparedness Day Parade explosion in the Pacific Coast metropolis. On the same day that Colonel Stimson landed at San Francisco and embraced his life-long friend, Captain Dollar, before the cameras of the poison press, Estelle Smith, whose testimony sent Mooney and Billings to prison for life, ad- mitted that the story she told on the witness stand was false. Estelle Smith’s perjured testimony was typical of the whole tissue of lies woven into this anti-labor prosecution directed by Captain Dollar’s Chamber of Commerce. Hoover's sec- retary of state keeps proper company. Colonel Stimson goes to Washington to take the place of the imperialist hireling, Kellogg. He will make no mention of Mooney and Billings in the dungeons of San Quentin pri- son, in California, or of the hundreds of thousands of women working from sunrise to sunset in the tropic climate of the Philippines for ten centavos (five American cents) daily. These are alike the prisoners and serfs of Dollar imperialism, against which revolution grows on a much broader front than the mere possibility of congress imposing a tariff on Philip- pine sugar and cobra, or “the wonderful lumber possibilities,” for which Stimson promises “even greater possibilities than with the combined North American and South American lumber.” Revolution marches on the heels of the general resistance of the colonial and semi-colonial masses to imperial- ist exploitation. The Filipinos are encouraged in their strug- gle by the heroic rising of the peoples of China, India and Indonesia. They must receive increasing support from the broad masses of workers and poor farmers here at home. The bars of the prison house that cages Mooney and Bil- lings must be ripped apart. The chains that shackle the op- pressed of the world must be completely broken. 1 MOSCOW (Inprecor, by Mail).— In the continuation of his report to the Moscow Party Conference, Com- rade Molotov took up the situation in the Party, He gave a character- ization of Trotskyism, which has Leen transformed into an anti-Soviet organization, and pointed out that the old petty-bourgeois the Social Revolutionists and the |Mensheviks—have lost all support jin the country and that now their place is being taken by the Trotsky- ist group, which represents in a cer- tain measure a new petty-bourgeois | party, This group is actually an organization of petty-bourgeois ele- ments, who oppose the proletarian dictatorship with unrelenting hos- tility. Within the Party there still exist} elements who have not yet overcome their conciliatory stand as regards Trotskyism and are inclined to sub- |stitute for the struggle on two fronts the one-sided struggle against |the Right danger. In this connec- |tion the Party during the last few jyears has repeatedly pointed out |that the struggle for the main line| of the Party means a Leninist strug- | gle against any under-estimation of | the alliance with the middle pea-| santry, and, on the other hand, a| struggle against any under-estima- tion of the leading role of the work- | ing class in this aliance. The Rights Sabotage Socialist F Construction. | The special danger in the Right deviation lies at present in the fact that it hinders the work of the Party | in overcoming the main difficulties and in solving the main tasks of so- cialist construction. In this connec- tion Comrade Molotov touched upon a few main points: 1, The Tempo of Industrializa- tion.—The Right deviation leads to an under-estimation of industrializa- tion, to a slackening of its tempo, in| \place of strengthening the forces of |the Party, of the working class and the working masses in the village to overcome the difficulties. The pan- jicky talk of the Rights about an alleged decline of agriculture serves to give a basis for the slowing down of the tempo of industrialization, which for our agricultural economy would give rise to a hunger for goods and a retardation of the tran- |sition to a higher technique. Vacil- lation in regard to the tempo of in- dustrialization is one of the most characteristic expressions of petty- bourgeois political lack of character. Therefore, the , Bolsheviks must preserve in this questiton the great- |est firmness and steadfastness. 2. Agriculture——The Right devi- \ation, in the question of the mode |of development of agriculture, takes a different, openly anti-Party posi- .|tion. In the last analysis the es- sence of the Right deviation culmin- ates in the following: Less expendi- ware of money on coliective econo- mies and state economies, caulion in the development of advance payment fer harvests, in the organization of tractor colonies, in the development of an agricultural economy based on agricultural machinery and tractors. Hence, the Right deviation means, |the socialist and capitalist elements | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK <, SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1929 4} Party Line parties—| Comrade Molotov Discusses the Situation in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union n the first place, a loosening of the fetters binding kulak economy, which would lead in the last an- alysis to a victory of the bourgeois elements and to the restoration of | capitalism. The Party must repulse | any vacillations on the basic prob-| lem. 3. Sharpening of the Class Strug- gle—Whoever in the present phase denies the inevitability of the sharp- ening of the class struggle between sets up instead of a policy of an of- nsive against the kulaks the oppo- site policy and comes down finally to the theory of a peaceful growth of the kulaks simultaneous with that of Socialism. For any Communist the choice of his position on this question is very clear. 4, The Party and the Struggle Against Bureaucratism.—The _ slo- gans of the struggle against bureau- eratism on the basis of seli-criti- cism demand in ever wider measure the mobilization of the masses for the struggle for the practical execu- tion of the Leninist main line of the Party. Hence, the Trotskyist slan- der about the bureaucratization of the Party at the present time simply means turning away from the Party and the working masses. Such slanderous accusations can only serve for the concealment of differ- ences of opinion with the Party and for efforts to transform the slogan of self-criticism into a slogan of struggle for the revision of the Len- inist Party line. Defense of the Rights and Concilia- tors is Desertion of the Line of the Sixth World Congress! 5. The Bolshevist the Com- for the Struggle Line of Austrian Workers Prepare for Fight Against Fascism By M. SCHORR (Vienna) Continued The methods of the Austrian fas- cists are to a certain extent other /number than those used by the fascists in other countries, The bou ie jhas not placed all its eggs in one basket, it also has other methods lin order to reach its aim, On the lene hand it is striving to establish altering the constitution and, on the other hand, the working class is be- ing openly attacked, and if the bour- geoisie cannot win with legal and constitutional means then it has al- ways fascism to fall back upon. The characteristic feature of Aus- |trian fascism is the factory fascism. In other countries the fascist groups are composed mostly of de-classed elements, ex-officers, petty-bour- |geoisie, ruined existences, etc. In Austria however the bourgecisie has gone still farther and has intro- duced fascism into the factories. In Austria a strongly organized work- ing class exists and commenced to resist the rationalization energet- ically, In order to counter the re- sistance of the workers, factory fascism was formed in the shape of the Heimwehr organizations, whose task it was to supply strikebreakers. The Heimwehr organizations were financed by the industrialists and encouraged by the dismissal of its dictatorship constitutionally by|Heimwehr organizations workers are taken on exclusively through the Heimwehr. In this way the bourgeoisie has succeeded in a of districts in forcing workers into the Heimwehr and jthus extending the fascist front in- to the factories. The Austrian bourgeoisie sets great hores upon this factory fascism. The strikebreaking activities of are not only paid for by the capitalists, but they are protected by the bourgeois state apparatus, Almost all strikes in the last year were accompanied by fascist strikebreaking activity which took place under the pro- tection of the state apparatus, i. e., the workers being held off at the point of the bayonet. With the support of the bourgeois state apparatus the fascists are now attempting to hold recruiting meet- ings and processions in the working class quarters of Vienna and other industrial towns. It is clear that the Austrian working class will not re- main inactive and watch the fascist and strikebreaking organizations, paid by the bourgeoisie and protected by the bourgeois state apparatus, carry on anti-proletarian propaganda in working class quarters, The Aus- trian working class is therefore faced with a very difficult struggle in the immediate future. The work- ing class will carry on this strug- class-conscious workers and the em- ployment of members of the Heim- ‘ wehr in their place. Further, new gle because it knows that it and it alone is threatened by fascism. (To be Cont:..ued.) By William Gropper | The Bolsheviks Defend the intern—In view of the continua- tion of capitalist stabilization, the attempts to revive the Right ele- ments in the Communist Parties con- stitutes a real danger. These at- tempts indicate the tenacity of so- cial-democratic influences on certain |strata in the Communist Parties. |In view of the increasing perspec- tives for a new revolutionary up- ward swing the struggle against the social democracy now takes on special significance. This struggle is linked up with the overcoming of opportunist tendencies in the Com- raunist Parties. Therefore, in the Communist Par- ties, and especially in the Commu- nist Party of Germany, the struggle against the Right elements and the conciliators has of late become par- ticularly intensified. In this connec- tion the expulsion of the leading Rights from the Communist Parties is the most necessary step toward the cleansing of the Communist Par- ties, Attempts will nevertheless be made to represent this struggle and the cleansing from the Communist parties of the opportunists as the disintegration of the Comintern. In reality, the meaning of such a posi- tion lies in a covert, diplomatic de- fense of the rights and the concili- ators. Vacillations on this question signify a departure from the line of the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern, and lament tions about the disintegration of the Communist International,—following the cleans- ing from its ranks of the semi-social democratic elements, such as Brand- ler and Thalheimer—will not con- tribute to the defense of the right deviations which are breaking away from Communism. In conclusion, Comrade Molotov pointed out that there is noticeable of late in the Party on all the above- mentioned questions among certain elements a certain strengthening of those vacillations which can only lead to a strengthening of the right deviation and to the speedy formula- tion of a special line, which en es- sential questions means a desertion of Leninism. The struggle against opportunism has special difficulties. Comrade Molotov quotes Lenin’s declaration on the indecisiveness, vagueness and incomprehensibility of opportunism, and explains that there is a basis for assuming that the right deviation is at present undergoing the stage of a certain formulation of its ideology. Therein lies the danger of the exis- tence of fractions, of whose harm the Party has sufficient knowledge. We must make sure of the highest Bolshevik constancy and discipline of our ranks. In our ranks we can- not endure any attempts to refuse responsibility for the cause which is led by the Party. The working class is strengthening its alliance with the broad masses of the village, and it will also make further strides with full confidence in the victory of so- cialist construction, which in our country (the Union of Socialist Sov- 3 Republics) is constantly develop- Copyright, 1929, by Internationa Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD’S BOOK Orchard Tries to Swear Haywood to Death; Stool Pigeon Shows Himself a Caiious Degenerate; Two Governors Testify All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. In his story so far, Haywood tells of his boyhood as a worker's child in the Rocky Mountain region; his life as farmer, cowboy and miner; his election to the head of the Western Federation of Miners; | the organizing of the I. W. W., and the selection of the jury to try | him with Moyer and Pettibone on framed up charges of murdering ex- Governor Steuenberg. Now go on reading. ees By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 67. Ts regular jury when finally selected was composed almost entirely of farmers. The bankers and business men had been challenged by the defense; the few union men or socialists called had been challenged by the prosecution. Another thing had happened to lower still further my estimation of the law; the legislature had enacted an ex-post-facto law which added to the number of jury challenges of the state. The prosecution laid their foundation for the trial with the testimony of several minor witnesses. He was Harry Orchard was called to the stand. He was neatly dressed in a gray suit of the warden’s, was clean shaven, with his hair combed smoothly over a head as round as a billiard ball. I remarked his re- semblance to MacParland the detective. Far from being the furtive weasel of a man that his story would lead one to expect, Orchard was well-set-up, bluff, with an apparently open manner. I kept my eyes on that man while he was on the stand, but he never met my gaze. é He was not questioned much by Borah, but was told to tell his story in narrative form. He related a blood-curdling tale, commencing with his life in Canada. He had left a wife and child in Ontario after burning down a cheese factory there. He said his real name was Albert Horseley. The next exploit that he claimed to his credit was the lighting of one of the fuses that had caused the explosion that destroyed the Bunker Hill and Sullivan Hill in the Coeur d’Alenes. At that time he claimed to have been one of the owners of the Headlight group of mines near Burke, Idaho. As a gambler and rounder he had made his way to the Cripple Creek district. There he seemed to have taken an active part in the union work for a time, in order to gain the confidence of the miners, and was at the same time the associate and employe of the Citizens’ Alliance. It was at about this time that he had first come to the head- quarters of the Federation, at the request, as we later discovered, of Detective Scott, by whom he was paid and to whom he reported. His next visit to headquarters was when he went to Ouray with Moyer. Beckmann and McKinley were his coworkers. These men, it will be remembered, had tried to wreck a train in Cripple Creek, which they said they were willing to do for five hundred dollars, though it might cost the lives of two hundred and fifty or more people. For this they had been employed by Scott and Sterling, both of whom now sat in the Boise courtroom listening to Orchard’s story. Neither of them took the stand as witnesses in this case. Orchard told of his connection with the Vindicator explosion, the Independence Depot explosion, and of many attempts on the lives of Governor Peabody, Judges Gabbert and Goddard, and MeNeil, Hearn, Bradley and others. It was a revolting story of a callous degenerate, and no one will ever know how much of it was true and how much fabrication. He concluded his tale by telling how he had caused the death of ex-Governor Frank Steunenberg. From beginning to end he mentioned the names of Pettibone, Moyer and myself as having been the instigators of his murders; saying that either one or the other of us had instructed him in the commission of the work that he had engaged in. He varied little in his story under cross-examination, having been well drilled by his mentor, James Mac- Parland, head of the Denver agency of the Pinkerton Detectives, This was the same man who had started his career long before by swearing away the lives of the Molly Maguires in Pennsylvania, ee, ee the testimony of Orchard, the prosecution introduced old num- bers of the Anarchist paper, the Alarm, which had been edited by Albert Parsons in 1886. Many articles were read to prove the theory and practice of the Western Federation of Miners twenty years later. Then they introduced copies of the Miners’ Magazine. O'Neill had written an editorial describing the explosion which killed Governor Steunenberg, which was supposed to show the animus of the Federa- tion. Perhaps the prosecution had expected us to mourn the governor’s death. Then they introduced the resolution I had written in the Florida tunnel, in Silver City, in which I had condemned Steunenberg for asking for federal troops and declaring martial Jaw in the Coeur d’Alenes. Their next witness was Stewart, who had been master mechanic at the Blaine mine and mill when I was working there. He testified that I had said that “Steunenberg ought to be exterminated.” He said he remembered these words, as he had always regarded me as one of the best citizens in the camp. When he made this remark it was decided that there was no need to cross-examine him. It was thought that Governor Peabody would be an interesting witness; he had testified one forenoon and was to be cross-examined in the afternoon. During the noon recess, Darrow and Richardson talked over his testimony with me and decided there was nothing we wanted to develop through him. When court convened the governor took the stand and sat there for ten minutes, adiusting his necktie, smoothing his hair, pulling down his vest and straightening the creases in his trousers, the picture of nervousness and apprehension, catching at a lump in his throat when Richardson said, “That’s all, Governor.” Ex-Governor Grant of Colorado, president of the Grant Smelter he spoke to me after my speech on the condition of the smelter men’s strike, and on cross-examination denied that he had shed tears when he spoke to me after my speech on the conditino of the smelter men’s families, in the assembly chamber of the capitol building at Denver. “+ * pees the progress of the trial I received several strange requests. One was from some person in Florida, who sent me a box of mag- nolias and asked me to wear a magnolia bud in my buttonhole every day during the trial. Another asked for the imprint of my hand in plaster, in order to read my palm. Through Darrow I received an offer from McClure’s of three thousand dollars for a thousand-word story, | or a thousand dollars for three thousand words—some enormous sum, I don’t remember which! I complied with none of these requests. As soon as Orchard’s testimony was heralded over the country, telegrams began coming in from people he had mentioned, offering to come as witnesses to repudiate what he had said. Bill Davis and others came and demolished that part of Orchard’s testimony that referred to them. Two men came from Mullan, Idaho, and testified that Orchard was playing poker with them in the rear of a cigar store in Mullan at the time of the explosion that destroyed the Bunker Hill and Sullivan mill. A contractor and builder from San Francisco tes< tified that the building from the roof of which Orchard claimed to have stepped to the Bradley home, had not yet been built when Orchard sai he had been in San Francisco. A woman from Cripple Creek gav evidence about the many times that Orchard Had visited the rooms o Stirling and Scott in her rooming house. Charles Moyer was a credi able witness, but to my surprise, when we returned to the cell where® Pettibone. was, he blurted out, “I hope that will please the Goddam revolutionists!” Ed Boyce, former president of the Western Federation, was also a witness. He was severely cross-examined by Borah, but he never flinched. He stated that he had Said in his report in 1896 that he “hoped to hear the martial tread of twenty-five thousand armed miners before the next convention,” and that he was in earnest in this desire because of what had happened in the Coeur d’Alenes, Cripple Craek and Leadville. it gave me a thrill of the old days to hear Boyce testify. * * * In the next instalment Haywood tells of Darrow's cross-examination of the stool pigeon, Orchard; of Senator Borah’s attempt to break down Haywood’s defense; and the beginning of the lawyers’ arguments. You can get a copy of Haywood’s book free by sending in one yearly sub- scription to the Daily Worker, either new or renewal. Do it while the story is running. RR. 3 4 al ne $e