The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 30, 1929, Page 6

Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 30, 1929 Daily 325 Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in Ni York only): $8.00 a $4.50 six months 5 $2.50 three months Hoots By Mail (outside of New York): ag $6.00 a year $3.50 six months <<>., $2,00 three months e ERT 4 4 s and mail all checks to ROBERT MINOR .......+> h aily Worker, 26-28 Union WM. F. DUNNE ..... uare, New York, N. Y. Published by nal Daily Worker Pub! . Da the Nat Peley Cable Bourgeois Women Call For Blood Yesterday opened the bourgeois women’s imperialist war conference at Washington. The purpose of the reactionary, jingoist gathering includes the passage of the 15-cruiser bill and the Capper universal draft bill. The conference is composed of everything in the way of female reactionaries, from the wives of the middle-western go-getter business executives and “society” women-loafers generally, to the wives of the real owners of the United States. The American Legion Women’s Auxiliary and the Daughters of the American Revolution are typical organiza- tions represented. The capitalist class leaders work cleverly in this mobili- zation of middle and upper-class women. Their work has the effect of solidifying a la imperialist patriotism in support of the coming criminal slaughter for Wall Street’s profits. An endless stream of jingo propaganda is in this way kept flowing through every stratum of American society. Tremendously significant as is the big-navy bill, the passage of this particular measure is of no greater importance to the imperialist war-makers than the “moral” mobilization for the coming wars of con- quest to be launched by the Wall Street empire. The so-called Capper universal draft bill points to a deep- going change in social organization. This bill is described by the patriotic jingoists and the capitalist press as a measure under which “labor and capital as well as fighting men could be drafted for service at need.” What is the meaning of such words? “Labor and capi- tal’ can be drafted? By whom? By capital! It is only necessary to understand the character of the government that will do the drafting, to know what this means. The government is a government of the capitalist class. The | capitalist class, then, shall have the power to draft “both labor and capital!” See the joke? This is the extension of the legal power of the capitalist class to establish a war-time slavery over the working class far exceeding even that slavery which we had to endure in the past world war. It is the fastening of an autocratic, direct military dictatorship over the civil population—both the workers in industry and wives and children not directly par- ticipating in industry. What must the workers do about it? To say we will fight it is meaningless unless we start out energetically to compete with the capitalist class in attracting, mobilizing, organizing and enlightening the masses of the working class and dirt farmers against this slavery and against the im- perialist war for which it is intended. Communists must learn from this move of their enemies —to organize and agitate among the working women in in- dustry and the women of the working class. Fight the Jingoes! Mobilize the working class women for the working class cause! Sam Gompers’ Picture Draped In Red! When Bill Green, high-salaried friend of big business, made the comparison, the other day, of the so-called “trade- unionism” of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy with theology, and contrasted it with the principles and philosophy of Com- munism which he compares to atheism—there was a great deal in what he said. Of course Bill did some lying, as always, by classing the petty-bourgeois social-democratic professors of Brookwood labor college as “Communists”—saying: “There is just as much harmony between trade unionism, as interpreted by the American Federation of Labor, and the prin- ciples and philosophy expounded by the Communistic professors at Brookwood as there is between atheism and theology as in- terpreted by the churches.” There is an can be no harmony between the systematic betrayal of the working class by the Green bureaucracy on “the one hand and the straightforward, scientific teaching of the class struggle by the Workers (Communist) Party on the other. It is, indeed, a difference as great as the difference between the stupifying superstitution, theology, and the clarifying, nature-conquering philosophy of the natural sciences—materialism, atheism. Furthermore the kinship goes beyond a mere parallel. To keep the masses degraded in slavery, the capitalist class depends both upon the stultifying effects of religion and upon the deceiving police-ideology of the American Federa- tion of Labor bureaucracy. On the other hand, the revolu- tionary working class, in fighting for freedom against the capitalist class, depends always upon the solid basis of scientific method. Atheism is the inescapable point of view of science. Even though bourgeois scientists are forced to lie to the opposite effect, they the.aselves and all science must and can work only upon the basis of outright, unqualified materialist view, which necessarily includes atheism. The Communist movement from the day of its foundation by the great scientist Marx, unqualifiedly accepts the scientific view which excludes all theology. And equally the revolutionary view of the working class must and can conduct the class struggle only upon the basis of rejecting the treacherous sophistries of class-collaboration preached by Mr. Green to befuddle the workers for the benefit of their bosses. _. But the struggle of Bill Green against the petty-bour- gesis professors of the social-democratic Brookwood college Gs no struggle against Communist views! On the contrary, t is like the struggle between the fundamentalists and the “liberal” Baptists. Like a struggle between two theologies, ‘t is a struggle between two capitalist philosophies. Green complains that the Brookwood professors draped Sam Gompers’ picture in red on May Day! Well, if they id, it was only to help befuddle the minds of the poor, half- ed students who feel uncomfortable about learning t« ight against the workers’ cause and in support of Gom- ism, and—like a theological student—can go at it with an er conscience if they have their brains scrambled a iittle ‘by seeing a “scientific” god or a “red” Gompers. Green ought to appreciate such prostitution to himself, Professor Muste of Brookwood offers when he replies: _ “If Samuel Gomper’s picture was draped in red, it was to him honor as a militant leader of the workers in their strug- for freedom.” do. ry and more feverishly blind . The Daily Worker, the only working class revolutionary daily paper in the English language in the world, is threatened with extinction. From day to day, by the workers of the tenth anniversary of the Communist International there is being organized in February, 1929, in Moscow an exhibition consisting of the following two main feature: a. Historical museum, which will | be incorporated as a permanent part of the Revolutionary Museum in Moscow. b. Press exhibition. The Comintern exhibition is to be neither a display of “curiosities” nor a collection of “antiquities.” The exhibition is to be a lively display of the living revolutionary labor movement, the graphic representa- | tion of the revolutionary class strug- gles extending into the present time and growing in force and energy. It set itself the task of giving a permanent record of the most im- portant events in the struggle of the working and peasant masses of the | world and of its revolutionary gen- jeral staff of the Communist Parties and of the Communist International lin the past decade, to present them | before the eyes of the struggling jand learning workers and peasants in order that they may acquire from them the courage and experience |necessary for the fresh tasks con- fronting them. Historical Exhibition. The Historical Museum will be subdivided into three periods accord- ing to the division laid down by the Sixth World Congress for the de- velopment of the last decade: a. The pediod of the intense crisis of capitalism, of the revolu- tionary offensive of the proletariat, jof the victorious liquidation of the imperialist intervention in Russia, and of the victorious maintenance of the Soviet Union (highest point jn general, 1921). b. Period of the gradual stabil- ization and of the offensive of cap- litalism against tl proletariat driven to the ofensivé; more rapid reconstruction of the Soviet Union. ce. Period of surpassing of pre- war production in the capitalist countries, connected with intensi- fication of the class antagonisms in the interior of the capitalist coun- tries, as well as of imperialist and colonial antagonisms and of danger of war; surpassing of pre-war pro- duction and more rapid progress of socialist reconstruction in the Soviet Union. This division into three sections, which of course is conceived only as |the basis |grouping of the objects destined for themselves. To Be Historical Museum of Living Revolutionary Movement principles of development, is to be for the collecting and the Historical Museum in the sense that in the first place such objects are to be included as related to the social-economic facts and historical events which are specially charac- teristic of one or the other of the above named periods, or have ac- quired special importance in the his- tory of the labor movement of the country in question (general world- political situation, economic-political situation of the various countries, strike movement, great national or international campaigns, demonstra- tions, revolts, etc.) For the His- torical Museum, therefore, the fol- lowing come in question: Material Needed. Photographs, drawings, carica- tures and other objects of art, mem- bership books, contribution stamps, badges, admission tickets, placards, legal and illegal handbills and leaf- lets, all sorts of documents (e. g. | such as relate to police prohibitions, provocations, ete.), reports and all other objects connected with: The Soviet movement, shop stew- ards, March struggle in 1921 in Cen- tral Germany, occupation of factor- ies in Italy, ete. (first period), the struggles of 1923 in Germany, the fascist seizure of power in Italy, the great defeat in Bulgaria, ete. (sec- ond period), the numerous strike and protest movements of the work- ers in all countries, demonstrations and collisions in the streets and elsewhere, the fights of the work- ers against oppression and ex- ploitation in the factories and work- shops, against scabbing, against fac- tory police and factory spying, against food and house profiteers, against the police, class justice, mili- tarism (recruits' movement, frater- nization with the “enemy”), against democratic parliament (revolution- ary parliamentarism), against the reformist leaders in the trade unions and in the social democracy, against fascism, the movement of sympathy with the Soviet Union, the fight sgainst imperialist war in general and war against the Soviet Union in particular, the united front ef- forts of the workers among them- a general characterization of the selves and with the peasantry, the unemployed and the colonial peo- ples, the expressions of internetional proletarian solidarity and rendering of aid (solidarity strikes, demon- strations, collecting of money, etc.). Further the exhibits are also to include all kinds of reports, statis- ties, charts and diagrams concern- ing the economic development, strikes, wages and price movements, unemployed movements, etc., special numbers of newspapers, articles, monographs, pamphlets, books, etc., possessing any historical value or illustrating an important stage of development or event. Press Exhibition. The press exhibition will include periodicals, factory papers, workers’ correspondence, bills and leaflets, placards, © drawings, illustrations, caricatures, post cards, books and pamphlets, ete. The collection and grouping of these exhibits are to be earried out in such a way that, as far as possible, the ten years’ de- velopment in these fields of activity will be shown. This applies above all to periodical papers, factory news- papers and workers’ correspondence, which as far as possible are to be so selected that they reflect the sep- arate most important phases of de- velopment. A further and very important point of view for collecting all ex- hibits intended for the Press exhibi- tion is the consideration to be given to Party campaigns, i. e., both na- tional and international campaigns (campaign against the compensa- tion of the princes in Germany, gen- eral strike in Great Britain, Sacco and Vanzetti campaign, etc.). Single copies are to be sent of particularly suecessful numbers of newspapers end factory newspapers, also work- ers’ correspondence, leaflets, bro- chures relating to such campaigns. Of course statistics and other data on the development of newspapers, factory newspapers and correspond- ence, as well as photographs, draw- ings, reports, documents, ete., relat- ing to the militant life of the news- papers and factory newspapers (de- struction by fascists, recruiting work for new readers, etc.) are to be sent in. The exhibition, which is to be hour to hour, the question of whether this militant organ of our class shall con- tinue to live and to fight for our class, depends upon the help that may be given ; The Daily Worker is determined to live and grow stronger and to continue to fight for the workers in the class struggle. Send your contributions by air- mail or telegraph to The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Will Hold Comintern |JN connection with the celebration | Exhibit opened on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the Comintern, is not to be a casual thing for the moment of the jubilee, but the basis for a permanent, continuing and further developing work. The historical parts of the exhibition will not only remain, they will be continually ex- tended and perfected by the objects coming in in the course of the fur- ther development of the revolution- ary movement. They will, by their existence and by their further de- velopment, as well as by the con tinual employment of different parts for the purpose of traveling exhibi- tions, be a lively text book from which the workers and peasants, in the first place of the Soviet Union but also of the rest of the world, can become acquainted with the po+ sition, with the life and the econdi- tions of struggle and with the pos- sibilities of development of the workers and peasants of all coun. tries of the world, It follows from this that this ex- hi ition can fulfill its purpose only if it is actively supported by all workers and by all workers’ organ: izations. We therefore call upon all workers and peasants, all workers’ and peasants’ organizations, to place at tho disposal of the exhibition all objects which could be of value in the sense above-mentioned, by send. ing them through the Communist Party of their country, All Parties Urged to Co-operate, The Communist Parties are re- quested immediately to adopt all measures necessary in order that the collection of objects for exhibi+ tion shall proceed with the best suc- cess ana the greatest expedition, They are further requested, by placing at the disposal of the ex- hibition suitable material from the Party archives, especially such ma- terial as relates to the pre-history (history of the inception) of the Comintern and its sections, to ren- der possible a complete as possible representation of their development, Finally, we call upon all artists of the world who sympathize with the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, to contribute to tho suc- cess of the Comintern Exhibition as far as they are able by placing at our disposal any objects of art in their possession relating to the life and struggle of the proletariat and of the revolutionary peasantry (drawings, reproductions, engrav- ings, mimeographiec and other works of revolutionary art, ete.), ‘Negro Bosses Fi By CYRIL BRIGGS. (Editor “Negro Champion”) | Out in California the Baptist Min- isters’ Union has at last been roused |on the lynching evil. Undisturbed by | the atrocious lynchings of Charles) | Shepard and Emanuel McCollum by | Mississippi sadists, serenely tran- quil while Negro workers are being burned at the stake and Negro wom- en violated by white planters and | employers, the Baptist Ministers’ Union is all “het up” by the fact that the Workers (Communist) Party is denouncing lynching and other forms of capitalist terror against the Negro workers and is distributing thousands of leaflets |among the Negroes of California calling upon them to organize to fight capitalist terror shoulder to shoulder with the revolutionary white workers, at the same time calling upon the white workers to make common cause with their op- pressed Negro fellow workers. | The Baptist Ministers’ Union | “went on record,” the newspaper re- | ports say, as “protesting against the |spread of Communist influence” among the exploited Negro workers of California, and called upon the Baptist Ministers and Fake “Council” Unite To Hit Communist Defense Against Mobs ganda” and show their loyalty to the Ame.ican master class and to such characteristics of Americanism as the lynch rope and the stake. Joining with the sky-pilots is the Africans.” This latter is something new, whose advent indicates that the Negro masses are to have another dose of “common sense” (yassah boss) injected into them by the ser- vile and conscious tools of the white oppressor class. This organization, like the Baptist Ministers’ Union, is also silent on the crimes perpetrated against the Negro workers, silent on the criminal acts of the oppressors of thx Negro race, but rabidly ar- ticulate against those who dare to defy the oppressors of a race, who dare to step forward to participate in the struggles of that race and to fight shoulder to shoulder with the oppressed Negro masses against capitalist terror, against lynching, against race prejudice and for full race equality: political, social, eco- slaves to “stamp out Soviet propa- By SCHAPOVALOV in “On the Road to Marxism.” The czarist government at that time had not yet recognized in Lenin its worst and most dangerous foe. That can be seen from the fact that he, his wife and S. Nevsorova re- ceived permission to travel without a military guard and at their own cost to Siberia, where they had been exiled, The gendarmes, however, made a raid on his house when he lived in Shuschenskoye. “Do you know that we were A Raid o nomic for the Negro race. “Commonsense Council of American | The protest of these two organi- is chiefly against the action of the Workers (Communist) Party in dis- | tributing 30,000 Communist circulars in Los Angeles. This is an interest- ing and significant point, and serves once more to demonstrate the futil- ity of expecting the Megro bour- geoisie to prosecute the struggle for Negro emancipation. That struggle can only be waged in so far as the Negro workers themselves wage it in alliance with the revolutionary white workers. Here are some of the demands of the Workers (Com- munist) Party which these two ser- vile and treacherous Negro organiza- tions fir’ sbjectionable: “The Workers (Communist) Party stands forth as the champion of the oppressed Negro race on a platform which demands: 1. Abolition of the whole system of race discrimination; 2, Abolition of all laws which dis- franchise the Negroes on the ground of color. Rigid enforcement of the 14th and 15’: amendments; 3. Aboli- “Wes anything found?” Lengnik called, frightened. He knew that Lenin had forbidden literature with him. “No, nothing. us.” “How’s that?” asked Kurnatovski, “Tell us about it.” “We go to bed very late,” said Krupskaya, “Volodya left and I wrote, as usual, very late. Then, about 2 o'clock, we put out the light. Suddenly someone knocked. ‘Who is that?’ called Volodya. “We come from the village au- thorities, on hasty business; open Our mother saved raided?” said Krupskaya, when I, together with Kurnatovski, Lengnik, Baramsin and Lepshinski visited Leni, quickly.’ “What kind of business?’ “Very important. Open.’ “That's going to be a raid, I said to Volodya. We got dressed quickly and looked about us. Everything seemed to be well hidden, Since ‘they kept on knocking we opened the door. On the doorstep stood the aide of the mayor with a few gen- darmes. We immediately under- stood what was on foot. There, to my consternation, I. saw that the large milk-pot in which was buried ull the illegal literature under all sorts of rags, was standing on the book-case, - “But my mother did not lose her presence of mind, She stepped up to the book-case, which the gen- darmes had already begun to search and said: “‘Just look where I’ve got my |tub, I have left my milk-pot stand- zations, say the newspaper reports, | ght Labor, Not Lynching | tion of all Jim-Crow laws and prac- | tices; 4. Immediate removal of all | restrictions in all trade unions jagainst the membership of Negro | workers; 5. Equal opportunity for | employment, wages, hours and work« | ing conditions for Negro and white | workers; equal wages for equal work; 6, Abolition of all Jim-Crow distinc. ‘tions in the army and navy and in the civil service; 7. A federal anti- lynching bill with teeth in it against the lynchers, which will pen- alize the states where lynchings oc- cur.” To the unsophisticated it would appear mighty strange that Negro organizations should object to such demands or protest tho distrivation of leaflets containing such demands. But to those who know the treach- erous role played by the native bour+ geoisie of oppressed India, China and other countries enslaved by im- perialism, this action of the Negro bourgeoisie will not be surprising. Increasingly the Negro bourgeoisie and its instrument, Negro church, is exposing its incapacity to prose- cute the struggle for Negro emancl- pation; increasingly it is revealing its inherent treachery to the inter- ests of the Negro workers, n Lenin’s Home in Shuschenskoye ing here! ‘That only hinders you! Give it to me!’ “Overcome by the nalvete with which my mother said that the gen- darme gave her the tub. She went to the kitchen, stirred up the fire quickly and burnt the contents of the tub. “The gendarmes found nothing and withdrew nonplussed,” “Had the old woman not been #0 wide-awake, had the gendarme found illegal literature on Lenin, then his banishment would have cer. tainly been lengthened, He would not have come to Russia in 1900 and would not heve carried on his cam- paign against the economists and the ‘Iskra’ would not have bean or+ ganized, BILL HAYWOOD’S BOOK The W. F. of M. In Its Fighting Days; Bill Haywood on Its Executive; Gompers Seen By A Real Labor Leader In previous chapters Haywood wrote of his boyhood among the Mormons in Utah; young manhood in Nevada and miner and cow- boy; with a family, but no job, home or money; moving to Silver City, Idaho; Haywood becomes an official of the Western Federa- tion of Mo saa delegate he attends its 1898 convention. Now go on reading EDITOR, Copyright, 1929, by Internationa Publishers Co., Inc. AU rights reserved, Republica- tion fordidden except by permission, Cea . By WILLIAM D, HAYWOOD, PART XXII. ERE were men who had fought in the tragic strikes of Coeur d’Alenes, Cripple Creek, and Leadville, We were talking of plans which would strengthen our position and back up the rifles that many of us already possessed, We wanted the other workers in and around the mining camps organized with us, Edward Boyce in his presidential report recom- mended the formation of an organization that would be a support to the miners and a benefit to the or- gailixed men and women, He also called attention to the importance of a Miners’ Home for crippled, sick and aged miners, who as a rule under the pres- ent conditions died as charity patients, when a mere pittance from each of us would mean a guarantee of care and shelter, One of the delegates, in speaking of the Spanish War, then going on in Cuba and the Philippines, pre- dicted that the result would be an increase in the standing army, which then consisted of twenty-five thousand men; that these soldiers would be maintained in idleness to be used on such occasions as the Coeur d’Alenes strike, the American Railway Union strike and as they already had beon used in many other strikes, The Amorican Federation of Labor had chartered an organization known as the Northern Mineral Mine Workers, Although they were not represented at this convention, later all the unions comprising this body became parts of the Western Federation of Miners, I should mention here that the Western Federation of Miners had at one time applied to the A. F, of L, for a charter and had sent two delogates to the convention of that organization, These delegates, Boyce and Clifford, reported that in their opinion the Western Fed- eration of Miners would gain little or nothing by affiliating with the A. F. of L. They said that the sessions which they had attended had developed nothing that would be of advantage to the working class. The chief interest seemed to be the reelection of Samuel Gompers and other officers, and the transfor of the headquarters of the A, F. of L, i the industrial city of Indianapolis to the political swamp at Wash- ington, The initial convention of the Western Labor Union, which was held at Salt Lake City at the same time as the convention of the W.FLM,, was made up of delegates representing various trades around the mining camps and other western towns, One delegate I remember, MacArthur of San Francisco, from the International Seamen’s Union, opposed the launching of the Western Labor Union on the ground that it would be in opposition to the American Federation of Labor, but expressed his earnest support of the Western Federation of Miners. Ho had forgotten, if he ever knew, that the A, F. of L. itself was organized in opposition to the Knights of Labor. Daniel McDonald of Butte was elected president of the new or- ganization, I was elected to the executive board, The Western Fed- eration of Miners became a chartered body of the Western Labor Union, While these conventions were in session, Sam Gompers with Henry White, who was afterward involved in a scandal about selling the labels of his union, the United Garment Workers, and others of Gompers’ lieutenants, arrived in the city, He came, he said, to see Ed Boyce, to urge the reaffiliation of the W.F.M, with the A, F, of L. What he really wanted was to address the convention, but it would have been useless. When Gompers came to the building where the convention was being hold, it was amusing to see the big broad-shouldered men of the West taking the measure of this undersized individual that called itself the leader of labor, Thia squat specimen of humanity certainly did not personify the membership of the American Federation of Labor, Sam was very short and chunky with a big head that was bald in patches, resembling a child suffering with ringworm, He had small snapping eyes, a hard cruel mouth, wide with thin drooping lips, heavy jaws and jotwls. A personality vain, conceited, petulant and vindictive. Looking at him, I could realize the passion and cruelty with which this person would wield power if he had it, It was easy to understand how Gompers could plead for men who were facing the noose of the executioner: with his tongue in his cheek and his heart reeking with hypocrisy. One could redlize that he might even refer jokingly to the defeat of a great labor struggle, if it were being conducted by an organization that was not strictly in accordance with his views. To look at him was to know that he could protest against giving relief to women and children. When Gompors had appeared before Governor Oglesby in 1887 ostensibly in behalf of the Chicago martyrs, having been urged by Jabor men in Chicago to go to Springfield, his opening words were: “I have differed all my life with ‘the principles and methods of the condemned,” Before Gompers says anything more, let us see who the men were, from whose principles and methods he had all his life differed. They, eight of them, were the spokesmen of the working class. Some of thom had been members of the International Workingmen’s Associa~ tion.” Some were members of the Knights of Labor, These men were working day and night in the interests of the strikers at the McCormick Harvester Company, Some of them had, on May first, 1886, addressed the members of the Lumber Shovers’ Union, The police attacked this meeting; some of the strikers were killed and many of them were injured, It was decided to hold a protest meeting in Haymarket Square on May fourth, A great gathering assembled, which was addressed by Spies, Parsons and Fielden, Carter Harrison, mayor of Chicago, attended the meoting. Leaving early, he notified the police that every- thing was being conducted in an orderly way and that the police need not go to the meeting, In spite of the mayor's order, Captain Bonfield sent one hundred and seventy-six policemen to disperse the meeting. It was Fielden who was speaking when Captain Ward gave the order for the workers to disperse, and not Spi Gompors said, A bomb was thrown that killed seven policemen and many of the workers. Who threw the deadly missile was never known, but eight men were arrested: August Spies, Albert Parsons, Louis Lingg, Adolph Fisher, George Engel, Oscar Neebe, Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, They were put on trial and convicted before a prejudiced judge, by a picked jury that was rewarded by the Chamber of Commerce. Before sen- tonce was od upon them, these men gave to the working ‘tlass their principles, August Spies said: In addressing this court, I speak as tho representative of one class to the representatives of another... . I have been indicted on the charge of murder as an accomplice or accessory, Upon this in- dictment I have been convicted, There was no evidence produced by the state to show. or evep to indicate that I had any knowledge of the man who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything to do with the throwing of the missile... . If there was no evidence to show that I was legally responsible for the deed, then my conviction and the execution of the tence, is nothing Jess than a wilful, malicious and deliberate murd foul a murder.as may be found in the annals of religious, political or any other persecution. . . . *Botter known as the First International, it was founded by Kar! Marx and others in London, on September 28, 1864, Shortly before the aged i was dissolved in 1874, its General Council was moved to ea, . . . In the nowt instalment Haywood writes more of the great trial of the Chicago martyra to labor's fight for the Kight-Hour Day, of the apoechon of Parsons, Splew, and the othera who impressed him and helped to framo hia own attitude toward the clare atruggte throughout hin Vif t which was hated and rejected by Gompers, Haywood'a lifelong onomy in the movoment, .