The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 23, 1929, Page 6

i i | | Baily 325 Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by the National Daily SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Worker Publishing Association, i (in New York only): Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 50 s' 26-38 Union Square, New York, POs ens monthy Telephon s t 8. Cable: “DAIWORK.” year $3.50 § a 2.00 three mont! nd@_mail all Worker, 26 ROBERT MINOR WM. F. DUNNE .... ++. Editor Ass. Editor , New York, The Counter-Revolution In Afghanistan There cannot be the least doubt that the counter-revolu- tionary insurrection which has broken out in the east of Afghanistan was organized with the assistance and on the initiative of England. This method employed by England for weakening, intimidating or annihilating the governments in the East which are inconvenient to it, is not by any means new. In connection with the counter-revolutionary Kurdish revolts along the Turkish-Persian frontier and the counter- revolutions in the South-Eastern districts of Persia border- ing on British India, it has invariably transpired that they have been prepared and financed by the British. It is in accordance with the nature of imperialist policy in the East to support the most reactionary and backward strata as against the forces of progress. We see the same thing in China and India, although in other forms. The counter-revolutionary insurrection against King Amanullah in Afghanistan is described as a rising of the Southern, nomadic mountain tribes, under the leadership of their feudal princes and priests, against the progressive plans of reforms of the Afghan government. The counter-revolution has been joined by the priests, various high officers of the army and a part of the royal family. This composition of the insurgent forces leads to the plain conclusion that here we have a revolt of the agents of English imperialism, who have shown themselves able to ap- peal to the most backward instincts of the Mohammedan peasant population. The priests and feudal princes are de- tending their feudal privileges against the progressive policy of the government of King Amanullah. A part of the offi- cers’ corps has allied itself with the pro-English pretender to the throne who was driven out by King Amanullah, whilst in the insurgent hill tribes there may be, in addition to religi- ous and social prejudices, also the social resistance to taxes and military service, which resistance is made use of by the leaders of the counter-revolution. In the ranks of the counter-revolution there has appeared as leader and organizer the English Colonel Lawrence. The English government will probably declare, that Colonel Law- rence was acting as a private individual for whose acts the English government cannot accept any responsibility. This, however, is not the case. Colonel Lawrence was for long months acting in an official capacity on the Indian-Afghan border with the British forces, and stirred up the insurrec- ‘ionary movement on behalf of England. It is obvious that England is immediately interested in a victorious counter-revolution in Afghanistan. It is hardly necessary to mention that the English air forces are being held in readiness on the Indo-Afghanistan border for inter- vention. England's interest follows from the whole geograph- ieal-strategical position of Afghanistan. This mountain country forms a barrier between India and the southern frontiers of the Soviet Union. England wishes to convert this, darrier into a bridge. On the Northern frontier of India, i. e. on the Indo- Afghanistan frontier, striking forces, and particular tremend- ous air forces, have been concentrated for a long time past in preparation for an attack upon the Soviet Union. An attack oy the English troops can be carried out only through Af- thanistan territory, through the Khyber pass. Amanullah has up to now refused to yield to the English »nticements voluntarily to join the English anti-Soviet front. de appears to realize that England is the enemy of Afghan imdependence, while the Soviet Union, on the other hand, as he-history of the past eleven years has proved, is the best tuarantee of this independence. Mainly on account of Af- yhanistan’s position as a buffer State between British India and the Soviet Union, the independence of Afghanistan is a thorn in the flesh of the English war-mongers. The counter- revolutionary insurrection in Afghanistan incited by England is, therefore, a constituent part of the accelerated war »reparations of England against and of her attempts to en- sircle the Soviet Union. The policy of Amanullah, who is fighting at home against the reactionary feudal forces and in foreign policy is preserving the independence of the country and maintaining friendly relations with the Soviet Union and the neighboring States of the Middle East, does not fit in with these plans of England. The recently completed system of treaties of mutual neutrality, friendship and non-aggression between the Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Persia and Turkey was a severe blow to the English war plans. The attempt, on the occasion of Amanullah’s visit to London, to draw him into the British 3ystem failed. On the contrary, there followed after this visit the extension in every direction of the above-mentioned system of treaties. The common interests of the four States, all of whom have to preserve their independence against im- rerialist attacks, found diplomatic expression when the Soviet union, Persia, Afghanistan and Turkey opposed the English ‘interpretation” of the Kellogg Pact in the same sense, and _ fave expression to this view in notes. Already during the European journey of King Amanullah sumors were spread by the English regarding a counter-revo- utionary revolt against him. The Afghan Minister for | Economy, Abhul Hadi Khan, who was in Moscow at the be- ginning of August, expressed fears regarding military and _ political machinations of England on the southern frontier of Afghanistan. These fears have proved to be thoroughly well-founded. England is doing everything in order to pull down the Afghan pillars of the Central Asiatic edifice of peace, to break down the barrier of independent Afghanistan on Southern frontier of the Soviet Union. revolution, independent Afghanistan is historically g at present an objectively progressive, in fact, a revo- role. We can say this, even if we have sufficient experience in order to know what vacillations and ions to compromise with imperialism such progressive chist or bourgeois republican governments of the Orient of Kemal Pasha in Turkey, of Reza Khan Pehlevis in , and of Amanullah in Afghanistan are subject. The of the working class towards the counter-revolution hanistan stirred up by the imperialist forces can only ent Afghanistan! Down with the ‘the A DAILY WORKER, WALL STREET GETS THE RANGE lorker | , NEW YORK, WEDN: eee nt a SDAY, JANUAK . ‘ ‘By Fred Ellis By HERBERT ZAM. | | (Executive Secretary, Young Work- ers Communist League of America) "THE problem of strengthening the organiz the Communist youth, the Young|% & Workers (Communist) League, as| x the leader of the young workers in|. ~system and as the recru for the Communist Party, is a prob- lem not only for the League, but '* * for the Party as well. that the best elements representative lof the American working cla: will jcome, Already today, there fair group of Party functionaries \who received their training in the League, and this group will grow larger. The League can supply to m the struggle against the capitalist/an inte: is a w. Best Lak the Party many elements of the year working class whom the reaches but little at pr Party pai young, American wor r larly in the basic industy’ vho are just beginning to orientate them- selves toward the class struggle in a conscious manner. To the degree 4 that the Party understands h guide the League in it assist the League in its utilize the League as an ir factor in the lution: —to that degree will an organization be strengt the accession of the new gen: jof workers. Relations to Party Poor. At the very beginning it must be jstated that the Party as a whole, |has paid insufficient attention to ‘work among the youth generally and to the League particularly. W. tween the League and the Party are! satisfactory, altho they are improv ing. Nor can we be content with th assistance that the Party has been)! rendering to the League. The aid that the Party and the various sym-! pathetic organizations around it can) give the League is tremendous, and} the possibilities must not be thrown away. { It must be stated that there are ‘comrades in the Party who believe} that this is not the time for building ‘up a Communist youth movement. /They believe that only after the Party has grown to a hundred thou-} \sand members will it be possible to \really apply ourselves to the task of building a mass Communist youth organization. That these comrades ‘are absolutely wrong can be seen from even a cursory analysis of the development of the League organiza- Ition in the course of the last year. 'This development is only an indica- ition of the possibilities that exist, ‘and of the progress we can make ‘with the proper policies and activi- ities. z | I intend here to discuss only the organizational aspect of the League’s work in the past year and to draw some conclusions from that discus- sion, Organizational Growth. The main characteristic of the de- velopment of the League organiza-|' tion in the past year has been the growth of membership. If we com- pare this growth with the previous period of relative stagnation, inso- far as membership is concernéd, we can almost characterize it as a re- markable growth. In October, 1927, jwhen the last convention of the League took place, the total member- ship was 1,950. In December, 1928 the total memb hip had grown to n cannot say that the relations be jhe § sand, 2ched this low point, to the pres: jent, the growth has been more or less steady, interrupted by. periods of decline during internal difficul- ties. How do we account for the in-jactivity in the basic industries and be remedied, or it will in turn be- se in membership since the last convention? It is based on the orien- tation of the League to mass work, | 5 1,900 and in October, dy indicated. 30 members, w! the ti Communist Youth Advances Elements Will Come From Its Ranks; Increase In Proletarian Elements building and 3,479. This is an increase, in round {to the struggles of the young work- per cent in a period one year. that during y inereased in y. and that on efore the last con- a comparison In June, 19: Therefore, a pe- y prior to the last n in e of only y le a period of one ter the convention shows an members. That this for 19: it while the ugust, ‘a good- 1ip of a little over evious Period. ber that tion in mportant e of rer orga ut the same number 0. The internal e in the League at the end and the disastrous reorgani- zation at the beginning of 1926; car- ried out in the most mechanical man- aceivable, reduced the mem- ip to a little more than a thou- From March, 1926, when it Mass Work Cause. : workers from the respective indus- League into mass struggles will the} social composition be improved. In some respects progress has al- ready been made. Between June and December 1928, the number of min- | ers in the basis industries. The|°'S in the League increased from |League has begun to travel the road |138 to 193; of, textile workers from to mass. organization. In the eerie’ to 125; of steel workers from 43! in question, the League participated |{. 55 and of metal and auto workers | actively in every important strike— f 28 to 44 | the mining strike; the textile strike |'T0™ #6 to 44 in New Bedford, Fall River and Pat-| There has also been an improve- erson; the Colorado mining strike. | ment in this period in respect to the size of the factories in which our! members work. In June, 1928 of the} industrial workers the size of whose factory was* known, 822 or 41% worked in large factories (over 500 The League has actively partici- pated in the formation of new unions and has worked to draw the young tries into these unions. The League BILL Copyright, 1929, by International Publishers Co., Inc. HAYWOOD’S BOOK By Horse Across the Sage Desert to Silver City; Rustling a Job; Bunk-House Life; Bill Pooley’s Prayer All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. In previous chapters Haywood has written of his birth and boy- hood among the Mormons at Salt Lake City; of life in mining camps and cattle ranches; how he went to work in a mine at 9 years of age; odd jobs as a young worker; years in Nevada; struggles to sup- port wife and baby; his first conversion to unionism; how he lost a homestead; jobless; with Coxey’s army; faro-dealer and farmer; unable to find work in Nevada, he leaves for Silver City, Idaho. Now go on reading.—EDITOR, * * 8 By WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD. PART XVI. (ee road to Silver City was through a country that was rugged, bleak, and gray. No habitations except the occasional stations, most of them deserted, and a farm here and there. Not a tree to be seen in the entire distance, nothing but crooked, gnarled sagebrush, grease- wood and stretches of browse. At least this was true until one came to the river; there the country was broken up into foot-hills with high mountains behind them. Approaching the first summit, my thoughts went back to a story told me by Bill Coulter years before, about being chased down this road by Indians when he was driving a stage. I could imagine the flying stage-coach and Bill throwing the buckskin into his team, with a band of Indians behind whooping and yelling but never getting close enough to the galloping horses to shoot an arrow at the driver. Before I got to Jack Baudoin’s I was hungry and thirsty. I had a few dollars in my pocket, but I thought, Hell, what good is money, anyway? Here at least was one place where a car-load of twenty-dollar gold pieces would not buy a square meal. Why should money buy a meal, I wondered; money did not seem to me an equivalent of value, an equivalent of labor, or an equivalent of anything else. This was something that I would have to look into. At Jordan Valley I turned my horse in to pasture, hung my saddle and bridle up in the livery stable, and took stage for Silver City. When we got there, I went into a Chinese restaurant, and afterward knocked around the town for an hour or so. I was looking for a place to sleep that night. A man said to me: “T’ve got a bed in the old Potosi shaft house. You can roll in with me until your blankets come, but you’d better come up and look at the place so if you happen to come in late you won’t stumble and fall’ down the shaft in the dark.” I WENT up to the shaft house with him. There were several rolls of blankets scattered about a deep open shaft into the old mine, without any cover or railing around it. I used this place as a lodging house for some days after my blankets arrived. I did not go to the races, but asked the men to get my saddle and horse in Jordan Valley on their way home, and take them back to the ranch. The first morning I was up early and went to the Blaine mine, rustling a job. I did this for several mornings and sometimes at the noon hours as well, but without success. Hutchinson was the name of the manager}; he had been in Nevada years before. I spent all the money I had and went to old Hutch again and told him that I’d have to have some kind of a job. “What can you do?” he asked me. I told him I could do most any- thing around a mine. “Can you run car?” “T’m a miner, but I can run car.” “All right. Come on in the morning.” work 59 or 7% worked in med-| ium factories (200-500 workers) and |51% worked in small factories | (under 200 workers). In December, | there was an improvement—494 or worked in large factories, 204 or 18% in medium, and 457 or only 39% in small factories. Thus we see a shift to the large and medium factories and away from the small |factory.- This of course is largely |due to the increase in the number | of members working in the heavy industries indicated above. has turned its face to real anti-war end Bolshevik anti-militarist activi- \ties. Work in the factories has in- creased, as has work in the trade |Unions, in spite of many serious shortcomings and even neglect in this field. It is on this basis that the League membership has increas- ed and on no other, Social Composition Improves. It is also important to note some improvement in the social composi- tion of the League. Up to February, 1928, the League suffered from a} Growth Where No League Before. pro of de-proletarianization. The i : proportion of industrial workers was . Another important feature of the | only 43 per cent, as against 37 per ! > in membership that we must udents. Energetic meas- ‘ial towns, thru g up of a League where none existed previously. Thus, League units have been established | for the first time in the middle west, in the south, in textile cities and in mining camps and some steel towns. | S et es have put a stop to the de-proletarianization pro- cess, but the turn in the opposite di- rection is still very slight. Today, 44% of the membership is made up of industrial workers and 32% of (Students. Eight per cent are farm- ers and the balance non-industrial] At the same time, however, must. workers (clerical workers, domestic; he noted the fact that as a rule the. workers, etc.) League organizations in the big) cities have gained either very little| or not at all. In the most important It can therefore be seen that one cities—New York, Chicago, Boston, | of the main problems of the League | Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Detroit, | on this field is the improvement of |Cleveland—the League organization | the social composition, This can be |has grown insignificantly in com- iachieved only thru drawing in prole- | ?arison to the general growth of the, tarian elements from the heavy in- League. This is a negative aspect dustries and in no other way. Thru of the situation which will have to Increase Proletarian Elements. \thru conscious pushing forward of come a hindrance to the further de- the proletarian members of the velopment of the League. League—thru throwing the entire Districts Function. Thank You, Mr. Mussolini The growth of the League has been | accompanied by its organizational \consolidation. We have today func- toning district organizations in prac- tically every part of the country, where we had only city organiza- tions previously. These district or- ganizations react to events in their particular territory and are learning) to become the leaders of the young, workers in their struggles, as con- trasted to the situation in the past, where local organizations carried on only routine, administrative activi- ties, if at all. £ Task Is Mass Organization. While we can thus see that the League organization has made prog- ress, we can by no means rejoice or become satisfied with it. The League is gtill very tiny compared to the millions of toiling youth outside its ranks. The basic task—to build the League into a mass organization— still remains. We have but taken the first step in that direction. But the results achieved from this first step show us the possibilities that exist for taking many more strides ‘in that direction. These possibilities it will be the duty of the Party and of the League to utilize to the full- est degree, and only if they are 9 eeeiginamaidlmplint. That day I met Dave O’Neill downtown; I had known him in Tusca- rora. He handed me a five-dollar gold piece, saying: “Bill, you might need this.” I said to him, “I am broke, Dave, but I’m going to work in the morning.” “Well,” he said, “Keep it anyway. You can hand it to me pay-day.” * * * j Rabe at of this kind were a general custom among the miners, and it was seldom or never that they were not repaid. Within the last three years Herman Andrigg, with whom I worked in Silver City, where he was champion driller, repaid a loan I made to him more than a quarter of a century ago. I went to the old shaft house, rolled up my blankets and carried them to the Blaine mine bunk-house. The bunk next to the door was vacant. This just suited me. The bunk-house was a long rambling place with bunks built two high along the walls, accommodating, I suppose, about sixty men. The air was none too good at best, as the opening and shutting of the door was almost the only ventilation, In the bunk-house, while we sat around the stove or lolled in the bunks, all the old tales of the different mining camps would be related by men who had been on the scene of action, or who had heard the stories at first hand. Bill Pooley, a “Cousin Jack,” as we called the Cornishmen, of whom there were many in Silver City, was a good story teller. He once told us about a friend of his who had had smallpox. Bill said: “When he got well, ’e was so deep pitted that ’e ’ad to shave ’itself with a brace and bit.” Nothing pleased the Cousin Jack better than to get a lease where they could make wages or a little more. They called this “tributing.” A number of them had “tributed” on the Poor Man mine. Simon Harris, the superintendent of the mine, decided to stop this kind of work and to work all the men on wages. Eight or ten of the Cousin Jacks were sitting about a big round table in the Brewery Saloon. They were complaining and lamenting about the loss of their tributes, when one of the group said to another: “See ’ere, Tussy, can’t thee pray? Can’t thee pray for we tributes?” Tussy answered: “It’s been a long time since I made a prayer, but I'll try.” He began: “Dear Lord, dost thee know Simmon ’Arris, superintendent of the Poor Man mine? If thee know en, we wish for thee to take en and put en in ’Ell, and there let the bugger frizzle and fry, until ’e give us back we just tributes. And when ’e do, dear Lord, we ask thee to take en out of ’Ell again, and’ grease en up a bit and turn of en loose. Amen.” All were pleased with the prayer, and bought another gallon of beer in Tussy’s honor. Like all prayers, however, it was ineffective, Leasing was abolished and the Cousin Jacks lost their tributes, * * * In the next instalment Haywood tells what it is to “run car” in a hard rock mine; of the shift boss, Matt McLain, and the story he told of the Pinkerton detective McParland, whom Haywood was in later years to encounter in a circumstance in which Haywood’s life was in danger; tells how McParland spied on the Irish miners of Pennsylvania who were hung by his testimony as “Molly Maguires.” \ YOUTH BACKS C. Y. I. LETTER utilized will further progress mr By an overwhelming majority the membership meeting of the New York Young Workers (Communist) League, held Friday evening at the Workers Center, 26 Union Square, went on record in favor of the Na- tional Executive Committee state- ment endorsing the letter of the Communist Youth International. The position of the National Execu- tive Committee received 230 votes; the position of the Minority of the N. E, C., 79-—while there were 32 abstentions. This membership meeting was part of the extensive discussion or- ganized by the N. E, C. on the le [for thi ter of the C. Y, I. The vote at this meeting, which was the largest and best attended membership meeting ever heid by the New York organ- ization, came at the conclusion of a long discussion, participated in by many members. The reporter for the N. E, C. was Nat Kaplan, while John Williamson spoke for the Min- ority. The membership meeting also took up the question of the “Young Worker,” and especially emphasized the tasks of the League in establish- ing it as a weekly. The entire mem- bership pledged its usmost support