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DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1929 Page Three Back to Work! TO THE MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNIST PARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. ee Ne COMRADES: Our Sixth National Convention of the Communist Party of the U. S. A., section of the Communist International, has just been concluded after having made a series of most important decisions | and having elected its new Central Committee. | in the history of our Party. The Sixth Convention was unquestionably the most important This importance arises out of the | present world situation and the consequent facing of the task of ; ternational. opposing class war against imperialist war. For our convention the most decisive factor in reaching its decisions and orientating itself toward these problems unquestionably consists of the assis- tance and guidance given to our convention by the Communist In- After a thorough consideration of the situation faced by the Communist Party of the U. S. A., the Communist Interna- tional addressed to our convention an Open Letter which became the basis of the actions of the convention. The Open Letter of the Communist International examines the work of the Party, its poli- tical line, the internal situation of the Party as well as the objec- tive conditions under which its work must be done, and reaches conclusions which correctly revise the line of the Party and lead the Party into the channel of Bolshevik struggle against Amer- jican imperialism. | The Comintern, in directing the attention of our Party to its tremendous tasks, puts correctly into the foreground the first duty of preparing the Party itself. It points out that: “The Workers (Communist) Party is obviously still un- prepared for the great class conflicts which will inevitably arise on the basis of the sharpening class relations in the United States. “Its past still weighs upon its present. The relics of the pre- vious period of its existence form the greatest obstacle in the path it has to travel before it successfully passes the turning point and develops IN THE SHORTEST POSSIBLE TIME from a aumerically small propagandist organization into a mass poli- tical party of the American working class.” The Open Letter of the Communist International declared that | the development of our Communist Party of the United States into a mass politi mental and deci: party of the working class “is the chief, funda- ve task to which all other tasks must be entirely subordinated.” The Central Committee of our Party insists upon the complete ' mobilization ef the energy of the Party to carry. out this task. We are confident that our Party can and will do so. Our convention marked the end of a very long discussion period in the Party. The delegations, almost solidly proletarian from the mines, mills and factories, have returned to the districts. The Central Committee relies upon all of these leading elements, supporting the leading committees in the districts, and upon the entire Party ‘membership to get back to our Party work at full speed and with redoubled energy. Any disposition which may be found on the part of any comrades to hesitate in doing this, any disposition to keep alive the factional antagonism which existed prior to the convention, would be harmful to the Party. The differences which existed within the , Party prior to the convention are liquidated by the unanimous ac- ceptance of the Open Letter of the Communist International by our Party convention as follows: “The convention accepts without any reservations the Open Letter of the Comintern and agrees with it. “The convention recognizes that the political questions at issue between the Majority and the Minority of the Party no longer exist after the acceptance of the political platform of the Open Letter. “The convention recognizes that the Open Letter does not contain the justification of the political conceptions of any group but contains a criticism and correction of the wrong con- ceptions of both groups in the Party. “The convention recognizes that the accusation that one or the other group are representing a Right Wing in the Party, with an opportunistic Right platform, actually represents a re- jection of the Open Letter. “The convention recognizes that the Open Letter refers with emphasis to the struggle against the Right danger in the Party, that its struggle against the Right danger also includes an in- tensification of self-criticism and overcoming of the Right ten- dencies which have shown themselves in both groups.” With the aid of the Communist International through the Open Letter, the Party can and will correct the errors that it has made, provided the Open Letter is fully and unreservedly accepted by the 7 entire Party membership with a full understanding of its meaning. i The action of the convention in accepting the Open Letter without | reservations is the correct beginning for the acceptance in practice, *for the putting into action of the line of the Open Letter by the Central Committee and by the entire Party. Today there can be no differences in our ranks regarding “a correct perspective in the analysis of the general crisis of capitalism and American imper- ialism which is part of it.” The Open Letter points out, just as did the Sixth Congress of the Communist International, that the factional struggle in our Party was “not based on any serious dif- ferences of principle.” The Open Letter says: “Nor can the ECCI find such serious fundamental differ- ences between the convention theses of the Majority and the Min- ority of the CEC as to justify a struggle within the Party. The differences between the Majority and Minority of the CEC do not go beyond those limits which would make it impossible to settle them without a factional struggle. “The Majority has shown a tendency to underestimate the process of radicalization as well as the process of differentia- tion in the ranks of the working class, which finds its expres- sion in the attempts to point out the conservatism of the Amer- ican working class in a static form without giving a class analy- sis of the causes which underly its backwardness and without a sufficient consideration of the further prospects of development of its political consciousness. “The Minority, on the other hand, overestimates the degree of radicalization of the American working class at the present time, interpreting the vote for Smith of a part of the workers during the presidential elections as a sign of the radicalization of the proletariat. This is wrong, just as is the reference to Lenin’s letter of 1912 which refers to the Roosevelt vote, because Roosevelt was a candidate of a third party, something which did not exist in the last elections. Both the Majority and the Minority entirely underestimate the Leftward trend of the work- ing class in the other capitalist countries. In the theses of both * groups there is no attempt to evaluate such important facts as a the Lodz strike and the Ruhr lockout; they are not even men- \ tioned.” The Open Letter further declares: “With regard to the fundamental question as to the nature of the contemporary general crisis of capitalism, the perspectives of its accentuation, the further shattering of stabilization thru- out the entire world economic system, the question of struggle against the Right danger, which has of late become the chief and decisive issue in the Comintern, both the Majority and the Minority commit big errors which inevitably lead to a profound under rating of the revolutionary perspectives in Europe and es- pecially in America.” It continues: “A no less important shortcoming both in the Majority and Minority theses of the CEC is their underestimation of the effect of the technical transformation and the capit: tion, which is closely linked up with it, on the working class. Not only the Majority theses, which overestimates the signifi- cance of the tremendous technical development, but also the Min- ority theses leave this aspect of rationalization in the shade and pay little attention to it.” The Central Committee declares that the statement of the Com- intern that the Party is at the point of a great change where it “is now beginning to turn into a mass Party of political action guiding jthe political and economic actions of the most advanced and the most ‘militant ranks of the American proletariat,” has extremely high sig- ‘nificance in relation to the present building of new unions, the or- ganization of the unorganized, as well as the organization of the unemployed. In complete confirmation of the estimate of our tasks by the Open Letter, the Party is at the present time entering into a leading role in one of the biggest and important campaigns of the entire history of the American trade union movement—the campaign which must culminate in the establishment of a center for the organization and direction of new militant trade unions. The recent formation of Win the Masses! Unite Our Ranks! Declaration of Central Committee of the Communist Party of the U.S.A three new national unions of militant class struggle inevitably flov into this momentous step, In respect to the Party’s activities dur- ing the past period between conventions, the Open Letter says: “Precisely in the period following ‘the convention of 1927 the Party has been acting with increasing frequency as the stal- wart leader of mass actions of the American proletariat and has increased its influence among the native workers. The furriers’ and garment workers’ strikes, the miners’ strike, the. textile workers’ strike in New Bedford afid Fall River and the silk strike in Paterson—such is the series of battles in which the Workers Party of America has for the first time appeared in the role of a Party of political action capable of linking up the economic struggles of the proletariat with its political aims: “The struggle for the organization of new unions which the Party had to carry on under circumstances of fierce terrorism on the part of the state apparatus, the murderous bands of powerful trusts, the yellow American Federation of Labor and the most stubborn resistance of the socialist party, is one of the best pages in the history of the work of the Party during the last year. “However, the Party is now just making its first steps on the new path. It is now just on the threshold between the old and the new, it has not yet passed the turning point. It has as yet done little to shift its hase from the immigrants to the native Americans employed in the basic industries. It has done still less in relation to the millions of the Negro proletariat. “Meanwhile, the conditions which will impose enormous tasks on the Workers Party of America, and will compel it to take the lead in gigantic class conflicts, are developing ever more rapidly.” The Urgent Tasks We Face. 1. First and foremost is the intensification of the Party’s ac- tivities to organize the unorganized. The Party must treble its ef- forts not only to strengthen the already existing new unions in the mining, textile and needle industries, but to exercise its best quali- ties of leadership in the building of additional new unions in the basic industries. The preparations for the forthcoming national con- vention of the Trade Union Educational League, to establish a new, a revolutionary trade union center, affords our membership numer- ous opportunities for most worthwhile work amongst the basic masses of the country, the great mass of unskilled and semi-skilled workers, the decisive section of the American working class. All such activities are part and parcel of the Party’s basic campaign of organizing the unorganized. 2. With full force we must throw ourselves into the campaign against the imperialist war danger. No effort should be spared to help build the All-America Anti-Imperialist League into a genuine mass organization based on the working class organizations. The danger of imperialist war is evermore serious and evermore real. It is only the most systematic work during the imperialist war preparations, on the basis of the Leninist line, that will enable our Party to mobilize the working masses for the class war against imperialist war. The brutal, aggressive imperialist role of United States imperialism heading straight for war with imperialist Great Britain and serving as a hostile centre against the Soviet Union, only makes it especially necessary for us to do our all in inspiring and organizing the masses for the defeat of the American capitalist government, 8. Hoover is the president of capitalist rationalization. Hoover is the symbol of Yankee imperialist aggression and ruthless strike- breaking. Hoover is the expression of capitalist efficiency, speed-up and intensified exploitation of the workers—of capitalist rationaliza- tion at its worst against the workers as an integral part of the American war preparations. That is why the Party must take with special seriousness the declaration of the Comintern Open Letter re- garding the absolute need: “To place in the centre of the work of the Party in the daily needs of the American working class and especially (a) the de- mand for a 7-hour day and 6 hours for underground workers and those engaged in injurious trades, while exposing and waging a systematic struggle against the capitalist methods of ration- alization directed towards intensifying the exploitation of the workers; (b) the demand for all forms of social insurance at the cost of the employers and the state.” The Party has done entirely too little of this work. We have thus lost many chances to win workers to our ranks. The time is at hand to correct ourselves in this respect. The Comintern has shown the way. The entire Party membership must follow and act ener- getically along the line above indicated. 4. It is the desire of the Central Executive Committee that every Party member should particularly heed the Communist Inter- national’s emphasis on the Party’s meeting with the greatest despatch and thoroughness the task of “freeing the Party from its immigrant narrowness and seclusion and making the American work- ers its wide basis, paying due attention to work among the Negroes.” Let every Party member take to heart this serious shortcoming pointed out by the Communist International. Herein there still lie some of our most fatal weaknesses, despite the fact that since the Fifth National Convention (1927) substantial headway has been made by the Party in its Negro work and in attracting American workers to our banner. This is indicated by the social composition of the Sixth National Convention just closed, where there were represented twelve Negro delegates and an appreciable number of American workers in the basic, heavy industries. But our progress in this direction is all too small. Our beginning is feeble. We have yet a long row to hoe before achieving the task set for us by the Comintern. 5. In all our activities, in all our campaigns, in all our Party work, we must not lose sight of the fact that the Right danger is the main danger confronting our Party. <A relentless struggle must be waged against all manifestations of opportunism. No tolerance of Right errors. No conciliation with opportunism. As in the Communist International as a whole, so also in its American section there must be unrelenting struggle against Right opportunism, against all con- ciliators with Right wing opportunism, and against any and all dip- lomatic defenders or both. The Sixth National Convention, thru its vigorous proletarianization policy, has aided greatly in the fight against all expressions of opportunism, against all manifestations of the Right danger in our ranks. Every Party member must vigorously follow the line of the Sixth National Convention, fully in harmony with the Communist Interna- tional, for an invigorated, intensified fight against the Right danger. At the same time let no one lose sight of the urgent need for the Party’s continuing its merciless struggle against counter-revolution- ary Trotskyism. The Party has dealt heavy blows to the Trotskyists in the United States. We must now hasten to put the finishing touches on, to wipe out completely Trotskyism which is only opportun- ism covered with “Left” phrases. 6. With the greatest emphasis at its command, the Central Com- mittee calls upon every Party member to execute wholeheartedly and most energetically the following vigorous demand of the Open Letter of the Comintern for a cessation of factionalism, a disease which has been gnawing at the very vitals of our Party: “Finally the Vf. Congress decided that: ‘The most important task confronting the Party is to put an end to the factional strife, which is not based on any serious differences and at the same time, to increase the recruiting of workers into the Party and to give a definite stimulus to the promotion of workers to leading Party posts. “The existing factions must be resolutely, and definitely liqui- dated. The factional struggle must be unconditionally stopped. Without this NO MASS COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE AMER- ICAN PROLETARIAT CAN BE ORGANIZED. “This is the mbst urgent task of the Party. The VI Conven- tion of the Workers Party must categorically prohibit any further factional struggle, under threat of expulsion from the Party, and lay the foundation of a norma] Party life, especially internal de- mocracy, self-criticism and iron Party discipline, based on the unconditional recognition of the decisions of the Comintern. “All Party members must unite their efforts for the speediest carrying out of this most urgent task.” We welcome this strong emphasis laid by the Comintern on the need for the “liquidation of factionalism and drawing workers into the leadership.” The complete liquidation of factionalism has become a life and death question for our Party. The Party cannot continue as a two-party system. There is no basis for the further existence of the old groups in the Party. Nor is it in any way at all permissible to build new groupings in the Party. Such groupings would be ab- solutely unprincipled and therefore a menace to the Party and would be treated as such by the Party. The Central Committee will be strictly guided by the following unanimous decisions of the Sixth National Convention, unanimously indorsing the Open Letter of the Comintern. The Sixth National Convention thus declared: “The convention recognizes that the central demand of the open letter is the complete liquidation of factionalism. The rec- ognition of this central demand includes that the political dif- erences between both groups in the Party, especially those that have manifested themselves since the Sixth World Congress, are not of such principle importance that they cannot be overcome in the process of a normal Party life. “The Convention recognizes that the acceptance of the open letter excludes all reservations against the decisions of the Com- intern, especially against the decisions of the Sixth World Con- gress. “The Convention recognizes that the acceptance of the open letter puts the duty upon all comrades for the immediate liquida- tion of all factional activities. “The Convention decides to take these steps to overcome the factionalism in the Party on the basis of the Open Letter and on the basis of the unification of the Party.” Slightest Recurrence of Factionalism Is Impermissible. It has been drawn to the attention of the Central Executive Committee that, here and there, an insignificant handful of com- rades entirely unrepresentative of the spirit and line of the Sixth National Convention which represented the firm will of the mem- bership to eradicate all vestiges of factionalism and fully to unite the Party, are, in defiance of the Open Letter of the Communist International and the decisions of the 6th National Convention, at- tempting to rekindle the factional strife in our ranks. These efforts at the revival of factionalism manifest themselves in attempts to slight the decisions and actions of the Sixth National Convention which was the best proletarian and most representative Communist convention in the history of our Party. The monster of factionalism is also raising its ugly head in efforts to question and undermine the authority of the Central Committee, in spreading un- founded rumors, aiming to destroy the confidence of the Party membership. The newly elected Central Committee, half of whose members are now working in the mines, mills and factories, the overwhelming majority of whose membership is proletarian in char- acter, with a substantial representation of Negro proletarians in its ranks, is only further proof of the swiftness and vigor with which the Party, through the 6th National Convention, has executed the will and decision of the Communist International to draw workers into the highest and into all organs of the Party leadership. No serious comrade, no one in our ranks worthy of the name Communist, will or can indulge in such criminal factional acts against the Party. Because we are a section of the Communist International, every de- cision and deed, every proposal and resolution of our Party convention is subject to the approval of the Comintern. The final estimate and and evaluation of the actions of our Party convention, as well as of every other Party institution, rest with the Communist International and no one clse. The unconditional and unreserved acceptance of all Comintern decisions is the basic policy of the Party. In this connection, the following cable has Just been addressed (since the convention) by the Communist international to the Cen- tral Committee of the Party: “Ts it true that although the Convention on the basis of ECCI Open Letter categorically prohibited further factional fights, one side or the other, attempts are being made to begin new factional discussion breaking with convention decisions? We request in- stead of private cables responsible, concrete information from the Politbureau or the Secretariat regarding such factional attempts enabling the Presidium adopt the necessary decisions. Consider- ing American question after arrival ECCI delegation. (Signed) “SECRETARIAT ECCI.” The Central Committee declares that the Party Convention in unanimously recognizing that “the political questions at issue . . . no longer exist after acceptance of the political platform of the Open Letter” gave full endorsement of the entire Party (without any ex- ceptions). especially to the following passages of the Open Letter of the Comintern: “To advance artificial differences of principle on questions concerning which no such differences exist would at the present time serve ONLY AND EXCLUSIVELY as a means of further- ing the non-principled factional struggle. “The deep-rooted unprincipled methods of factional struggle are becoming a great obstacle in the struggle against all devi- ations from the correct political line and hindering the develop- ment of self-criticism or leading to its factional distortion.” The Central Committee elected by the Party Convention is there- fore bound not only by the unanimous instructions of the Convention, OFFICIALS LIE Build a Mass Communist P |they rushed from their houses early | in the morning, in light clothing, | some without stockings, and they | would not leave until they heard | some news of their relatives be-| | low.” Members of the National Miners’ Union definitely known to be lost are Joseph Myers, Chuck, Tom and Bloor Says More Died Than Reported (Continued from Page One) tice of gas in the mine,” Mother Bloor stated. “Over two weeks ago, Ouiji Oliver, and Krapotic. by Mather Bloor. the fire boss discharged for this, | eo» miners’ relief, after trying in vain to make him if stop it. Today that fire boss is alive | and the pit Loss is among those killed.” Great Suffering. “I saw terrible sights,’ she re- latéd. A terrible storm, with rain, lightning and thunder broke sud- denly over the crowds of mothers and wives standing around the pit| |by mouth. They were nervous from the strain of waiting for bodies, but they stayed thru all the weather. Some of the women came just as | ties the next PHILADELPHIA THEATRES A Picture for Every Philadelphia Radical! “lwo Days” Starting Monday, March 25 The Russian “Last Laugh” A tremendous tragedy of an old man torn in his devotion between the Whites and the Reds—caught in the changing tides of the Soviet Revolution . . 6 6 —Acclaimed by Revolutionary Writers! “Unforgettable” “Tremendous class Says Melach Epstein drama” of “The Fretheit.” —Michael Gold. Surrounded by a distinguished program of outstanding films film guild cinema 1632 MARKET STREDT (between 16th & 17th), — Phone, SPRuce 5258 Contin, Performance—Pop. Prices—Dally 1-11—Bex Office Opens 12:30 “Powerful Tragedy” says Moissaye Olgin. The need of relief was emphasized This mine stops | work for many union members who the fire boss began to put up no- jhad just got jobs. The whole coun- |tices that dangerous monoxide gas |tryside will be starving, she said. was leaking, and tzat precautions |The Workers International Relief, should be taken. The pit boss had) of New York, is conducting a drive Next Installment of ‘Azure Cities’ Monday Because of technical difficul- installment of “Azure Cities,” the short story the noted Soviet writer, Alexey Tolstoy, is omitted from this issue. Monday’s paper, It will be printed in Don’t miss it! but also by the instructions of the Comintern to apply strictly the political and inner Party line of the Open Letter. On the question of factionalism the Open Letter states very definitely: “The existing factions must be resolutely and definitely liqui dated. The factional struggle must be unconditionally stopped. Without this NO MASS COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE AMER- ICAN PROLETARIAT CAN BE ORGANIZED. “This is the most urgent task of the Party. The VI Con- vention of the Workers Party must categorically prohibit any further factional struggle, under threat of expulsion from the Party, and lay the foundation of a normal Party life, especially internal democracy, self-criticism and iron Party discipline, based on the unconditional subordination of the Minority to the Major- ity and an unconditional recognition of the decisions of the Com- intern.” Comrades, the decisions and actions of the Convention are no es before the Party membership. Quite the contrary. The deci- sions of the Convention are absolutely binding upon every Party member. Today, there is only one line for our Party. This line is the line of the Open Letter of the Comintern. The Open Letter has been published in the Daily Worker. The National Agitprop Depart- ment of the Party is preparing material and outlines dealing with various sections of the Open Letter and aiming to help the Party membership grasp fully the contents of the Communist International’s Open Letter with a view of facilitating its understanding and execu- tion by the entire Party membership. This material will soon be sent officially to every Party unit which will be asked to study carefully the same along with the Open Letter. The Central Committee, fully conscious of its responsfbilities and authority before the Comintern and the Party membership, will act solely in harmony with the spirit and line of the Open Letter of the Communist International and the Sixth National Convention and will proceed to take the promptest and firmest ideological and organizational measures against anyone who may seek again to stir up factionalism and factional strife in our midst. We have had enough of groups and factionalism. We must rid ourselves of this curse. Unite the Party Ranks—Back to Work. Comrades! Let’s close our ranks’ Let’s unite all Communist forces! The imperialist war danger is growing more serious daily. The class struggle is sharpening. Gigantic class battles are developing. Tremendous tasks confront our Party. Our Party is at a turning point. We have increasing opportunities to build a mass Communist Party in the United States of America. We must intensify our efforts to divorce the American working class politically from the capitalist class through organizing them and winning them for militant battles on the basis of their everyday grievances. With this in view we must initiate a mass movement for social insurance demands against the capitalist state. We must or- ganize the unorganized, we must build powerful revolutionary unions; we must win over the Negro masses to Communism; we must draw thousands of American workers into our ranks; we must wage a real struggle for the shorter workday, and against the devastating burden of capitalist rationalization upon the workers, to strengthen our Party organization, to sharpen our struggle against the poisonous social reformism of the American Federation of Labor and the social- ist party, to wage a merciless fight against the Right danger, to uproot Trotskyism. ‘ Comrades! The Party discussion is over. We must resume our work full blast. We cannot achieve these urgent tasks unless we absolutely banish factionalism from our midst, unless we unite. Forward to complete Party unity! For Bolshevik self-criticism and the unreserved acceptance of all Comintern decisions! Forward to new and rousing Party activities on the basis of the wholehearted, unconditional acceptance of the Open Letter of the Comintern—the new and only line of our Party. Let’s close our ranks to speed up the building of our Party into a mass Communist Party. Long live the Communist International! Central Committee, Communist Party of the United States of America. WORKERS! Columbia Records _ a b&b & & & & & & & & & 4 10” Newest Tbe Russian Lullaby The Far Away Bells Ain't ja coming out Tonight. Prison Song (Dalhart)... Cohen on the Telephone Abe Lewis Wedding Day.. Ain’t He Sweet......... Mollie Make Up Your Mind Bolshevik Galop . New Russian Hymn .. La Marsallaies ..... Workers \yneral March . Russian Waltz ... . The Two Guitars -Violin, 1 part iolin, 2 part »..1 part ++.2 parts 20070 20074 20046 20085 12082 +. Orchestra . Singing (Accordion Solo) Magnante (Acc. Solo-Guit) Magnante Tosca (Waltz) ..-- - Russian Novelty Orchestra Broken Life (Waltz) . 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