The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 16, 1929, Page 3

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 16, 192: 29 ~ Page Three WORKER'S MEMOIRS OF MARX / By FRIEDRICH LESSNER I do not think that my forerun- ners will take it amiss if I, as a workman, as a plebeian knight of the needle, write down for the bene- fit of my young comrades, on the ecasion of this commemorative fes- tival, my memories of our immor- tal champion. These memories are based upon many years’ personal in- tercourse with Karl Marx. In part they will describe the impressions others, and in part they will am- plify the picture of his life, _ He was always especially de- lighted to get into touch with man- ual workers, and to have opportuni- ties for conversing with them. He especially sought the company of those who did not hesitate to op- who did not trouble him with flat- tery. The views of manual work- ers concerning the movement were of great interest to him. He was always ready to discuss important political and economic problems with them, quickly discovering whether they really knew what they were talking about, and being over- joyed when this was the case. During the lifetime of the In- ternational, he never missed a sit- ting of the General Council. After the sittings, most of us, Marx in- vluded, usually. adjourned to a quiet tavern and continued the discus- sions informally over a glass of heer. On the way home, Marx often talked about the normal working day, for as early as 1886 we had be- hour day, and this became part of cur program at the Geneva Con- gress in September, 1886, Marx get an eight-hour day established as the normal, but we ourselves are apt to work at least twice as jong!” It is unfortunately true that Marx was too prone to work overtime, that he suffered from overwork. vast amount of time and energy— how much, no outsider can possibly vealize. Besides this, he had to work for his living, and to spend innumerable hours’ in the British Museum Reading Room gathering materiaY for his historical and economic writings. I lived not far from the Museum, and on his way back to his home, in Maitland Park Road, Haverstock Hill, North London,, he would often drop in to have a word with me about some matter connected with the affairs of the International. When he got home, he would sup, and then take a short rest. After that he usually set to work again, often working far into the night and even into the small hours—more especially when he had beeen kept away from his desk too long after supper by visits from comrades. Marx's house was always open to a trusty comrade. I can never for- get the happy hours which I, like so many others, spent in his family circle. Here his wife was the most striking figure. She was a tall and very beautiful woman, of distin- guished appearance, but at the same time so kind-hearted, so amiable, so full of life and withal so natural and so free from stiffness, that visitors felt as much at home with her as if she had been thejr own mother or sister. She was an enthusiast for the| workers’ cause; and she rejoiced at any victory, however small, won by the workers in their fight with the bourgeoisie. The three daughters, too, were from earliest childhood keenly in- terested in the modern working- class movement, which was always the main topic of conversation in the Marx household. The relation- ships between Marx and the girls were the most intimate and uncon- which Marx made on myself and| pose his views frankly, and those | gun agitating on behalf of the eight- | was fond of saying: “We want to| The International alone cost him a! | | St. Petersburg when the order wer uprising, 1917. International Publish The above is a photo of Lenin Lenin in 1917 cireulated by the Czarist police in nt out for his arrest after the July (From “Illustrated History of the Russian Revolution.” ers, N. Y.) February Revol treated him more like a brother or a friend than a father, for Mar had no love for the role of authorita- tive parent. In serious matters, he was his children’s counsellor; and | when he couid spare the time he was itheir playmate. -He had, in fact, an intense love |for children, and would often say that what he liked best in the bib- lical figure of Jesus was the latter's fondness for the little ones. When nothing called him to central Lon- don, and his walks took him towards Hampstead Heath, the author of “Capital” would, as likely as not, be seen having a romp with a crowd | of children of the streets. Like all truly great men, Marx was quite free from arrogance, giv- ing due credit to all honest en- deavor, and valuing every opinion grounded on independent thought. As I have said before, he was al- ways eager to learn what. simple manual workers thought about the labor movement. In the afternoons he frequently came to see me, took me out for a} walk, and talked to me of anything and. everything. Of course, I left the conversation to him as far as I could, for it was such a delight to listen to the developments of his thoughts and also to hear him when | he was in lighter vein. I was en- thralled on such occasions, and found it difficult to tear myself away from him. The charm of his companionship impressed, one might say bewitched, all who came in con- tact with him. He had an inexhaustible fund of humor, and his laughter invariably rang true. If some of our own folk had gained a success anywhere, no Lenin’s First Reaction to the “4 1a The following is Lenin’s first reaction to the news of the Feb- ruary (old calendar) revolution in Russia, and the overthrow of the | Tsar in a_ letter written from Zurich to Alexandra M. Kollontai (A. M.) i Stockholm. Lenin wrote another letter on March 16th, and the letter of March 17th, printed below, is in answer to her telegram. In the letter of the 16th, Lenin tells of having just heard of the outbreak of the revolution and the overthrow of the Tsar on March 14th, and states: “Now it is most urgent to establish our press, and to organize the workers into a REVOLUTIONARY Social-Demo- cratic Party. + most as- suredly combining legal work with illegal. “NEVER AGAIN along the lines of the Second international! NEVER AGAIN with Kautsky! Republican propaganda; war against imperialism; revol- utionary propaganda, as hereto- fore, agitation, and struzgle for an INTERNATIONAL proletarian revolution and for the conquest of power by the ‘Soviets of Workers Deputies, (but not by the Cadet fakers!).” This letter, which was originally published in the Leninsky Sbor- nik (Lenin Collection) Vol. I, 1924, is being published by Inter- national Publishers, which will issue within a couple of weeks, Vol. 20 of Lenin’s definitive col- lected works, from which this is taken. This volume | ution in Russ | is entitled “The Revolution of 1917, Book 1). | —Editor. | * 8 8 | matter in what country, he would express his jubilation with such heartiness that those in his com-| pany were irresistibly swept into | the current of exultation. He was overjoyed at every electoral victory | won by the German workers, and at | every victorious strike. What in- | tense pleasure he would have had could he have lived to witness the huge May Day demonstrations we are now able to organize. The at- tacks of his opponents only amused him, and I loved to hear the ironical and sarcastic way in which he spoke strained that can be imagined. They At the Funes (Continued from Page One) But in every field he studied (the fields were many, and the studies were exhaustive), Marx made inde- pendent discoveries — even to math- ematics. I have pictured the man of sci- ence. But the man of science was still only half the man. For Marx, science was a motive force of his- tory, was a revolutionary force. Whilst he took a pure delight in a purely theoretical discovery, in one which had not and perhaps never would have a practical application, he experienced a joy of a very dif- ferent kind when he was concerned with a discovery which would forth- with exert a revolutionary influence on industry, on historical evolution in general. For instance, he paid close attention to the advances of electrical science, and, of late years, to the discoveries of Marcel Deprez, For, before all else, Marx was a revolutionist. To collaborate in one way or another in the overthrow of capitalist society and of the State institutions created by that society; to collaborate in the freeing of the modern proletariat, which he was the first to inspire with a conscious- ness of its needs, with a knowledge of the conditions requisite for its emancipation — this was his true mission in life. Fighting was his natural element. Few ever fought with so much passion, tenacity, and success, His Mi ische Zeitung” in Speech of Friedrich Engels of them, al of Karl Marx 1842, on the Parisian “Vorwaerts” in 1844, on the “Deutsche Brusseler” Zeitung in 1847, on the “Neue Rhein- ische Zeitung” in 1848 and 1849, on the “New York Tribune” from 1852 to 1861; a great number of pamph- lets; multitudinous activities in Par- is, Brussels, and London; finally, as crown of his labors, the foundation of the International Workingmen’s Association; there you have his rec- ord, Had Marx done nothing but found the International, that was an achievement of which he might well have been proud, Because he was an active revolu- tionist, Marx was the best hated and most calumniated man of his time. He was shown the door by various governments, republican as well as absolute. Bourgeoisie, ultra-demo- erats as well as conservatives, vied with one another in spreading libels about him, He brushed these aside like cobwebs, ignored them, only troubled to answer them when he positively had to. Yet he has gone down to his death, honored, loved, and mourned by millions of revolu- tionary workers all over the world, in Europe and Asia as far east- ward as the Siberian mines, and in America as far westward as Califor- nia. I can boldly assert that, while he may still havo many adversaries he has now hardly one personal ene- my. His namie and his works will live on through the centuries, Marcl, 17, 1917. | Dear A. M.: | We have just received your tele-| gram, which is so worded as to sound almost ironic (much good it} will do to send “instructions” from here, when information is so pit-| ifully scanty, while there are in Pet-| rograd not only leading party mem- bers but also officially designated | representatives of the Central Com-| mittee!). I have just read a telegram of the Petrograd Telegraph Agency of March 17, containing the program of the new government and Bonar Law’s declaration to the effect that the Tsar had not yet abdicated, and that his whereabouts were unknown. Yesterday it seemed that the Guchkov-Miliukov government was fully victorious, that it had already entered into an agreement with the dynasty; today it appears that the dynasty is no more, that the Tsar has fled, evidently making ready for a counter-revolution! . We have started working on the theses, (published elsewhere in this issue—Ed.), which we may complete tonight. Of course, we shall for- ward them to you immediately. If possible, wait until you get these theses, which will correct (or sup- plant) the things I am now writing in my own name. Zinoviev and I have just succeeded in preparing the outline of the theses. It is the first draft, editor- ially quite unsatisfactory (we shall, of course, not publish it in the pres- ent form), but which, I hope, gives an idea as to the fundamentals. We urgently ask you to acquaint Youri and Eugene Bosh, as well as Liudmila, with this, and to send us at least a few words before you leave. Also’be sure to arrange with someone remaining in Norway about forwarding our material to Russia and the Russian to us. Please do it, and ask the one remaining (perhaps | a Norwegian who knows German, French, or English) to be very punc- tual. We shall send money to cover expenses, In my opinion, our main task {s to guard against getting entangled in foolish attempts at “unity” with the social-patriots (or, what is still more dangerous, with the wavering ones, like the Organization Commit- toe, Trotsky and Co.) and to con- COMMUNE OF 1870 by KARL MARX | of all churches as proprietary bod- (We publish below various ex-| ies. The priests were sent back to cerpts from Marx’s pamphlet “The| the recesses of private life, there to Yivil War in France,” written as an| feed upon the alms of the faithful address of the General Council of|in imitation of their predecessors, | the International Workingmen’s As-| the Apostles. The whole of the ed- sociation—the First International.) ucational institutions were opened to They sum up Mara’s estimate of the| the people gratuitously and at the Paris Commune—the first appear-| same time cleared of all interfer- ance in history of the phenomenon | ence of Church and State. Thus, not | which Marx described as the dicta-| only was education made accessible MARX ON THE PARIS. Where Lenin Stayed in Zurich torship of the proletariat.) On the dawn of the 18th of March, | Paris arose on the thunderburst of “Vive la Commune!” What is the Commune, that sphinx so tantalizing | to the bourgeois mind? “The proletarians of Paris,” said | the Central Committee in its mani-| festo of the 18th of March, “amidst} the failures and treasons of the rul- ing classes, have understood that the | hour has struck for them to save the situation by taking into their own) hands the direction of public affairs. | . .. They have understood that it is! their imperious duty and their ab- solute right to render themselves | | masters of their own destinies, by| seizing upon the governmental pow- | er.” But the working class cannot | simply lay hold of the ready-made} State machinery, and wield it for its) own purposes. | * * The direct antithesis to the Em- pire was the Commune. The cry of | “Social Republic,” with which the revolution of February was ushered in by the Paris proletariat, did but express a vague aspiration after a Republic that was not only to super- sede the monarchial form of class- | rule, but class-rule itself. The Com- | mune was the positive form of that | to all, but science. itself freed from the fetters which class prejudice and governmental force had imposed up- on it. The judicial functionaries were to be divested of that sham independence which had but served to mask their abject subserviency to all succeeding governments to which, in turn, they had take@, and broken, the oaths of allegiance. servants, were to be elective, responsible and | revocable, * * When thes Paris Commune took the management of the revolution in its own hands; when plain working men for the first time dared to in-| fringe upon the Governmental priv: lege of their “natural superiors,” and, under circumstances of unex- ampled difficulty, performed their} | work modestly, conscientiously, and | efficiently,—performed it at salaries) the highest of which barely amount- ed to one-fifth of what, according to high scientific authority, is the mini- |mum required for a secretary toa | certain metropolitan school board,— | the old world writhed in convulsions |of rage at the sight of the Red Flag, the symbol of the Republic of Labor, flating over the Hotel de | Ville. | Republic. eo * * * | i tral seat of the old) ¥ | Pca Re oat te ‘and, at the| Wonderful, indeed, was the change | same time, the social stronghold o: the French working class, had risen in arms against the attempt of Thiers and the Rurals to restore and perpetuate that old governmental Empire. Paris could resist only be- cause, in consequence of the siege, it had got rid of the army, and re- | placed it by a National Guard, the | bulk of which consisted of working | men. This fact was now to be trans- formed into an institution. The first | degree of the Commune, therefore, | was the suppression of the standing army, and the substitution for it of the armed people. The Commune was formed of the municipal councillors, chosen by uni- versal suffrage in various wards of the town, responsible and revocable at short terms. The majority of its members were naturally working men, or acknowledged representa- tives of the working class. The Commune was to be a working, not a parliamentary body, executive and legislative at the same time. Instead } of continuing to be the agent of the) Central Government, the police was| at once stripped of its political at- tributes, and turned into the respon- sible and at all times revocable agent of the Commune. So were the officials of all other branches of the} Administration, From the members| of the Commune downwards the public service had to be done at workmen’s wages. The vested inter- lests and the representation allow-| ances of the high dignitaries of the) State disappeared along with the high dignitaries themselves. Public functions ceased to be the private property of the tools of the Central | Government. Not only municipal ad- ministration, but the whole initiative hitherto exercised by the State was laid into the hands of the Com- mune. | Having once got rid of the stand- | ing army and the police, the physi- cal force elements of the old Gov-| ernment, the Commune was anxious to break the spiritual force of re- pression, the “parson-power,” by the disestablishment and disendowment tinue the work of our own party in a consistently internationalist spirit. Our immediate task is to widen the scope of our work, to organize the masses, to arouse new social strata, the backward elements, the rural population, the domestic serv- ants, to form muclei in the army for the purpose of carrying on a sys- tematic and detailed expose of the new government, to prepare the seizure of power by the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. Only this power can give bread, peace, and freedom. Right now, complete the rout of reaction; refuse all confidence or support to the new government (not a shadow of confidence to Kerensky, Gvozdev, Chkhenkeli, Chkheidze and Co.); keep armed watchfulness; armed preparation of a border base for a higher stage. If there is freedom of the press, republish (as material for a history of the recent past) the things we have written here, and notify us by telegraph whether we can be of help by sending our writings via Scandi- navia, We fear we shall not be able to leave. I wish you the greatest possible success! With firm handshake, Yours, LENIN. P.S.—I am afraid that the epi- demic of “sheer” enthusiasm may now spread in Petrograd, without a systematic effort towards the crea- tion of a party of a new type, which must by no means resemble those of the Second International. Spread out! Arouse new strata! Awaken new initiative, form new organiza- tions in every layer, and prove to them that peace can come only with the armed Soviet of Workers’ Depu- ties in power. power bequeathed to them by the) ¢| the Commune had wrought in Par-| |is! No longer any trace of the | meretricious Paris of the Second | Empire. No longer was Paris the | rendezvous of British landlords, of | Irish absentees, American ex-slave- holders and shoddy men, Russian ex- serf owners, and Wallachian boy- |ards. No more corpses at the | Morgue, no nocturnal burglaries, searcely any robberies; in fact, for the first time since the days of Feb- ruary, 1848, the streets of Paris | were safe, and that without any po- | lice of any kind. “We,” said a mem- | ber of the Commune, “hear no longer of assassination, theft, and personal assault; it seems, indeed, as if the police had dragged along with it to Versailles all of its Conservative friends.” The cocottes had refound the scent of their protectors—the absconding men of family, religion, and, above all, of property. In their stead, the real women of Paris showed again at the surface — he- roic, noble, and devoted, like the wo- men of antiquity. Working, think- ing, fighting, bleeding Paris — al- most forgetful, in its incubation of a new society, of the cannibals at) its gates — radiant in the enthusi-| asm of its historic initiative! | . * * | If the Commune was thus truly representative of all the healthy ele-| ments of French society, and there-| fore the truly national Government, | it was, at the same time, a working) men’s Government, as the bold cham- pion of the emancipation of emphatically international. sight of the Prussian army, that) had annexed to Germany two French) provinces, the Commune annexed to| France the working people all over) the world. | | Within | . Working men’s Paris, with its Commune, will be for ever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priest will not avail to redeem them. ee Ee RAYON BARONS T0 BRING IN SCABS Strikers Determined to) Resist (Continued from Page One) so the Tennessee courts have al- ready provided the bosses with the necessary injunctions to prohibit picketing. deputies have been increascd many- fold and private guards are main- tained in and around the mill grounds. But the strikers are al- ready organizing their ranks for picketing closely all the roads and driveways to the big plant. It is on these roads that the pros- pective sc*bs will be compelled to face ambittered strikers who “have not forgotten how to use the hoe.” Bemberg Workers Ready. Workers in the big factories of the American Bemberg Corporation, also situated in Happy Valley, num- bering 3,500, are ready to go out and join the strike for the increase in wages, which even if obtained, would ‘still leave these workers among the most horribly exploited of any group in American industry. The reason for their not having come out on strike by now is the re- straining influence of the agents of the United Textile Workers Union of the A. F. of L. These agents, the Messrs. Penix and Stubbs, are Loth adding their “advice” to the pressure exerted by the Bembef¢ bosses in keeping these workers in- side the plants. Like the rest of public) magistrates and judges! In the meantime the sheriff's! olution in Russia, both of which a (From “Illustrated History of the Russian Revolution.” International Publishers, This is the house in which Lenin lived during his exile in Zurich. It was here that he wrote the letter and theses on the February Rev- ‘NEWBOOK ® ON PARIS COMMUNE 0 anniversary of the Paris Com- mune, the Workers Libr Pub- 4 |lishers, has just issued “Paris on the | Barricades” by George Spiro, an | American worker. | It is the story, in fiction form, of the heroic struggle of the Parisian | in defense of their dictatorship, and it is the first book to be published in this country jon this subject. Its author has spent |ten years delving into the history of |class struggles from antiquity to |modern times and has completed a | comprehensive account, told in vivid Jand sincere words, of the struggles of toiling masses, “Paris on the Barricades” is taken from the com- | plete work and published in pamph- let form. Moissaye J. Olgin, editor of the | Freiheit, writes the introduction full of warm appreciation for Spiro’s work and his capacity to make the |Paris Commune a living thing full jof revolutionary potentialities for |the international working class to- B \day. He strongly recommends this latest publication of the Workers’ |Library Publishers to the workers. A000 ARE FACING eve of the fifty-eighth | proletariat in’ 1871 re reprinted in thi He. Noy) | | (The following theses of Lenin were written on the same day as the letter to Kollontai referring to them, published elsewhere in this issue. The Octobrists referred to in the second paragraph of the theses were the party of the re- actionary big bourgeoisie, which was organized after the 1905 rev- olution. The Cadets (Constitu- tional Democrats) were the party of the liberal bourgeoisie. The defensists, mentioned at the beginning of the last para- graph of the theses, were those who claimed they were opposed to | the imperialist war, but who | favored the defense of the “fatherland.” | These theses were first pub- | lished in the Lenin Collection, | Vol. II, 1924.—A. G, R. - 8 8 | News from Russia reaching us in \Zurich at this writing, March 17, 1917, is so scanty, and events in our country are developing so rapidly, that one must be extremely cautious in forming a judgment as to the present state of affairs. Yesterday’s telegrams presented the situation as if the Tsar had already abdicated and a govern- ment of Cadets and Octobrists had lalready concluded an agreement with other representatives of the Romanoy dynasty. Today’s papers published reports from England to the effect that the Tsar has not yet labor, |@bdicated, and that his whereabouts | are unknown! It means, then, that the Tsar is trying to offer resist- ance, to organize a party and per- haps an army to restore the mon- archy; it is even possible that, in order to deceive the people, the Tsar, if he should succeed in mak- gaining the support of a portion of the army, will issue a manifesto announcing an immediate, separate peace signed by him with Germany! Under these circumstances the task of the proletariat is rather complicated. It is perfectly obvious that the proletariat must organize more thoroughly, must muster all its forces, arm itself and strengthen and develop its alliance with all the layers of the laboring masses in city and country, in order to offer merci- less resistance to Tsarist reaction and to crush completely the Tsarist monarchy. On tho other hand, the new gov- ernment that has seized power in Petrograd, or, rather, has snatched it from the hands of the proletariat after the latter had won a victory jin bloody battles, consists of the lib- ‘eral bourgeoisie and landowners, who have harnessed Kerensky, that representative of the democratic | \ tion of workers who have forgotten their internationalism and have been lured into following the bour- geoisie. foreign lands — Armenia, Constantinople, etc. The new government can give to nations to which we are bound by complete freedom, and for that rea- son the working class must continue its struggle for Socialism and for }peace, must utilize the new situa-| tion for that purpose and explain a to the large masses of the peo- ple, The new government cannot bring peace, because it represents the cap- italists and the landowners; and be- cause it is bound by treaties and fi- nancial obligations to the capitalists of England and France. Russia Social-Democracy, to remain truly internationalist, must immediately, and before everything else, explain to the masses anxious for peace the impossibility of obtaining: it while Lenin’s Dratt Thesis of the 17th of March, 1917 ing his escape from Russia or in| peasantry and, perhaps, of a sec-| The new government con- sists of avowed supporters and de- fenders of the imperialist war with Germany, the war now waged in| league with the imperialist govern-| ment of England and France for the sake of robbing and subjugating Galicia, the peoples of Russia (or to those | war) neither peace, nor bread, nor) DEATH IN FLOOD ‘Militia Agrees to Save | Negroes Last of All |the present government is in power. (Continued from Page One) In its first proclamation to the groups of rain-soaked figures hud- people (March 17), the government) j1eq on the tops of buildings. juttered not a word about the main Many housetops were already un- jand basie question of the present| dey water, he said. moment, peace. It keeps secret the dita “ha cd £ th predatory treaties made by tsarism| , Heavy rains, the cause of the |disaster, continued to swell rivers with England, France, Italy, Japan, | i ete. It wishes to conceal from the |an4. streams, aiding tooth tee of life, people the truth about its war pro-| gram, and the fact that it is for war,|__White River, Big Creek, and Pea for victory over Germany. It cannot|River run thru a thickly settled do the thing that the peoples must |Strawberry and truck garden region needs have done, i. e., directly and|around Elba, Ala. The flooded area openly propose to all the warring| includes the towns of Elba, Castele nations that an armistice be imme-| Berry, Flomaton and Big Creek. El- ldiately declared, to be followed by |ba seems hardest hit, but all com- a peace concluded on the basis of munications with these tovns ‘re |full freedom for the colonies, as well jeut off. las for all the subjects and depend-| A power dam in Pea River was | (Continued on Page Five) supposed to hold back the waters | Seeks 38 mS |from too rapid rise tho it was built | BELIOT, Wisc., March 15.—Judge |for power, and was a weak protec- Chester Christianson of the Beliot |tion. The :state. of Alabama had municipal court ruled today that ac- |taken no other precautions and has cording to Wisconsin law it would|no rescue apparatus. Government |be possible to give a three-year sen-|airplanes make observation flights |tence for being convicted of drunk- |but there are few boats that can be |enness the second time. 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