The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 4, 1929, Page 6

Page Six = — DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1929 ; Daily S25 Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party the National Daily SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): 56.00 a year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months Published by Addre The all checks to 6-28 Union NOX. The Significance of the Election of Comrade Marty At the second ballot in the by-election which took place on Febri y 3 in the constituency of Puteaux in the en- virons of Paris, our Comrade André Marty won a victory over | the fascist Gautherot. Marty was elected by 8317 votes against 7679 polled by Gautherot; about 600 votes were polled by two opponents, one of whom is a so-called Trotskyist, the renegade Souvarine, who, after having betrayed the III. In- ternational, now occupies the position of secretary to the worst socialist jobbers. The result of this by-election renders it possible to es- tablish two important f $ 1. The complete concentration of all the workers’ votes upon the Communist candidate. At the election in 1928, when 3000 more electors went to the poll than at the present election, the former Communist candidate Ménétrier polled 6227 votes at the first ballot and 7064 votes at the second ballot ; this time Comrade Marty polled 6553 votes at the first ballot and 8317 votes at the second ballot. Thus the second | ballot shows a great increase of votes over the first, and this | | for an outspoken class candidature, the character of which was clearly displayed: against “National Unity,” against capitalist rationalization, against the oncoming imperialist war, for the defence of the Soviet Union and for the revolu- tion. A comprehensive work for the united front has been achieved in the factories and the foundations for factory com- * mittees capable of putting up resistance were laid. It is to this work that the good result is before all to be ascribed. 2. In his election the Socialist Party disappeared as an important political factor, although it formerly had a strong position in this constituency. The Socialist Party, unable to refuse its support to the social-fascist Torres, at the first ballot, found itself compelled, in order, if possible, not to disperse its decimated troops still further, to recommend its followers to vote for Marty at the second ballot. The respective declaration, full of malicious calumnies against our Party, was in reality nothing else but a spiteful appeal to fight the Communists, an appeal which was | printed in the whole of the reactionary press and there met with the highest approval. Thus the Socialist Party is losing more snd more contact with the working masses; it is in- capable of laying down a clear line; it does not yet dare, for fear of losing its last followers, to recommend its adherents to direct their fire against our Party. But in practice it hastens to the aid of the most reactionary bourgeoisie not only at the elections, but also in the direct struggles of the workers: in the strike movements of the miners and the textile workers of Hallulin. The election of Marty shows that the workers of the | Paris district are rallying round the Communist Party and its | revolutionary aims, and this at the expense of the socialists. The result of the election enables us to raise in the whole country with still greater emphasis the question of the mass struggle for amnesty and against persecutions. The Pound of Flesh: German Workers Pay Reparations The general political dissolution which has struck Mexico since the assassination of Obregon has ex- tended to the labor and peasant movements. Its most recent phase Cuban Communists Put | Murder Guilt on U.S. has been the break-up of the C. R. O..M. (Mexican Regional Labor Fed- eration), the Calles’ official group, under the blows of provisional presi- dent, Portes Gil. The C. R. 0. M. has basked in official favor ever ! HAVANA, Cuba, March 3.—The) absurd attempt at extradition from |Since the Zacatecas convention in| Communist Party of Cuba has is-| Mexico, based on a supposed offense sued a proclamation to the workers|of “national insult” on account of | of Cuba, exposing President Machado|the continental campaign of “Free | who has just discovered a “revolu-| Cuba.” | tionary plot” to give himself an ex-| General Aleman made a trip to| cuse for further arrests and murders.| Mexico with the special object of | Machado, says the statement, is only | obtaining that extradition. That cf- | a Wall Street agent, and murdered | fort g, it wos decided then to | Milla even in Mexico, as well as a/assassinate Mella in Mexico itself. | long list of other worker leaders in{an agent provocateur was sent Cuba, to keep profits flowing for|there with the instruction to pro- the U. S. imperialists, The state-|voke trouble over a Cuban flag. The ment is as follows: press assisted by { ing facts so| * * * |that Mella was made to appear. as To the workers of Cuba and to the |stamping on the flag. This calumin- Cuban people: jous statement had the object of dis- Words are insufficient to express |¢rediting Mella with Cuban patriots the sentiment of an individual, and |and among the backward workers. much more the pain of a class, the Cold Blooded Frame-up. anguish of a people, the sorrow and| Mella was a conscious revolution- anger of the oppressed. The work-|ary; a Communist, and could not ers of Cuba, of America and of the |have done nor did he do such a stu- world are in mourning because a | pidly pueriie act. But the flag fighter, valiant, strong and neces: [nee he did noi stamp on waves | sary, has fallen. The Cuban petty- | above the Cuban legation, protecting bourgeoisie—students, professionals, |his assassins in Mexico; because to- traders, employes—understand with |day the flag does not officially rep- horror how far the ferocity of the |resent more than the larger Cuban tyrant has gone, revealed suddenly | bourgeoisie, purchased with Yankee as an international assassin. gold and headed by the monster, Murder Long Planned. Machado. Paid agents, hired crim- But words will serve to proclaim |inals, at ofice sailed, before the cal- the truth and to unmask the crim-|umny could be denied, and there, inals, The cowardly assassination, | directed by spies knowing the neces- long premeditated in the presiden-|sary details for their ghastly mis- tial palace, marks the bloody phase |sion, consummated the crime as of a new stage of white terror be- | planned, cold!y and without punish- gun immediately at the so-called | ment, elections of November; imprison-| They shot him in the back—under 1919. In Luis vino, N. Morones and Ricardo Tr under the patronage of Pre: dent Venustiano Carranza as a foil | Police. to the syndicalist Casa del Obrero that year it was organized. by |!e¢Presented tactics which could not e"Morones and Ricardo Tre,|be effectively challenged while’ the | Mundial, which had been declared an | outlaw organization, and whose lead- ers had been arrested for treason. Morones Achieves Position. The C. R. O. M., however, prompt- ers founded the Mexican Labor Party (P. L. M.) to support the can- didacy of Alvaro Obregon. After Obregon’s victory, Morones {was awarded the management of the Na- tional Munition Works with a bud- get of 30,000,000 pesos a year. With the election of Calles, in 1924, he was promoted to the ministry of in- dustry, commerce and labor. |regon, brought prompt counter-at- |ly split with Carranza and the lead-| The municipal administration of | Mexico City, various governorships and seats in the chamber and sen- ate were captured by the P. L. M. The first two years of Calles’ ad- ministration marked the heyday of the C. R. O, M. and P, L. M. Since then they have steadily declined. Gradually the C. R. O. M. was de- serted by Calles; its attempts to or- ganize the peasant movement, ex- cept for a short interval, proved dis- mal failures. ‘ Corruption crept into the leader- until victory. We must organize our defense against crime, redouble our ment and arbitrary deportations of workers on strike; threats by the police against the leaders of work- crs’ organizations; persecution of proletarian papers, and the attempt to assassinate followed by the se- questration and deportation of the Cuban student, Fernandez Sanchez. Mella, an immigrant in Mexico | from the carly part of 1926, was the center of the group of political refugees, workers and students de- ported or persecvted as enemies of the Machado regime. His prestige and personality within Cuba and broad had been gained in constant ‘struggle, in continuous revolution- ry action. He was only 25 years but his intense revolutionary eee which gained him the love the Cuban workers, brought upon im’ the mortal hatred of the as- ssin of the Cuban workers. The assassin first tried to murder la in Cuba, while taking him to ‘sadly famous La Cabana prison, ymous for the “Law of Flight” and rious disappearances; then an 4 cover of night—as he went, neglect- ful and without arms. He died as he had lived, and said: “I die for the revolution, assassinated by agents of Machado.” Varona, Grant, Dumenigo, Cuxart, Lopez, Yalob, Bouzon ... now there is another name in the martyrology of the Cuban working class: Mella, and the terrible list of those sacri- ficed will continue. Comrade workers!. Mella gave his youth, his strength, his intelligence and his life to the cause of the emancipation of the working class and peesantry. He was a leader, because he assimilated in his own spirit the misery of the whole op- pressed class and orientated himself to that class, serving it with loyalty, with energy and love. For that his murderers killed him. His Dying Words. Thus live all and die many among those who fight that class justice and happiness may be won. Your duty is not only to venerate them but to follow them and imitate them fight against bourgeois tyranny and its allies, the traitors of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor and the Cuban Federation of Labor, against imperialism, master of colonial ty- rants., Fight without rest on all fronts against all the enemies of our class! Comrade! Your sorrow is the tragic misery of one who cannot weep, because the right to weep aloud is not permitted. Swallow the sob, comrade, that it may grow more bitter in your heart, but with it also may grow the hatred for your ene- mies and the determination for your emancipation. Comrades! Stand up, in honor of the heroic dead, remembering these words, words of inspiration to all workers; “You, comrades yet alive; com- rades persecuted; candidates for sac- rifice as are all in this struggle; let us. give but one cry: Forward!” CENTRAL COMMITTEE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA, HAVANA, JANUARY, 1929, |day the only labor governor on the |threatens to oust him. Governmental Attacks Hasten Dissolution Begun by Graft; Labor Forms New Ceriter ship. Maladministration, embezzle- ment of union funds, brow-beating | tactics toward independent unions, the use of force to cause unions to affiliate, the breaking of the rail-| way strike called by the independent | Transport Confederation—all this C. R. O. M. had the support of the Politically, too, the C. R. 0. M. and P. L. M. were plunging into | troubled waters. The speech of Mo- rones on May 1, 1928, attacking Ob- tacks. The laborites lost their con- | trol of the municipal administration of the capital, and of state governor- ships. The laborite, Celestino Gasca, who had succeeded Morones as man- ager of the Munition Works, was defeated for the governorship of Guanajuato, after a bloody ccntest, through the efforts of Obregon. To- scene is that of the state of Za- catecas, and the national chamber Peasants Hostile. The greatest failure of the C. R. 0. M. was its inability to control the peasants. Today all the peasant forces are outside of the C. R. 0. M. and have been for some time, The national agrarian party, led by An- tonio Diaz Soto y Gama and Aurelio Manrique, form one wing; the pea- sant groups around Portes Gil and Marte Gomez form another; the rad- ical National Peasants League forms a third. For years the railway workers have been out of the C. R. O. M., which organized a small federation on the fringe, largely composed of office workers. The C. R. 0. M. has broken rail strikes and disrupted the organization of the railroads, and is cordially hated by all the present rail organizations. Autonomous State Bodies. The following independent state federations have been built up in spite of the opposition of the C. R. O. M., or have recently seceded from the C. R. O. M.; The Labor Federa- tion of Jalisco, with which is affi- liated the powerful Miners Federa- tion of Jalisco; the Workers and Peasants Federation of Tamaulipas; the Workers and Peasants Federa- tion of Durango; the Workers Fed- eration of Nayarit; the Workers Federation of Coahuila; the Leagues of Resistance of Yucatan, Tabasco, and Campeche. The workers’ organ- izations of Guanajuato have left the Cc. R. O. M. The C. R. 0. M. is still the strong- est organization in the federal dis- trict, the state of Puebla and of Vera Cruz; though in all of these ‘3 entities ave.strong independent or- ganizations. ° In the federal district, under po- lice coercion, the reporters’ union has seceded from the C. R. 0. M., as have also the linotypers, the street-car workers and the chauf- feurs. The local federation affili- ated with the C. R. O. M. is now seeking a recenciliation with Portes Gil in an attempt to save the situa- tion. Morones Overplayed. The immediate cause of: this dis- integration of the C. R. O. M. was the attitude taken in the recent ninth convention. The C. R. O. M. leaders, encouraged by the presence of ex-President Calles an& General Roberto Cruz in the convention, came out boldly against Perez Tre- vino, governor of Coahuila, who had violated a pact with the C. R. O. M., made to secure his election, and who had harrassed the C. R. O. M. or- ganizations and driven them out of the state. The C. R. 0. M. atacked the new | provisional president, Portes Gil, for his refusal to suppress a play at the Lyric Theatre, which -satitized Mo- rones for stealing funds raised for the flood sufferers of Leon (nearly a million pesos). for his purchases of the luxurious Hotel Mancera for $00,000 roubles, for his «diamonds and automobiles, his luxurious coun- try palace in Tlalpam, reputed to be the scene of wild orgies. Gil Strikes Back. The C. R. 0, M. attacked the new Portes Gil retaliated 8wiftly. When the workers of the munition factor- ies declared their loyalty to the C. R. ©. M., the president promptly militarized the establishments, He used police pressure to hasten de- fections from the C. R. 0. M., and the erganization began to crumble. The administration deputies in the chamber launched bitter attacks against Morones, and an accounting was demanded of the funds taken from the various unions to found co-operatives and build workers’ houses, all of which had gone into the pockets of the leaders—from the Slaughter House Workers’ Union alone, some 200,000 pesos. As a result of these developments and the C. R. 0, M. attacks on the new Grand National Revolutionary Party (G. P. R..N.), founded by ‘Calles, and on’ the executive com- mittee of which Perez ‘Trevino, ex- President. Calles was placed ,in an impossible position, and was obliged either to support the C. R. O, M. or Portes Gil. or his new party. Calles determined to retire definitely from the C. R. O. M. » Ostensibly this attack wag di- rected agaihst the corrupt leaders | Corrupt Officials Ruin CROM of the C..R. O. M. and not against vorkers’ organizations as such, but |in effect the result has been a gen- jeral disorganization of the workers’ movement, leaving the country tem- porarily without an effective na- tional labor organization. The mili- tant workers were quick to see the danger of the situation. In a coun- try so dominated by militarism as in |Mexico a road has been left open |for a bold coup by the military and reactionary elements. The Communist Party, as indi- cated in the official organ, “El Ma- chete,” has issued the slogan: “Down with the C. R. 0. M. lead- ers; up‘with the C, R. O. M..” Every |form of publicity and public mani- |festation has been used to impress {upon the workers the necessity of lprotecting their —_ organizations Jagainst the attacks of those who wish not only to see the downfall of the leaders, but also the disrup- tion of the labor movement. The National Peasant League has taken a, similar stand. The local M. O. P. R., during the most diffi- cult moments of the C. R. O M.’s fight with the government, proposed a solidarity pact, which the C. R. O. M. conveniently accepted. ecompanying the slogan, “Up + with the Crom,” asked them to partici- pate in, united front activity, leading cover all Mexico, This appeal was actually accepted by the @. R. O. M. convention, but the leaders sabo- taged it, and the new confederation has now been formed without these Téaders, though, of course, with _|many of the rank and file members. Indians Charge Mellon and Syracuse City Are Stealing Their Lands WASHINGTON, March 3.—Rep- owning the land thru the Atlantic counties and municipalities years ago. . without proper legal procedure from ing a dam that will flood thé Indians. An appeal to the C. R. 0. M., ac- | to a united confederation of labor to | resentatives of the “Six Nations,” a confederacy of Indian tribes once states from Canada to Virginia, ar- gued a charge before the Senate In- dian Committee today that the In- dian Bureau of the Department of the Interior and the New York State had robbed them of approximately 18,- 000,000 acres of land, by breaking treaties made with the Indians many |} Specifie charges of ‘recent thefts are that*Andrew Mellon’s Aluminum Company took water power sites the Indians, and that the city of Syracuse is threatening to drown them out of other lands by build- The Indians charge that the U. S. Indian Bureau conducts slanderous propaganda against them continual- Copyright, 1929, by Internationat Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD’S tm BOOK tion forbidden except by permission. Haywood Nearly Killed In A Battle With | Militia In Denver Depot; Its Sequel In Jail A Surprise In previous chapters Haywood wrote of his-early life as miner, cowboy and homesteader in Utah, Nevada and Idaho; of his rise ‘| after years in the Western Federation of Miners to head of that union; its fights in Colorado; he has been speaking of the famous Cripple Creek strike of 1908, and how he issued a circular in the name of the W. F. M. bearing an American flag, with the crimes of the mine owners printed on each of the thirteen stripes. He was formally “arrested” for “desecrating the flag” and was under guard; Charles Moyer, W. F. M. offical also under arrest for the same “of- fense” was arriving in Denver under custody of militiamen. Now go reading. sh af By WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD. PART LI. oN the morning of his arrival the stenographers from our office wanted to go to the depot to see him come in. I asked Connolly, the constable who was guarding me, what he thought about us going too. He said he couldn’t see any harm in it. : The girls had smail copies of the flag poster pasted on their hand- bags, and I told them it might be just as well not to flaunt these in the faces of the soldiers. We went to the station and when the train pulled in a detachment of twelve soldiers got off first, then Moyer alone, then twelve more soldiers with officers following. I stepped in and shook hands with Moyer and was walking along with him, hands clasped, when [ felt a pressure on my shoulder, trying to force us apart. I looked around. There was Captain Bulkeley Wells, the same Wells who, a few months before, had en- tered into an agreement with us that would have brought about the peaceful settlement of the strike at Telluride. This thought flashed "through my mind, and I wheeled ana struck him full in the face. . . . c WAS a wild thing to do. In a flash the soldiers came to his rescue, and with the butts of their guns they struck me over the head and knocked me back between two cars. One pulled his gun down on me. I could see the hole in the barrel. I said, “Pull it, you son of a bitch, yall it!” : 3 One of the officers knocked up the barrel and said sharply: “Stand back, stand back!” Then addressing me, “Haywood, go along with Moyer!” if I went along with Moyer and we marched to the Oxford Hotel. I saw Constable Connolly in the line of people as we passed. He looked rather dejected. I have never seen him since. * * «* WEEN we reached the Oxford Hotel we marched in and Moyer sat down. I was standing with my elbow on the counter, when Walter Kinley, the Telluride gunman came up to me and said: “Sit down!” + “I don’t want to sit down.” He pulled out his six-shooter and made a swing at me, shouting: “Sit down, God damn ye!” I hit him first and his gun did not strike me. Five or six soldiers rushed up and struck me several times, knocking me back against the wall, Kinley ran around to where he could get an opening, reached over and hit me on the head with the handle of his gun. About the same time a soldier made a jab at me, striking me on the cartilage just below the ribs. An officer came up swinging his six-shooter, shouting: “Get back, you fellers, get back! How many does it take to handle this man?” I could feel myself getting weak and I staggered to a chair where I sat awaiting further orders. I was bleeding like a stuck hog from blows on the head. | | * . 7. GN I was taken upstairs and two gunmen were left in the room with me. One of them was Kinley, who was complaining about having broken the pearl handle of his gun on my head. It was only a few moments until the reporters appeared. I gave my keys and papers to John Tierney of the Denver Times. In a short time clean clothes came from home and I changed to the skin, all the time keeping a six- shooter which I had never attempted to use, and which had been some- how overlooked in their perfunctory search. An army surgeon came and dressed the cuts in my head, sewing back my right ear, which required seven stitches. Then Ham Arm- strong, the sheriff of the city and county of Denver, arrived and said, | “I want you, Bill.” I got up and remarked: “That good news!” and we started for the sheriff’s office. we were walking along, Armstrong said to me: “You've got yourself in bad this time, Bill.” I asked him why. He said: “They’re going to take you back to Telluride.” “No, they won’t!” “Why, that’s Sheriff Rutan, going over for you now, walking on the edge of the sidewalk,” he told me. I looked at Rutan and then turned to Ham, saying: “Well, I’m not going to Telluride.” When we got to the sheriff’s office, Rutan came in and sat down. Armstrong said to me: | “Had I better call up, Richardson?” 1 said, “I think so.” It happened that Richardson was the sheriff’s attorney, as well as being attorney for the W. F. M. While I could hear only offe end of the telephone conversation, I saw Armstrong’s face light up. He hung up he phone and called me out into the corridor. There he told me that Richardson had instructed him to hold fe in the county jail until Richardson told him to turn me loose. Then I pulled out my gun, handed it to Armstrong and asked him to keep it until I called for it, saying: “T told you I wasn’t going o Telluride. They would do less to me for killing that sheriff in Denver than they would do to me in Telluride for ‘desecrating the flag.’” Ham stared at me and said: “Well, by God, do you mean it?” “I certainly do,” said I. “I would have killed him rather than go to Telluride.” As « . + H’™ told a policeman to get a carriage and take me over to the county jail. On the way over, I bought cigars and smoking tobacco, think- ing that there would be.a lot of fellows in jail who might be short of smokes.. When we got'to the jail, the warden said: “I’m sorry, Mr. Haywood, we can’t make you. as comfortable here as we'd like to!” ae I was weighed and measured according to the rues,.and as I stepped off the scales, little Billy Green, the “boss of Green county,” came in through an inner door. He said: “Hello, Bill! Just come this way, will you?? S I followed him, thinking that I was going:to a cell, butvhe led me into an adjoining store room where thirty-five or forty rifles lay on a long table. ‘ . “Take your choice,” he said, “and we'll havea man behind every one of the others, and if that God damned militia shows up they'll get the warmest reception they ever got!” * * s I SWUNG a rifle up to my shoulder and remarked that we were pretty well barricaded here in the jail. Then we went back to the office where the sheriff said: ‘ “Here’s a desk that you can use, Mr. Haywood. You'll have con- nection with your office on the telephone, and you can bring your stenographers over here if you have any special work to do.” Pettibone and some others called that afternoon, and Pettibone went to my home to break the news of my arrest to my wife. “Oh, that don’t worry me at all! I'll know where he is every night now,” said she. For months she had expected me to be brought home any night on a stretcher. * * * In the next jnstalment Haywood writes of how the union. men of Denver armed themselves to prevent the soldiery from taking Hay- wood out of Denver; how Haywood was “liable to be arrested if he got out of jail.” Those readers who wish to get Haywod’s life story in bound volume, a regular book for your book shelf or to give to your friend, may obtain one free with a yearly subscription, renewal om extension to the Daily Worker. Send no more than the regular sub- scription price and say you wamt Haswnnad’a hao, Ss